Journal articles: 'Black anarchists'

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Zubarev, Ivan Yur'evich. "The disarmament of anarchists in the provinces of the Central Chernozem region in the spring of 1918 (based on the materials of the Orel and Voronezh provinces)." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 6 (June 2023): 135–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2023.6.69253.

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The article examines the confrontation of the armed anarchist detachments of the "Black Guard" with the Bolsheviks in the spring of 1918. The causes and features of the emergence of anarchist detachments, the position of anarchists in the political arena of the country in 1917 - early 1918 are illustrated. The author gives an assessment of some early Soviet studies on "anarchist uprisings" in the provinces of the Central Chernozem region. After the February and October revolutions of 1917, anarchism in Russia embarked on a new path of development, which was characterized by attempts to unite and create a single combat force to protect the "revolutionary gains" from the interventionists and White Guard forces. The object of the study is the history of the anarchist movement in the Central Chernozem region during the establishment of Soviet power. The subject of the study is the armed actions of anarchists against the authorities in Orel and Voronezh in March-April 1918. The methodological basis is the consideration of historical phenomena and their interrelations in the context of the studied time (the principle of historicism). A comparative historical method was used to establish the similarities and distinctive features of the armed actions of anarchists in Orel and Voronezh. The article attempts to comprehensively study the history of the anarchist movement in the Central Black Earth region. The author analyzes only a small fragment of this topic. The spring of 1918 was a period of the defeat of anarchist detachments and organizations throughout Russia, these processes took place on the territory of the Central Chernozem region. Based on the works of his predecessors and memoir sources, the features of the defeat of the anarchist detachments in Orel and Voronezh are analyzed. During the analysis, it was possible to demonstrate that the anarchists were only part of the rebel forces, consisting of detachments arriving from the Ukrainian front, dissatisfied with the supply. Some Soviet authors often saw in these speeches a "Socialist-Revolutionary" conspiracy" or assigned the anarchists a leading role, making them the main instigators of uprisings. Which, according to the author, is an erroneous position.

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Савченко, В. А. "The case of "Sophia" and the question of anarchist expropriation." Problems of Political History of Ukraine, no. 14 (June 12, 2019): 96–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.33287/1199.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the events that took place in July 1907 - the anarchists expropriated a large amount of money from the boat «Sofia» in the Black Sea. Considering this event, the author discusses the essence and role of political expropriations during the revolution of the early twentieth century, the peculiarities of the tactics of anarchist groups in Ukraine, the fate of some anarchists and their associations. For the South of Ukraine in 1906-1908 political expropriations were common. The article examinates the robbery of a steamer and a train near Odessa, a bank robbery in Odessa, a robbery of a cash register in Verkhnedneprovsk, carried by anarchists. Such actions were conducted not only by anarchists, but also by Bolsheviks, social revolutionaries and other radicals. The expropriations that were carried out by the Odessa anarchists in July-September 1907 became the last chord of the anarchist practice of «direct actions» that allowed, for some time, to restrain the political horizons of the federation of anarchist-syndicalists and communist anarchists also known as the «Working Group Anarchists in the South» (1907–1910). The theme of the discussion is a question about anarchist expropriation, which some researchers consider only as «criminal gangsterism». The article states that the money that was captured by anarchists, initially, went to purely political actions: the preparation of strikes, the printing of propaganda publications, organizational expenses and the purchase of weapons. After the expropriation on the steamer «Sofia», the anarchists sent part of the money to organize a strike of Odessa sailors and port workers, to organize acts of terror against representatives of the executive and judicial authorities. In the second half of 1907, the anarchist groups showed a tendency for self-provision of revolutionaries – spending money that was captured during the expropriation for personal needs, which led to the disappearance of money, weakening of the activities of anarchist structures, the collapse of anarchist groups. «Money depravity» has become one of the causes of the crisis in the anarchist movement and to the disintegration of individual groups. After a series of high-profile expropriations, the police sent all their forces to search for «malefactors». Many anarchists were arrested, including 14 out of 18 participants in the robbery at Sophia, several people were executed. Chasing of the police led to mass arrests and to the emigration of part of anarchists abroad.

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장승순. "The Organization Process and Members’ Character of the Anarchists’‘Black Flag Union’(黑旗聯盟) (1925)." JOURNAL OF KOREAN INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT STUDIES ll, no. 46 (December 2013): 127–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15799/kimos.2013..46.004.

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Beswick, Spencer. "From the Ashes of the Old: Anarchism Reborn in a Counterrevolutionary Age (1970s-1990s)." Anarchist Studies 30, no. 2 (September 16, 2022): 31–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/as.30.2.02.

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After almost a century of Marxist predominance, how did anarchism develop from a marginal phenomenon into a force at the centre of the anti-globalisation movement? This article explores how anarchism was reborn in a counterrevolutionary age. Part one investigates how the New Right's post-1960s counterrevolution defeated the New Left and remade US society, including by recuperating potentially liberatory elements of social movements. Part two examines how a new generation of radicals critiqued the failures of MarxismLeninism and popularised the anarchist analysis and principles that provided the foundation for the anti-globalisation movement. The article discusses five examples of the development of anarchist theory and practice: Black/New Afrikan Anarchism, anarcha-feminism, eco-anarchism, punk anarchism, and revolutionary social anarchism. Ultimately, the article argues that anarchism was revitalised in the late twentieth century because it provided compelling answers to the new problems posed by the neoliberal counterrevolution and the crisis of state socialism.

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Schulze, Frederick. "Flirting with anarchism." Focaal 2013, no. 66 (June 1, 2013): 133–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2013.660111.

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Graeber, David. 2004. Fragments of an anarchist anthropology. Chicago: Prickly Paradigm Press. 105 pages.Schmidt, Michael, and Lucien van der Walt. 2009. Black flame: The revolutionary class politics of anarchism and syndicalism. Vol. 1, Counter-Power. London: AK Press. 395 pages.Scott, James. 2012. Two cheers for anarchism: Six easy pieces on autonomy, dignity, and meaningful work and play. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. 198 pages.

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Cohn, Jesse. "“Vile Matter”." Extrapolation 64, no. 3 (December 19, 2023): 307–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/extr.2023.19.

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Rivers Solomon’s Sorrowland (2021) can be read as a Gothic novel about Black trauma, and while this is certainly true, such an assessment overlooks its anarchist dimension and emancipatory potential. As articulated by Solomon, Black anarchism overcomes the limitations of white, European anarchism from within by contesting its attachment to the dualisms of modernity: as in New Materialist philosophies, the boundaries between human and nonhuman, and living and dead matter, are blurred. Through its queer Black protagonist, Vern, and her alliance with her Indigenous lover, Gogo, Sorrowland attacks the modernist drive to classify everything into strict dichotomies—a process which inevitably also seeks racial and sexual “purity.”

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betts, edxi, NZ Suékama, g, and Ren-yo Hwang. "Black Transfeminist Anarchism." TSQ 11, no. 1 (February 1, 2024): 34–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/23289252-11131676.

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Abstract This roundtable is a place-based conversation on Black anarchism, transfeminism, and transmisogynoir with edxi betts, NZ Suékama, and g, three Black trans femme activists, organizers, and independent scholars. Moving deftly between topics like Marxism, Afro-pessimism, and abolition, this roundtable outlines problems of co-optation within radical-movement work and critiques Eurocentric modes of knowledge production. Through organic relations built within organizing spaces, special issue editor Ren-yo Hwang reached out to edxi betts to be part of this featured roundtable, and edxi, in turn, contacted NZ Suékama, who connected us with her frequent interlocutor, g. Edxi first encountered NZ's intellectual writings online, in 2020, offering that “it was refreshing and affirming seeing another Black trans femme go through such similar issues of having to navigate liberal, statist, respectable, and even white anarchist politics.” Likewise, NZ recounts first meeting “both g and edxi on social media, connecting individually around theories of transmisogynoir as well as critiques of abuse in leftist organizations.” NZ and g describe themselves as “theoretical co-conspirators, both publishing our ideas with Red Voice,” an online publication. NZ, edxi, and g had an opportunity to review and edit their contributions, and this issue's guest editors sought to honor the flow of their conversation as much as possible by retaining its conversational syntax, which purposefully rejects traditional academic forms.

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Legrand, Tim, and Simon Bronitt. "Policing the G20 protests: ‘Too much order with too little law’ revisited." Queensland Review 22, no. 1 (May 7, 2015): 3–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/qre.2015.2.

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In the months leading up to November's G20 summit in 2014, Brisbane's residents would have been forgiven for anticipating the outbreak of a local civil war. Media outlets were leading with headlines stating, among other sensational claims, that ‘G20 anarchists vow chaos and mayhem for Brisbane's streets’, ‘Black Bloc tactics aim for Brisbane G20 shock and awe’ and ‘Destructive protest plan for G20’. Meanwhile, some of the most severe restrictions on civil liberties seen in Australia in recent years were legislated by the Queensland parliament. The G20 Safety and Security Act 2013 (Qld) (the G20 Act) was passed with little demur by a chamber that was only divided over the question of whether the laws were severe enough, with Queensland opposition police spokesman Bill Byrne MP declaring himself ‘surprised’ at the leniency of some of the sentencing provisions and the ‘minimalist’ approach to restricted areas. Of course, in the event the much-anticipated violence did not occur, and the media's pre-summit hyperbole was exposed as just that. Rather more prosaically — and accurately — the post-event headlines dutifully reported ‘Passionate, but mostly peaceful protests’ and ‘G20 protest day wraps up peacefully’. Given that previous G20 summits in London and Toronto saw outbreaks of considerable disorder, we might succumb to the temptation of declaring the peaceful protests in Brisbane to be a vindication of the heavy powers granted by the Queensland parliament. But we believe that to do so would be egregious. Here we reflect on the historical and political motivations underpinning the G20 Act, and draw attention to the rather more measured policing strategy employed by the Queensland Police Service (QPS). We argue that the safety and security of G20 participants and protesters owed little to the restrictive powers granted by the G20 Act, but resulted from a policing strategy that successfully married traditional and modern precepts of policing large events.

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Quinn, Adam. "“Aboveground, Underground, and Locked Down”." Radical History Review 2021, no. 141 (October 1, 2021): 151–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-9170766.

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Abstract Incarcerated people in Washington have published a variety of periodicals, ranging from general prison news to radical newspapers that debated ideologies like communism, anarchism, and Black nationalism. This article examines radical periodicals published in and concerning prisons to better understand struggles over the prisoners’ press in Washington. First, it contextualizes this history with a discussion of militant prisoner support movements in the 1970s. These movements included the Sunfighter, an underground newspaper; and the George Jackson Brigade, a guerrilla group, whose members were involved with both the Sunfighter and subsequent prison newspapers. This article then analyzes the politics, inside-outside relationships, and censorship of two radical prisoner quarterlies: the Marxist-Leninist Red Dragon and the Anarchist Black Dragon. Influenced by their prison environment, these newspapers provided space for networks and writings that sought to address interconnected problems such as mass incarceration, sexual violence, and racism. Ultimately, these newspapers demonstrate how prisoners’ politics are worthy of closer consideration by historians, as their ideas and actions shaped news, public discourse, and movements on both sides of the prison walls.

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Werner, Paul. "Post-production anarchism." ARJ – Art Research Journal / Revista de Pesquisa em Artes 2, no. 2 (September 25, 2015): 27–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.36025/arj.v2i2.7299.

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Come! Unity Press was an anarchist community in New York City in the mid nineteen-seventies that based its operations on the ideas of Murray Bookchin, the organizer best known for his theory of “Post-Scarcity Anarchism.” Come! Unity Press offered free access for the publishing of literature and visual propaganda of all sorts; it attracted a wide range of the underserved and unacknowledged: Native Americans, Puerto-Ricans, blacks, gays. Despite this, and like other cultural movements before it, the project initiated “the metamorphosis of political struggle from a compulsory decision into an object of pleasure, from a means of production into an article of consumption” [Walter Benjamin]. Come! Unity Press was a forerunner of the consumer-oriented cultures of today. This article suggests parallels with the ideology of Cubism and the cultural program of the Bavarian People’s Republic of 1919.

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Morozova, Olga M. "At the Head of the Black Banner Army: Marusya Nikiforova in 1917–18." Herald of an archivist, no. 1 (2022): 164–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2022-1-164-185.

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The article presents the author’s search for and systematization of miscellaneous materials on campaign record of the Marusya Nikiforova’ unit on the territories of the Kherson and Yekateroslav gubernias and the Province of the Don Cossack Host. The name of Maria Grigorievna Nikiforova is inextricably linked with the history of Russian anarchism; her activities still serve as an illustration of the events of the Civil War in Russia. The article uses information from memoirs of the participants in revolutionary events written in the 1920s. It establishes main points in detachment’s movement through the cities and towns of the South of Russia from autumn 1917 to summer 1918. The collected materials show that the detachment size ranged from 100 to 500 people, fluctuating under the influence of military circumstances. The popularity of M. Nikiforova was served by her own actions aiming to make her name known. The anarchist deliberately brought about a bloody phase of social conflict, establishing the practice of requisitions and “unmotivated” executions. In September–October 1917, she contributed to radicalization of another anarchist, N. I. Makhno. Her detachment was formed in November 1917 in Aleksandrovsk, Yekaterinoslav gubernia. In December 1917, it took part in battles with the Haidamaks. In February 1918, during the demobilization of the old army, Marusya’s detachment moved to strengthen the front. In Yelisavetgrad, Kherson gubernia, Nikiforova proceeded with requisitions, provoking street battles with the city's Red Guard and self-defense units. Her allies were reserve detachment of the army of the Ukrainian People's Republic of Soviets under the command of A. M. Belenkevich and the Red Guard detachment of Yekaterinoslav workers. She retreated under the Austro-German troops’ pressure together with the Bolshevik—Left SRs—anarchist detachments following the railway line of Yelisavetgrad—Krivoy Rog (Dolgintsevo)—Melitopol—Taganrog—Novocherkassk. Clashes with enemy units were unfortunate for Nikiforova. Her detachment was losing numbers and military equipment. Combat successes were insignificant. Marusya’s detachment arrived at Tsaritsyn, bleeding and exhausted. It did not participate in the robbery of the “golden” echelon of the Don Council of People's Commissars. Unlike commanders of other detachments, who retreated from the territory of Ukraine, Maria Nikiforova did not fight as part of the Red Army. Nikiforova’s name became an element of mass consciousness in the days of the revolution. The legendary veil encourages exaggeration of her role in the military events. She had a direct, albeit short-term, impact on expanding of the boundaries of the “permissible” in an internal armed conflict in Russia.

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Hart, M. A. "Los Angeles Anarchist Black Cross Federation." Journal of Prisoners on Prisons 22, no. 2 (December 1, 2013): 153–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.18192/jpp.v22i2.5086.

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Tenorio, Sam C. "White Carceral Geographies." South Atlantic Quarterly 121, no. 3 (July 1, 2022): 515–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-9825962.

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This article examines the spatially destructive practices of the 2020 BLM protest, which can be thought of in two often overlapping classes: broad property destruction—such as the looting of stores and burning of buildings—and the targeted toppling of monuments. Specifically, this article draws on the tools of black political thought, anarchist theory, as well as geography and carceral studies to argue that these practices offer a black anarchist critique of the governance of white carceral geographies, often hidden in Western cover stories of development and security formulated under (neo)liberal democracy. In clarifying the conceptual landscape of this relationship, this article also uses January 6 to lay plain the symbiotic bond of white nationalism to the United States’ white identity and detail how this white riot encapsulates an injunction antithetical to the critical charge autochthonous of the radically destructive practices of black politics.

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Kachun, Mitch. "“Big Jim” Parker and the Assassination of William McKinley: Patriotism, Nativism, Anarchism, and the Struggle for African American Citizenship." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 9, no. 1 (January 2010): 93–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400003790.

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On September 6, 1901, at the Buffalo Pan-American Exposition, Leon Czolgosz, the son of immigrants and an avowed anarchist, shot President William McKinley. As McKinley clung to life for several days before succumbing, praise was heaped upon James B. “Big Jim” Parker, an African American Exposition employee who was credited with saving McKinley's life by subduing and disarming Czolgosz. By the time of Czolgosz's execution, government officials and the mainstream press were characterizing Parker as a glory-seeker who had played no role in capturing Czolgosz. African American spokespersons vigorously defended Parker, contrasting the brave, patriotic black hero with the treacherous foreign radical whose murderous act struck symbolically at the heart of the nation. These black commentators constructed a framework for understanding the assassination as a cultural critique of an American society that was paying the price for its acquiescence to extralegal violence against blacks. At the same time, black spokespersons used the assassination to create a narrative in support of African Americans’ claims to American citizenship and national belonging.

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Williams, Dana M. "Black Panther Radical Factionalization and the Development of Black Anarchism." Journal of Black Studies 46, no. 7 (July 8, 2015): 678–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934715593053.

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Ziegler, Nora. "Power Relations in Grassroots Organising: An Anarchist Dialectics." Anarchist Studies 30, no. 2 (September 16, 2022): 55–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/as.30.2.03.

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This paper conceptualises power as a radical open-ended dialectic of political and anti-political moments. Drawing on anarchist, intersectional feminist, Black radical, critical, and Christian personalist theory, I explore an anarchist dialectics that accounts for both the dichotomy and the mutually constitutive relationship between politics and anti-politics, sustaining creative tensions between the two. Based on this framework, I argue that tensions between different traditions, groups and tactics in grassroots movements are rooted in differences of power. These tensions can only be reconciled through reciprocal collaboration between groups and people across differences of power. I explore coalitions and diversity of tactics as ways of organising that can reconcile and radically transform power relations.

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Pittman, John P. "Introduction: Red on Black Marxist Encounters with Anarchism." Science & Society 79, no. 2 (April 2015): 148–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/siso.2015.79.2.148.

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Springer, Simon. "The limits to Marx." Dialogues in Human Geography 7, no. 3 (November 2017): 280–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2043820617732918.

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Responding to David Harvey’s critique of my article, ‘Why a Radical Geography Must Be Anarchist’, I reiterate the importance of anarchist perspectives in contemporary politics and geographical praxis. In challenging Harvey on the limits to Marx, I urge him to think again about the hidden vanguardism, implied statism, and veiled hierarchy that continue to lurk within the Marxist project, and importantly how these specters constrain both our collective political imagination and the possibilities of radical geography. I am admittedly very critical of Harvey, but I nonetheless refuse to close the door on dialogue between the Black and Red, even in the face of ongoing Marxist ridicule of anarchist politics. Accordingly, I propose an agonistic embrace of a ‘postfraternal’ or ‘postsororal’ politics on the left, where we come to appreciate ongoing conflict as a sign of a healthy leftist milieu. In doing so, we can move beyond the misguided idea that all disagreements over strategies, tactics, and organizing methods will ever be resolved. Ultimately, what I have dubbed ‘the condition of postfraternity’ keeps us alert to the continually unfolding possibilities of a thoroughly politicized and forever protean space. By embracing this shifting horizon, not as a static limit to our politics but as a beautiful enabler of visionary possibilities, the rhizomes of emancipation grow stronger.

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Beleza, Fernando. "Mário Domingues, Race, and the Black Modernist Novel in Portugal ( O preto do Charleston [1929])." Portuguese Studies 40, no. 1 (2024): 30–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/port.00004.

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Abstract: This article explores the novel O preto do Charleston (1929), by the Black Portuguese writer, journalist, anarchist, and anti-racist/anti-colonial activist Mário Domingues (1899–1977), considered against the backdrop of the racial regimes of Portuguese modernism and the transnational currents of the Black Atlantic. It argues that Domingues's political thought and the cultural influences of the Black Atlantic, along with his place as a Black intellectual and artist in early twentieth-century Lisbon, shaped his literary production, whilst the exploration of modernist literary themes and aesthetics in his novel offered the Príncipe-born writer new and original ways of addressing his anti-racist, anti-colonial, and anarchist ideas. More precisely, I propose that, in O preto do Charleston , Domingues challenged Fernando Pessoa's (1888–1935) narrative of aesthetic and national renewal with a Black modernist critique of modernity and its racial hierarchies, claiming a place for his literary production in the context of both Portuguese modernism and the modernisms of the Black Atlantic. Resumo: Este artigo explora a novela O preto do Charleston (1929), do escritor, jornalista, anarquista e activista antirracista/anticolonial português Mário Domingues (1899–1977), considerada no contexto dos regimes raciais do modernismo português e das correntes transnacionais do Atlântico Negro. Argumento que o pensamento político de Domingues e as influências culturais do Atlântico Negro, juntamente com o seu lugar enquanto intelectual e artista negro no início do século XX lisboeta, moldaram a sua produção literária, enquanto o recurso a temas literários e opções estéticas modernistas ofereceram ao escritor nascido na Ilha do Príncipe formas novas e originais de tratamento das suas ideias antirracistas, anticoloniais e anarquistas. Mais precisamente, proponho que, em O preto do Charleston , Domingues desafiou a narrativa de renovação estética e nacional de Fernando Pessoa (1888–1935) através de uma crítica modernista Negra da modernidade e das suas hierarquias raciais, afirmando um lugar para a sua produção literária simultaneamente no contexto do modernismo português e dos modernismos do Atlântico Negro.

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Zukas, Alex. "Black flame: the revolutionary class politics of anarchism and syndicalism." Labor History 54, no. 1 (February 2013): 113–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0023656x.2012.759794.

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Jackson, P. "Red, Black, and Objective: Science, Sociology, and Anarchism by Sal Restivo." Science and Public Policy 39, no. 6 (July 19, 2012): 839–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/scipol/scs058.

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Potiker, Spencer Louis. "Black flags and social movements: a sociological analysis of movement anarchism." Social Movement Studies 19, no. 1 (October 21, 2019): 112–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2019.1681958.

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Byrne, Sian, and Lucien Van Der Walt. "Worlds of Western Anarchism and Syndicalism: Class Struggle, Transnationalism, Violence and Anti-imperialism, 1870s–1940sThe French Anarchists in London, 1880–1914: Exile and Transnationalism in the First Globalisation, by Constance Bantman. Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2013. 256 pp. $99.95 US (cloth).The Knights Errant of Anarchy: London and the Italian Anarchist Diaspora (1880–1917), by Pietro Di Paola. Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2013. 256 pp. $99.95 US (cloth).The Haymarket Conspiracy: Transatlantic Anarchist Networks, by Timothy Messer-Kruse. Urbana, Chicago, Springfield, University of Illinois Press, 2012. ix, 236 pp. $30.00 US (paper), $85.00 US (cloth).Black Flag Boricuas: Anarchism, Authoritarianism and the Left in Puerto Rico, 1897–1921, by K.R. Schaffer. Urbana, Chicago and Springfield, University of Illinois Press, 2013. 240 pp. $65.00 US (cloth)." Canadian Journal of History 50, no. 1 (April 2015): 98–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.50.1.98.

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Byrne, Sian, and Lucien Van Der Walt. "Worlds of Western Anarchism and Syndicalism: Class Struggle, Transnationalism, Violence and Anti-imperialism, 1870s–1940sThe French Anarchists in London, 1880–1914: Exile and Transnationalism in the First Globalisation, by Constance Bantman. Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2013. 256 pp. $99.95 US (cloth).The Knights Errant of Anarchy: London and the Italian Anarchist Diaspora (1880–1917), by Pietro Di Paola. Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2013. 256 pp. $99.95 US (cloth).The Haymarket Conspiracy: Transatlantic Anarchist Networks, by Timothy Messer-Kruse. Urbana, Chicago, Springfield, University of Illinois Press, 2012. ix, 236 pp. $30.00 US (paper), $85.00 US (cloth).Black Flag Boricuas: Anarchism, Authoritarianism and the Left in Puerto Rico, 1897–1921, by K.R. Schaffer. Urbana, Chicago and Springfield, University of Illinois Press, 2013. 240 pp. $65.00 US (cloth)." Canadian Journal of History 50, no. 1 (April 2015): 98–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.ach.50.1.006.

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Dupuis-Déri, Francis. "The Black Blocs Ten Years after Seattle: Anarchism, Direct Action, and Deliberative Practices." Journal for the Study of Radicalism 4, no. 2 (2010): 45–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsr.2010.0005.

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Dupuis-Déri, Francis. "The Black Blocs Ten Years after Seattle: Anarchism, Direct Action, and Deliberative Practices." Journal for the Study of Radicalism 4, no. 2 (July 1, 2010): 45–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41887658.

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Brooks, John. "Edgework and Excess: Jimi Hendrix, the Phenomenology of Fuzz, and the Rehearsal of Black Liberation." American Quarterly 76, no. 2 (June 2024): 189–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/aq.2024.a929163.

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Abstract: This essay shows how Jimi Hendrix’s experiments with fuzz anticipated notyet-audible sonic worlds and evinced Blackness in sound. Focusing on the American guitarist’s debut album, Are You Experienced (1967), I describe fuzz as an entryway into the politico-theatrical scene of Black sociality. My analysis pivots on two axes: edgework and excess. I argue that Hendrix’s pursuit of new sonic territory, as well as the mathematical-electrical engineering that brought such sounds into being, can be read as an aesthetic practice of edgework, but also that the resulting music—which early reviewers described as “hellish,” “freaky,” “unimaginable,” and “manic”—acts as a sign of fuzz’s unruly excess. Across my analysis, I am in conversation with Matthew Morrison’s theory of “Blacksound,” which shows how US popular music attempts to essentialize and delimit Black performativity. If Hendrix’s fuzz tone is audible as an enactment of fugitivity born from a tradition of radical Black aesthetics, I argue, then its unruly and anarchistic ethos refutes racial essentialism, insisting on agency, beauty, and life in the face of social death. Through this intervention, I develop a theory of “rehearsal” as a future-oriented Black performance sensibility that creates the conditions in which living otherwise becomes imaginable and achievable.

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Pellow, David N. "TOWARD A CRITICAL ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE STUDIES." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 13, no. 2 (2016): 221–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x1600014x.

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AbstractIn this paper I expand upon the recent use of the term “Critical Environmental Justice Studies.” This concept is meant to capture new developments in Environmental Justice (EJ) Studies that question assumptions and gaps in earlier work in the field. Because this direction in scholarship is still in its formative stages, I take this opportunity to offer some guidance on what Critical Environmental Justice (CEJ) Studies might look like and what it could mean for theorizing the relationship between race (along with multiple additional social categories) and the environment. I do so by (1) adopting a multi-disciplinary approach that draws on several bodies of literature, including critical race theory, political ecology, ecofeminist theory, and anarchist theory, and (2) focusing on the case of Black Lives Matter and the problem of state violence.

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Cleminson, Richard. "Anarchism and anticolonialism in Portugal (1919-1926): Mário Domingues, A Batalha and black internationalism." Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies 25, no. 3 (September 2, 2019): 441–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2019.1687199.

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Romanienko, Lisiunia. "Caravan collectives: Urban ecological exile in militant marginal spaces." SAJ - Serbian Architectural Journal 4, no. 1 (2012): 55–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/saj1201055r.

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The vehemence with which poverty persists in new EU states presents significant challenges for those interested in housing advocacy for the urban disadvantaged. post-Communist states like Poland have inherited an unenviable legacy of dilapidated Communist block housing presenting contemporary conditions that include concentrations of violent crime, an assault upon aesthetic sensibilities, and severe impediments for sustainable living. Other housing alternatives are the massive residential construction projects underway by foreign developers, resulting in false scarcity and spiraling costs. In response to these deleterious conditions, anarchist activists with a penchant for ecological living have advanced another alternative to the housing crisis through mobile architectural anarchy1. By recycling mobile architecture in the form of abandoned retro-fitted train wagons and traveling in small materially-unencumbered communities, these groups or caravans tend to informally settle or squat in peripheral, discarded environmental areas in cities to advance self-sufficient sustainable lifestyles known as urban homesteading2 . These migrant housing pioneers, known as the new hobos3 , have embraced their subaltern status, accepted their identity as stateless citizens in permanent exile and advanced nonhierarchical sustainable lifestyles. The analysis will provide a case study of participatory observation at Poland's eco anarchist caravan collective, describe barriers to collective action, and frame the phenomenon in light of the utility of marginal territorial squatting to inspire European housing policy to expand this egalitarian housing solution for cities in the future.

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Cohen, Michael. "“Cartooning Capitalism”: Radical Cartooning and the Making of American Popular Radicalism in the Early Twentieth Century." International Review of Social History 52, S15 (November 21, 2007): 35–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859007003112.

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During the first two decades of the twentieth century, a mass culture of popular radicalism – consisting of various socialist, industrial unionist, anarchist, Progressive, feminist, black radical and other movements – arose to challenge the legitimacy of corporate capitalism in the United States. This article considers the role of radical cartoonists in propagandizing for, and forging unity within, this culture of popular radicalism. By articulating a common set of anti-capitalist values and providing a recognizable series of icons and enemies, radical cartoonists worked to generate a class politics of laugher that was at once entertaining and didactic. Through a discussion of the works of Art Young for The Masses, Ryan Walker's cartoons for the socialist newspaper, Appeal to Reason, and the proletarian humor of Joe Hill and the IWW, this article argues that radical cartooning did not merely provide comic relief for the movements, but was an active force in framing socialist ideology and goals in a revolutionary age.

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Fischer, Anne Gray, Sara Matthiesen, and Marisol LeBrón. "Making Our Way Out." Radical History Review 2024, no. 148 (January 1, 2024): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10846766.

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Abstract The massive and multiscaled scope of state violence—religious and racist genocide, medical apartheid, colonial dispossession, global austerity, and capitalist resource extraction that accelerates our climate catastrophe—indexes the immense potential of state infrastructures. Global systems that can accumulate and wield such sprawling powers might instead be used to redistribute resources on that same scale. This issue of Radical History Review, organized around the theme “Feminists Confront State Violence,” asks about the capacity of the state to affirm life given its structural investments in violence, paying specific attention to how activists have theorized and devised strategies to win redress from extant institutions. Ultimately, contributing authors document how feminists have negotiated a fundamental contradiction: how, and why, does one make demands for the equitable distribution of care, safety, and life on a state that unequally distributes violence, immiseration, and death? Together, these essays provide an archival toolkit of Black, abolitionist, anarchist, anticolonial, and anticapitalist feminist strategies to radically remake worlds inside this one.

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Maier, Christian. "Psychoanalyse und Guerilla." Handeln im Kontext gesellschaftlicher Gewalt 28, no. 2 (December 2016): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.30820/0941-5378-2016-2-51.

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Es ist die Absicht dieser Arbeit, einen Überblick zum ethnopsychoanalytischen Werk Paul Parins zu geben. Ethnopsychoanalyse war für Parin die um die gesellschaftlich-kulturelle Dimension erweiterte Psychoanalyse. Diese damit Vollständigkeit anstrebende Psychoanalyse führte Parin auch zu neuen psychoanalytischen Erkenntnissen und Konzepten, beispielsweise zur Anerkennung der Kulturabhängigkeit des ödipalen Konflikts und zu der Beschreibung der Anpassungsmechanismen des Ich. Ethnopsychoanalyse ist letztlich eine Methode, »die den ›Blick des Fremden› auf Phänomene des eigenen Gesellschaftsgefüges, der eigenen culture richtet«, mit dem eigentlichen Ziel, das hochkomplexe, wechselseitige Zusammenwirken des sozialen Gefüges und den darin lebenden Individuen der eigenen Gesellschaft besser zu verstehen. Für Christa Wolf war Paul Parin ein »fröhlicher Anarchist«, weil alles, was er sagte und schrieb durchtränkt und gesättigt sei von der Utopie, daß alles, »womöglich die ganze Welt«, gerechter werden sollte.

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Daniel, Evan Matthew. "Black Flag Boricuas: Anarchism, Antiauthoritarianism, and the Left in Puerto Rico, 1897–1921 by Kirwin Shaffer." Labor 13, no. 3-4 (December 2016): 238–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-3596063.

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Delbecque, Éric. "Des Black aux Yellow Blocks ? Généalogie et prospective d’une technique de combat." Sécurité et stratégie 32, no. 4 (March 19, 2024): 34–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/sestr.032.0034.

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L’univers des black blocks vient de loin : il dispose de sa galerie de faits d’armes, liés aux grandes dates de l’altermondialisme. Au sommet de l’OMC, le 30 novembre 1999, à Seattle, ils apparurent à la face du monde pour la première fois, bien que leur histoire soit plus ancienne. On les retrouve bien sûr à Gênes en juillet 2001, au Sommet des Amériques à Québec la même année, dans les mobilisations contre le G8 à Évian en 2003, durant le sommet du G20 à Toronto en 2010, puis lors de la grève étudiante au Québec en 2012, pendant le mouvement populaire NO TAV de protestation contre le projet de construction de la ligne Lyon Turin dans la vallée de Suse, ou encore dans le mouvement protestataire brésilien de 2013. Ils étaient aussi présents à San Francisco dans le cadre d’une manifestation contre la guerre en Irak en 2003, contre le sommet du G8 en Écosse en 2005 et contre celui de 2007 à Heiligendamm (les affrontements eurent lieu à Rostock : des vitrines de banques furent fracassées, une voiture de police vandalisée et un bureau de Caterpillar incendié ; au total, on compta 400 policiers blessés). On les voit encore agir à l’automne 2008 à l’occasion du sommet de l’Union européenne sur l’immigration à Vichy, puis le 6 décembre en Grèce, après la mort d’un jeune anarchiste de quinze ans (Alexandros Grigoropoulos, tué par la police à Athènes). Intense activité en 2009 : ils perturbent les sommets de l’OTAN à Strasbourg (c’est leur véritable acte de naissance en France) et du G20 à Londres en avril, à Pittsburgh en septembre, puis la conférence de l’OMC à Genève en novembre. En 2010, à Vancouver, ils agissent au sein d’une manifestation contre les Jeux Olympiques dans le contexte d’une campagne intitulée « Pas de Jeux sur les terres volées aux autochtones ! » .

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Badillo, Jorell A. Meléndez. "Black Flag Boricuas: Anarchism, Antiauthoritarianism, and the Left in Puerto Rico, 1897-1921 by Kirwin R. Shaffer." Caribbean Studies 41, no. 2 (2013): 259–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/crb.2013.0040.

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Muliaee, Maryam. "Recycling Destroyed Cities: Ruined Archives in Copy Art." Frames Cinema Journal 19 (February 18, 2022): 226–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15664/fcj.v19i0.2387.

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This essay adopts a practice-based methodology to examine works that use copy machine as a tool of archiveology. Case studies are two of my animated films, collectively titled Recycled Series (2016-2017), and other examples of copy art, in which a series of (original and archival) images/films are degenerated with a black-and-white copy machine. I frame the degenerated images in these works as ruined images – anarchives that copy machines can produce for sensory experiences. I place these works in the context of archiveology (Russell 2018) to highlight two aspects in the ruined images: first, how the use of degeneration techniques in archiveology engenders urban imaginary; second, how archiveology as a mode of media art challenges the norms of authenticity and media specificity and unfolds the agency of recycling tools such as copiers. Using a copy machine to recycle film images, archiveology couples the practices of storytelling with the (re)discovery of the technologies of archives.

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Hall, Greg. "Black Flame: The Revolutionary Class Politics of Anarchism and Syndicalism - By Michael Schmidt and Lucien van der Walt." WorkingUSA 12, no. 3 (September 2009): 524–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1743-4580.2009.00253.x.

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Makus, Ingrid. "The Politics of Individualism: Liberalism, Liberal Feminism and AnarchismL. Susan Brown Montreal: Black Rose Books, 1993, pp. xiii, 198." Canadian Journal of Political Science 27, no. 3 (September 1994): 644–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900018199.

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Kigel, T. "Contrastive Analysis of English, Russian, and Hebrew Red Idioms." Язык и текст 8, no. 2 (2021): 103–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/langt.2021080210.

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The paper studied 130 colorative idioms with colorative red (RI) in three languages from electronic sources, with a focus on current vocabulary from the 20th and 21st centuries. RIs numerous meanings were investigated, then merged into trilingual associative chains, and finally into seven microsystems, using statistical, comparative, linguistic, and linguistic-cultural analysis methods within the framework of the linguocultural approach to RI: Blood color-activity-disease-medical care-shame-irritation - anger - aggression - crime - murder; Fire - attractiveness; Danger - prohibition – border- red-green; Revolution - anarchism-communism; Prestige- holiday; Sex; Red object's color. We also found trilingual extra-associative RIs, which have meanings not found in the associative chains. The study examined RI quantitatively, identifying trilingual equivalent and lacunar idioms, linked between RI and red in nature, noting the formation of new RI meanings and connotation changes in three languages through time. Polysemy, antinomy with different hues (green, black, white, and blue), international neologisms (computer technology, the stock market, the coronavirus pandemic), and the relevance of RI in modern languages and linguistic culture were the topics covered in this research.

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Lane, Kris. "The sweet trade revived." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 74, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2000): 91–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002571.

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[First paragraph]Women Pirates and the Politics of the Jolly Roger. ULRIKE KLAUSMANN, MARION MEINZERIN & GABRIEL KUHN. New York: Black Rose Books, 1997. x + 280 pp. (Paper US$ 23.99)Pirates! Brigands, Buccaneers, and Privateers in Fact, Fiction, and Legend. JAN ROGOZINSKI. New York: Da Capo Press, 1996. xvi + 398 pp. (Paper US$ 19.95)Sir Francis Drake: The Queens Pirate. HARRY KELSEY. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998, xviii + 566 pp. (Cloth US$ 35.00)A General History of the Robberies and Murders of the Most Notorious Pirates. CAPT. CHARLES JOHNSON (edited and with introduction by DAVID CORDINGLY). New York: Lyons Press. 1998 [Orig. 1724]. xiv + 370 pp. (Cloth US$ 29.95)The subject of piracy lends itself to giddy jokes about parrots and wooden legs, but also talk of politics, law, cultural relativism, and of course Hollywood. This selection of new books on piracy in the Caribbean and beyond touches on all these possibilities and more. They include a biography of the ever-controversial Elizabethan corsair, Francis Drake; an encyclopedia of piracy in history, literature, and film; a reissued classic eighteenth-century pirate prosopography; and an anarchist-feminist political tract inspired by history and legend. If nothing else, this pot-pourri of approaches to piracy should serve as a reminder that the field of pirate studies is not only alive and well, but gaining new ground.

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Vakulinskaya, Alexandra. "Ivan Il’in and Aleksei Borovoi: the Story of One Friendship." Otechestvennaya Filosofiya 2, no. 1 (March 2024): 54–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2949-3102-2024-54-76.

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The publication is devoted to the reconstruction of the relations that established between the philosopher, sociologist, anarchist A.A. Borovoi and the young philosopher I.A. Il’in. The ideological and political position held by A.A. Borovoi as a Private Associate Professor of the Faculty of Law of the Moscow Imperial University is reconstructed, as well as his attitude to other colleagues, in particular to P.I. Novgorodtsev, B.A. Kistyakovsky. The evolution of the views of the young Ilyin, who initially sympathized with radical political trends and the anarchist movement, and then switched to the positions of liberal conservatism, is demonstrated. Based on memoirs, letters stored in the archives of A.A. Borovoi in RSALA (Russian State Archive of Literature and Art), memoirs and letters of I.A. Il’in, as well as studies dedicated to Borovoi and Ilyin, the period of meetings of thinkers in Paris in 1911–1912 is reproduced in more detail. The details of the changes that occurred at the Faculty of Law of the Moscow Imperial University in connection with the “Casso Case”, which had a different impact on the fate of thinkers, are revealed. The relationship between Borovoi and Il’in with B.A. Kistyakovsky, who was also in Europe in 1911, is mentioned. An assumption is made about the reasons for the cessation of communication between I.A. Il’in and A.A. Borovoi during the World War I, which could be associated both with the ideological differences between the philosophers and the activities to which each of them devoted himself during these years. The meeting between Borovoi and Il’yin after the February revolution could have given rise to a resumption of communication, but the difference in assessment of the October revolution (imaginary or real) became a stumbling block. Based on the fragment mentioned by Borovoi from the book by G.I. Kish “Hitler and others” and the archive of I.A. Il’in there is reproduced an episode of the thinker’s speech at a meeting of the “Men’s Club” in March 1930. The article recreates the history of relations between I.A. Il’in and representatives of the conservative wing of German entrepreneurs and the failed cooperation with the centrist party represented by German Catholics.

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van der Walt, Lucien. "Alternatives from the Ground Up: Globalization School Input on Anarchism/Syndicalism and (Black) Working Class Self-Emancipation in Postapartheid South Africa." WorkingUSA 19, no. 2 (May 23, 2016): 251–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/wusa.12230.

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Zimmer, Kenyon. "Lazar Lipotkin. The Russian Anarchist Movement in North America. Transl. and Ed. by Malcolm Archibald. Black Cat Press, Edmonton 2019. xii, 292 pp. Ill. $24,95." International Review of Social History 65, no. 3 (November 19, 2020): 540–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859020000656.

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Fuller, Steve. "Sal Restivo. Red, Black, and Objective: Science, Sociology, and Anarchism. ix + 224 pp., illus., apps., bibl., index. Surrey: Ashgate, 2011. $89.95 (cloth)." Isis 104, no. 3 (September 2013): 660. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/674523.

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Fernández, Bieito Alonso. "Shaffer Kirwin R. Black Flag Boricuas. Anarchism, Antiauthoritarianism, and the Left in Puerto Rico, 1897–1921. University of Illinois Press, Urbana [etc.]2013. xvii, 220 pp. $65.00." International Review of Social History 58, no. 3 (November 21, 2013): 534–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859013000588.

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Kinna, Ruth. "Lucien Van der Walt and Schmidt Michael. Black Flame. The Revolutionary Class Politics of Anarchism and Syndicalism. [Counterpower, Vol. I.]AK Press, Edinburgh [etc.]2009. 395 pp. $22.95." International Review of Social History 55, no. 2 (August 2010): 329–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859010000362.

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Г. И., Хипхенов,. "WHITE CHEREMKHOVO (JULY 1918)." SCIENTIFIC REVIEW OF SAYANO-ALTAI, no. 4(36) (December 26, 2022): 86–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.52782/kril.2022.4.36.011.

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История Гражданской войны в России, за исключением отдельных эпизодов, исследована на ограниченном, выборочном (порой умышленно) объеме источников. В результате получается искаженное представление с огромными географическими, временными и персональными дырами - лакунами. Мы имеем не белые пятна в истории, а скорее весь наш объем познаний является лишь отдельными просветленными областями на темном полотне неизвестного и неизученного. Поэтому на современном этапе исследования особенно актуально изучение «вглубь» - детальная реконструкция событий и их участников. На Черемховских каменноугольных копях трудилось до 10 000 рабочих, в том числе значительная доля китайцев. С началом революции в 1917 г. Черемхово предсказуемо стал пролетарским центром, «сибирским Кронштадтом». Однако в истории Черемхово были не только рабочий класс, анархисты и красногвардейцы, но и офицеры, и белые добровольцы. Данная статья призвана предметно рассмотреть их военную роль и особенности начальной служебной деятельности. В конце мая 1918 г. на огромном протяжении от Пензы до Иркутска вдоль линии железной дороги произошло выступление Чехословацкого корпуса. В ходе последующих летних сражений по всей Сибири установилась власть Временного сибирского правительства. Причем Черемхово белые 4 июля 1918 г. заняли без сопротивления. обычно начальный период после смены любой власти остается малоизученным, поскольку документооборот либо еще не образовался, либо впоследствии не сохранился. Черемхово же повезло тем, что сохранились уникальные документы. The history of the Civil War in Russia, with the exception of individual episodes, has been studied on a limited, selective (sometimes intentionally) volume of sources. The result is a distorted representation with huge geographical, temporal and personal holes - lacunae. We do not have blank spots in history, but rather our entire body of knowledge is only separate enlightened areas on the dark canvas of the unknown and unexplored. Therefore, at the present stage of research, it is especially important to study "in depth" - the detailed reconstruction of events and their participants. Up to 10,000 workers, including a significant proportion of Chinese, worked at the Cheremkhovo Coal Mines. With the beginning of the Revolution in 1917, Cheremkhovo predictably became a proletarian center, so called "Siberian Kronstadt". However, in the history of Cheremkhovo there were not only the working class, anarchists and Red Guards, but also officers, and white volunteers. This article is intended to consider in detail their military role and the features of the initial official activity. At the end of May 1918, performance of the Czechoslovak Corps took place on a huge stretch from Penza to Irkutsk along the railway line. During the subsequent summer battles, the power of the Provisional Siberian Government was established throughout Siberia. Moreover, on July 4, 1918, the Whites occupied Cheremkhovo without resistance. Usually, the initial period after the change of any government remains poorly studied, since the document flow has either not yet been formed, or has not been preserved subsequently. Cheremkhovo was lucky that unique documents were preserved.

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KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 80, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2006): 253–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-90002497.

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Ileana Rodríguez; Transatlantic Topographies: Islands, Highlands, Jungles (Stuart McLean)Eliga H. Gould, Peter S. Onuf (eds.); Empire and Nation: The American Revolution in the Atlantic World (Peter A. Coclanis)Michael A. Gomez; Reversing Sail: A History of the African Diaspora (James H. Sweet)Brian L. Moore, Michele A. Johnson; Neither Led Nor Driven: Contesting British Cultural Imperialism in Jamaica, 1865-1920 (Gad Heuman)Erna Brodber; The Second Generation of Freemen in Jamaica, 1907-1944 (Michaeline A. Crichlow)Steeve O. Buckridge; The Language of Dress: Resistance and Accommodation in Jamaica, 1760- 1890 (Jean Besson)Deborah A. Thomas; Modern Blackness: Nationalism, Globalization, and the Politics of Culture in Jamaica (Charles V. Carnegie)Carolyn Cooper; Sound Clash: Jamaican Dancehall Culture at Large (John D. Galuska)Noel Leo Erskine; From Garvey to Marley: Rastafari Theology (Richard Salter)Hilary McD Beckles; Great House Rules: Landless Emancipation and Workers’ Protest in Barbados, 1838‑1938 (O. Nigel Bolland)Woodville K. Marshall (ed.); I Speak for the People: The Memoirs of Wynter Crawford (Douglas Midgett)Nathalie Dessens; Myths of the Plantation Society: Slavery in the American South and the West Indies (Lomarsh Roopnarine)Michelle M. Terrell; The Jewish Community of Early Colonial Nevis: A Historical Archaeological Study (Mark Kostro)Laurie A. Wilkie, Paul Farnsworth; Sampling Many Pots: An Archaeology of Memory and Tradition at a Bahamian Plantation (Grace Turner)David Beriss; Black Skins, French Voices: Caribbean ethnicity and Activism in Urban France (Nadine Lefaucheur)Karen E. Richman; Migration and Vodou (Natacha Giafferi)Jean Moomou; Le monde des marrons du Maroni en Guyane (1772-1860): La naissance d’un peuple: Les Boni (Kenneth Bilby)Jean Chapuis, Hervé Rivière; Wayana eitoponpë: (Une) histoire (orale) des Indiens Wayana (Dominique Tilkin Gallois)Jesús Fuentes Guerra, Armin Schwegler; Lengua y ritos del Palo Monte Mayombe: Dioses cubanos y sus fuentes africanas (W. van Wetering)Mary Ann Clark; Where Men Are Wives and Mothers Rule: Santería Ritual Practices and Their Gender Implications (Elizabeth Ann Pérez)Ignacio López-Calvo; “God and Trujillo”: Literary and Cultural Representations of the Dominican Dictator (Lauren Derby)Kirwin R. Shaffer; Anarchism and Countercultural Politics in Early Twentieth-Century Cuba (Jorge L. Giovannetti)Lillian Guerra; The Myth of José Martí: Conflicting Nationalisms in Early Twentieth-Century Cuba (Jorge L. Giovannetti)Israel Reyes; Humor and the Eccentric Text in Puerto Rican Literature (Nicole Roberts)Rodrigo Lazo; Writing to Cuba: Filibustering and Cuban Exiles in the United States (Nicole Roberts)Lowell Fiet; El teatro puertorriqueño reimaginado: Notas críticas sobre la creación dramática y el performance (Ramón H. Rivera-Servera)Curdella Forbes; From Nation to Diaspora: Samuel Selvon, George Lamming and the Cultural Performance of Gender (Sue Thomas)Marie-Agnès Sourieau, Kathleen M. Balutansky (eds.); Ecrire en pays assiégé: Haiti: Writing Under Siege (Marie-Hélène Laforest)In: New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids (NWIG), 80 (2006), no. 3 & 4

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KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 80, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2008): 253–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002497.

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Ileana Rodríguez; Transatlantic Topographies: Islands, Highlands, Jungles (Stuart McLean)Eliga H. Gould, Peter S. Onuf (eds.); Empire and Nation: The American Revolution in the Atlantic World (Peter A. Coclanis)Michael A. Gomez; Reversing Sail: A History of the African Diaspora (James H. Sweet)Brian L. Moore, Michele A. Johnson; Neither Led Nor Driven: Contesting British Cultural Imperialism in Jamaica, 1865-1920 (Gad Heuman)Erna Brodber; The Second Generation of Freemen in Jamaica, 1907-1944 (Michaeline A. Crichlow)Steeve O. Buckridge; The Language of Dress: Resistance and Accommodation in Jamaica, 1760- 1890 (Jean Besson)Deborah A. Thomas; Modern Blackness: Nationalism, Globalization, and the Politics of Culture in Jamaica (Charles V. Carnegie)Carolyn Cooper; Sound Clash: Jamaican Dancehall Culture at Large (John D. Galuska)Noel Leo Erskine; From Garvey to Marley: Rastafari Theology (Richard Salter)Hilary McD Beckles; Great House Rules: Landless Emancipation and Workers’ Protest in Barbados, 1838‑1938 (O. Nigel Bolland)Woodville K. Marshall (ed.); I Speak for the People: The Memoirs of Wynter Crawford (Douglas Midgett)Nathalie Dessens; Myths of the Plantation Society: Slavery in the American South and the West Indies (Lomarsh Roopnarine)Michelle M. Terrell; The Jewish Community of Early Colonial Nevis: A Historical Archaeological Study (Mark Kostro)Laurie A. Wilkie, Paul Farnsworth; Sampling Many Pots: An Archaeology of Memory and Tradition at a Bahamian Plantation (Grace Turner)David Beriss; Black Skins, French Voices: Caribbean ethnicity and Activism in Urban France (Nadine Lefaucheur)Karen E. Richman; Migration and Vodou (Natacha Giafferi)Jean Moomou; Le monde des marrons du Maroni en Guyane (1772-1860): La naissance d’un peuple: Les Boni (Kenneth Bilby)Jean Chapuis, Hervé Rivière; Wayana eitoponpë: (Une) histoire (orale) des Indiens Wayana (Dominique Tilkin Gallois)Jesús Fuentes Guerra, Armin Schwegler; Lengua y ritos del Palo Monte Mayombe: Dioses cubanos y sus fuentes africanas (W. van Wetering)Mary Ann Clark; Where Men Are Wives and Mothers Rule: Santería Ritual Practices and Their Gender Implications (Elizabeth Ann Pérez)Ignacio López-Calvo; “God and Trujillo”: Literary and Cultural Representations of the Dominican Dictator (Lauren Derby)Kirwin R. Shaffer; Anarchism and Countercultural Politics in Early Twentieth-Century Cuba (Jorge L. Giovannetti)Lillian Guerra; The Myth of José Martí: Conflicting Nationalisms in Early Twentieth-Century Cuba (Jorge L. Giovannetti)Israel Reyes; Humor and the Eccentric Text in Puerto Rican Literature (Nicole Roberts)Rodrigo Lazo; Writing to Cuba: Filibustering and Cuban Exiles in the United States (Nicole Roberts)Lowell Fiet; El teatro puertorriqueño reimaginado: Notas críticas sobre la creación dramática y el performance (Ramón H. Rivera-Servera)Curdella Forbes; From Nation to Diaspora: Samuel Selvon, George Lamming and the Cultural Performance of Gender (Sue Thomas)Marie-Agnès Sourieau, Kathleen M. Balutansky (eds.); Ecrire en pays assiégé: Haiti: Writing Under Siege (Marie-Hélène Laforest)In: New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids (NWIG), 80 (2006), no. 3 & 4

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Journal articles on the topic 'Black anarchists'

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