Academic literature on the topic 'Black anarchists'
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Journal articles on the topic "Black anarchists"
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Zubarev, Ivan Yur'evich. "The disarmament of anarchists in the provinces of the Central Chernozem region in the spring of 1918 (based on the materials of the Orel and Voronezh provinces)." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 6 (June 2023): 135–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2023.6.69253.
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The article examines the confrontation of the armed anarchist detachments of the "Black Guard" with the Bolsheviks in the spring of 1918. The causes and features of the emergence of anarchist detachments, the position of anarchists in the political arena of the country in 1917 - early 1918 are illustrated. The author gives an assessment of some early Soviet studies on "anarchist uprisings" in the provinces of the Central Chernozem region. After the February and October revolutions of 1917, anarchism in Russia embarked on a new path of development, which was characterized by attempts to unite and create a single combat force to protect the "revolutionary gains" from the interventionists and White Guard forces. The object of the study is the history of the anarchist movement in the Central Chernozem region during the establishment of Soviet power. The subject of the study is the armed actions of anarchists against the authorities in Orel and Voronezh in March-April 1918. The methodological basis is the consideration of historical phenomena and their interrelations in the context of the studied time (the principle of historicism). A comparative historical method was used to establish the similarities and distinctive features of the armed actions of anarchists in Orel and Voronezh. The article attempts to comprehensively study the history of the anarchist movement in the Central Black Earth region. The author analyzes only a small fragment of this topic. The spring of 1918 was a period of the defeat of anarchist detachments and organizations throughout Russia, these processes took place on the territory of the Central Chernozem region. Based on the works of his predecessors and memoir sources, the features of the defeat of the anarchist detachments in Orel and Voronezh are analyzed. During the analysis, it was possible to demonstrate that the anarchists were only part of the rebel forces, consisting of detachments arriving from the Ukrainian front, dissatisfied with the supply. Some Soviet authors often saw in these speeches a "Socialist-Revolutionary" conspiracy" or assigned the anarchists a leading role, making them the main instigators of uprisings. Which, according to the author, is an erroneous position.
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Савченко, В. А. "The case of "Sophia" and the question of anarchist expropriation." Problems of Political History of Ukraine, no. 14 (June 12, 2019): 96–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.33287/1199.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the events that took place in July 1907 - the anarchists expropriated a large amount of money from the boat «Sofia» in the Black Sea. Considering this event, the author discusses the essence and role of political expropriations during the revolution of the early twentieth century, the peculiarities of the tactics of anarchist groups in Ukraine, the fate of some anarchists and their associations. For the South of Ukraine in 1906-1908 political expropriations were common. The article examinates the robbery of a steamer and a train near Odessa, a bank robbery in Odessa, a robbery of a cash register in Verkhnedneprovsk, carried by anarchists. Such actions were conducted not only by anarchists, but also by Bolsheviks, social revolutionaries and other radicals. The expropriations that were carried out by the Odessa anarchists in July-September 1907 became the last chord of the anarchist practice of «direct actions» that allowed, for some time, to restrain the political horizons of the federation of anarchist-syndicalists and communist anarchists also known as the «Working Group Anarchists in the South» (1907–1910). The theme of the discussion is a question about anarchist expropriation, which some researchers consider only as «criminal gangsterism». The article states that the money that was captured by anarchists, initially, went to purely political actions: the preparation of strikes, the printing of propaganda publications, organizational expenses and the purchase of weapons. After the expropriation on the steamer «Sofia», the anarchists sent part of the money to organize a strike of Odessa sailors and port workers, to organize acts of terror against representatives of the executive and judicial authorities. In the second half of 1907, the anarchist groups showed a tendency for self-provision of revolutionaries – spending money that was captured during the expropriation for personal needs, which led to the disappearance of money, weakening of the activities of anarchist structures, the collapse of anarchist groups. «Money depravity» has become one of the causes of the crisis in the anarchist movement and to the disintegration of individual groups. After a series of high-profile expropriations, the police sent all their forces to search for «malefactors». Many anarchists were arrested, including 14 out of 18 participants in the robbery at Sophia, several people were executed. Chasing of the police led to mass arrests and to the emigration of part of anarchists abroad.
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장승순. "The Organization Process and Members’ Character of the Anarchists’‘Black Flag Union’(黑旗聯盟) (1925)." JOURNAL OF KOREAN INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT STUDIES ll, no. 46 (December 2013): 127–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15799/kimos.2013..46.004.
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Beswick, Spencer. "From the Ashes of the Old: Anarchism Reborn in a Counterrevolutionary Age (1970s-1990s)." Anarchist Studies 30, no. 2 (September 16, 2022): 31–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/as.30.2.02.
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After almost a century of Marxist predominance, how did anarchism develop from a marginal phenomenon into a force at the centre of the anti-globalisation movement? This article explores how anarchism was reborn in a counterrevolutionary age. Part one investigates how the New Right's post-1960s counterrevolution defeated the New Left and remade US society, including by recuperating potentially liberatory elements of social movements. Part two examines how a new generation of radicals critiqued the failures of MarxismLeninism and popularised the anarchist analysis and principles that provided the foundation for the anti-globalisation movement. The article discusses five examples of the development of anarchist theory and practice: Black/New Afrikan Anarchism, anarcha-feminism, eco-anarchism, punk anarchism, and revolutionary social anarchism. Ultimately, the article argues that anarchism was revitalised in the late twentieth century because it provided compelling answers to the new problems posed by the neoliberal counterrevolution and the crisis of state socialism.
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Schulze, Frederick. "Flirting with anarchism." Focaal 2013, no. 66 (June 1, 2013): 133–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2013.660111.
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Graeber, David. 2004. Fragments of an anarchist anthropology. Chicago: Prickly Paradigm Press. 105 pages.Schmidt, Michael, and Lucien van der Walt. 2009. Black flame: The revolutionary class politics of anarchism and syndicalism. Vol. 1, Counter-Power. London: AK Press. 395 pages.Scott, James. 2012. Two cheers for anarchism: Six easy pieces on autonomy, dignity, and meaningful work and play. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. 198 pages.
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Cohn, Jesse. "“Vile Matter”." Extrapolation 64, no. 3 (December 19, 2023): 307–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/extr.2023.19.
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Rivers Solomon’s Sorrowland (2021) can be read as a Gothic novel about Black trauma, and while this is certainly true, such an assessment overlooks its anarchist dimension and emancipatory potential. As articulated by Solomon, Black anarchism overcomes the limitations of white, European anarchism from within by contesting its attachment to the dualisms of modernity: as in New Materialist philosophies, the boundaries between human and nonhuman, and living and dead matter, are blurred. Through its queer Black protagonist, Vern, and her alliance with her Indigenous lover, Gogo, Sorrowland attacks the modernist drive to classify everything into strict dichotomies—a process which inevitably also seeks racial and sexual “purity.”
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betts, edxi, NZ Suékama, g, and Ren-yo Hwang. "Black Transfeminist Anarchism." TSQ 11, no. 1 (February 1, 2024): 34–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/23289252-11131676.
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Abstract This roundtable is a place-based conversation on Black anarchism, transfeminism, and transmisogynoir with edxi betts, NZ Suékama, and g, three Black trans femme activists, organizers, and independent scholars. Moving deftly between topics like Marxism, Afro-pessimism, and abolition, this roundtable outlines problems of co-optation within radical-movement work and critiques Eurocentric modes of knowledge production. Through organic relations built within organizing spaces, special issue editor Ren-yo Hwang reached out to edxi betts to be part of this featured roundtable, and edxi, in turn, contacted NZ Suékama, who connected us with her frequent interlocutor, g. Edxi first encountered NZ's intellectual writings online, in 2020, offering that “it was refreshing and affirming seeing another Black trans femme go through such similar issues of having to navigate liberal, statist, respectable, and even white anarchist politics.” Likewise, NZ recounts first meeting “both g and edxi on social media, connecting individually around theories of transmisogynoir as well as critiques of abuse in leftist organizations.” NZ and g describe themselves as “theoretical co-conspirators, both publishing our ideas with Red Voice,” an online publication. NZ, edxi, and g had an opportunity to review and edit their contributions, and this issue's guest editors sought to honor the flow of their conversation as much as possible by retaining its conversational syntax, which purposefully rejects traditional academic forms.
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Legrand, Tim, and Simon Bronitt. "Policing the G20 protests: ‘Too much order with too little law’ revisited." Queensland Review 22, no. 1 (May 7, 2015): 3–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/qre.2015.2.
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In the months leading up to November's G20 summit in 2014, Brisbane's residents would have been forgiven for anticipating the outbreak of a local civil war. Media outlets were leading with headlines stating, among other sensational claims, that ‘G20 anarchists vow chaos and mayhem for Brisbane's streets’, ‘Black Bloc tactics aim for Brisbane G20 shock and awe’ and ‘Destructive protest plan for G20’. Meanwhile, some of the most severe restrictions on civil liberties seen in Australia in recent years were legislated by the Queensland parliament. The G20 Safety and Security Act 2013 (Qld) (the G20 Act) was passed with little demur by a chamber that was only divided over the question of whether the laws were severe enough, with Queensland opposition police spokesman Bill Byrne MP declaring himself ‘surprised’ at the leniency of some of the sentencing provisions and the ‘minimalist’ approach to restricted areas. Of course, in the event the much-anticipated violence did not occur, and the media's pre-summit hyperbole was exposed as just that. Rather more prosaically — and accurately — the post-event headlines dutifully reported ‘Passionate, but mostly peaceful protests’ and ‘G20 protest day wraps up peacefully’. Given that previous G20 summits in London and Toronto saw outbreaks of considerable disorder, we might succumb to the temptation of declaring the peaceful protests in Brisbane to be a vindication of the heavy powers granted by the Queensland parliament. But we believe that to do so would be egregious. Here we reflect on the historical and political motivations underpinning the G20 Act, and draw attention to the rather more measured policing strategy employed by the Queensland Police Service (QPS). We argue that the safety and security of G20 participants and protesters owed little to the restrictive powers granted by the G20 Act, but resulted from a policing strategy that successfully married traditional and modern precepts of policing large events.
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Quinn, Adam. "“Aboveground, Underground, and Locked Down”." Radical History Review 2021, no. 141 (October 1, 2021): 151–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-9170766.
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Abstract Incarcerated people in Washington have published a variety of periodicals, ranging from general prison news to radical newspapers that debated ideologies like communism, anarchism, and Black nationalism. This article examines radical periodicals published in and concerning prisons to better understand struggles over the prisoners’ press in Washington. First, it contextualizes this history with a discussion of militant prisoner support movements in the 1970s. These movements included the Sunfighter, an underground newspaper; and the George Jackson Brigade, a guerrilla group, whose members were involved with both the Sunfighter and subsequent prison newspapers. This article then analyzes the politics, inside-outside relationships, and censorship of two radical prisoner quarterlies: the Marxist-Leninist Red Dragon and the Anarchist Black Dragon. Influenced by their prison environment, these newspapers provided space for networks and writings that sought to address interconnected problems such as mass incarceration, sexual violence, and racism. Ultimately, these newspapers demonstrate how prisoners’ politics are worthy of closer consideration by historians, as their ideas and actions shaped news, public discourse, and movements on both sides of the prison walls.
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Werner, Paul. "Post-production anarchism." ARJ – Art Research Journal / Revista de Pesquisa em Artes 2, no. 2 (September 25, 2015): 27–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.36025/arj.v2i2.7299.
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Come! Unity Press was an anarchist community in New York City in the mid nineteen-seventies that based its operations on the ideas of Murray Bookchin, the organizer best known for his theory of “Post-Scarcity Anarchism.” Come! Unity Press offered free access for the publishing of literature and visual propaganda of all sorts; it attracted a wide range of the underserved and unacknowledged: Native Americans, Puerto-Ricans, blacks, gays. Despite this, and like other cultural movements before it, the project initiated “the metamorphosis of political struggle from a compulsory decision into an object of pleasure, from a means of production into an article of consumption” [Walter Benjamin]. Come! Unity Press was a forerunner of the consumer-oriented cultures of today. This article suggests parallels with the ideology of Cubism and the cultural program of the Bavarian People’s Republic of 1919.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Black anarchists"
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Tesfamariam, Betel Solomon. "Belonging While Black at Lake Merritt: The Black Spatial Imaginary and Place-Making in Oakland, CA." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/pomona_theses/212.
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This thesis aims to demonstrate how the processes of gentrification and displacement are interrelated processes that invent new ways of perpetuating anti- blackness in the U.S. I demonstrate this through an engagement with Christina Sharpe’s (2016) analysis of the imagery of the wake, the ship, the hold, and the weather as axis points that position Black life in the afterlife of slavery—how the conditions of slavery are ongoing today—presenting the racist encounters at Lake Merritt as illustrative examples. In her most recent book, In the Wake: On Blackness and Being, Sharpe (2016) deploys an interdisciplinary approach to critically theorize Black subjection and grief through a Black feminist framework, offering care, or what she terms “wake work” as an anecdote to state-sanctioned anti-black violence. She turns to poetry, film, historical archives, and intimate personal experiences to thoroughly articulate how the past is not passed; I reveal how capitalist logic simultaneously structures media representations of Black people in ways that distort what we signify— monstrosity, threat, and criminal are three examples of this distortion—and fix abstract space in hegemonic spatial imaginaries through privatization and commodification. Most importantly, I turn to art and expression—prominent examples being “BBQ’N While Black” and "The Black Spatial Imaginary" as a community response to BBQ Becky and serial displacement in Portland, Oregon respectively—as resistance and examples of place-making practices that Black people have been engaged in historically to articulate their self-hood, belonging, and beauty through Black love. I strive to undertake this work with intentionality and care, which necessitates an undisciplined approach as academic disciplines have historically deployed methodologies that construct narratives on Blackness that reproduce colonial and anti-black violence.
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Harlow, Sage. "Giving voice to the extra-normal self with the extra-normal voice: Improvised exploration through the realms of shamanic chaos magick, insight meditation and gender performance." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2019. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/2210.
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This thesis documents practice-led research exploring the intersections of, and tensions between, improvised invocation ritual within a chaos magick paradigm and Buddhist insight meditation. I explore the extra-normal self—those aspects of consciousness not usually present, or not usually accessible, in day-to-day life—by mean of improvised ritual work with the extra-normal voice and seek to maintain a Buddhist ‘witness’ consciousness throughout these explorations. I also explore the tensions between politics, aesthetics and spiritual practice; in particular, queer and trans politics, a timbre-centred vocal aesthetics and chaos magick, shamanic and Buddhist spiritual practices. This work constitutes part of a larger project of attempting to secularise and democratise spiritual practice greatly influenced by Sam Harris’ book Waking Up: A Guide to Spirituality Without Religion (2014) and to some extent from chaos magick, some iterations of which strive to ‘free’ the western esoteric tradition from its religious trappings. I also take cues from Hakim Bey (1985) as one of the few anarchist writers who sees spiritual practice as profoundly important and not at odds with anarchism. I make use of a ‘radical agnosticism’ (Wilson, 1977) in my practice, privileging subjective experience and critical engagement over the search for an objective truth. I take an autoethnographic approach to this project with a focus on process rather than outcome, with the final project consisting of a description of these approaches and their value (and limitations), accompanied by selected musical examples (recordings).
The thesis also explores a practice that functions as a navigation away from the normative, phallogocentric western esoteric tradition taking cues from feminism, trans and queer politics as well as anarchism. My improvised possession rituals seek to give voice to aspects of the extra-normal self and/or spirits or demons. The different Belief Systems used in this work frame these experiences in different language. My practice strives to accept ‘whatever arises’ (a meditation term) with compassion—whatever their ontological status.
The main text of this thesis consists of three sections: Improvising Theory, Workings and Scores. The first section presents some of my thinking through concepts and theoretical paradigms that I have engaged with over the last few years of my research. I explore the illusion of free will, the intersection of gender and timbre theory and the use of the cut-up technique in chaos magick generally and my practice specifically. The second section of the thesis presents in-depth discussion of some of the explicit ritual performances and recordings that I have explored over the course of the research. This section explore more fully concepts central to my practice such as the interweaving of insight meditation and improvised ritual work. I present reflections on my explorations of dada ‘anti-magick’ ritual which critiques the normative, phallogocentric western esoteric tradition, taking cues from feminism, trans and queer politics as well as anarchisms. This culminates in an exploration of the concept of ‘True Shamanic Black Metal’—a tongue-in-cheek gesture towards a serious exploration of rhythm inspired by my understanding of shamanic drumming, particularly from Tuva, Mongolia and Korea, merged with an interest in extreme metal traditions, particularly black metal. I explore what shamanic black metal might sound like, centring the discussion around the album I recorded in 2017 invocations of unknown entities. The third section of this thesis presents thoughts on playing scores and on writing scores. I explore scores as open invitations to explore either extra-normal states of consciousness or particular aesthetic or ethical interests.
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Nathan, Oliver. "What is the relationship between state sponsored worker co-operatives, local markets and the Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Municipality?" Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/11893.
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This research report examines the relationship between state-sponsored worker co-operatives, local markets and the Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Municipality (EMM, on the East Rand, South Africa) in the 2000s, to examine how state support impacts upon democracy in worker co-operatives (“co-ops”) more generally. Worker co-ops are democratic and voluntary organisations, simultaneously owned and managed by their members (“co-operators”), have a substantial history in South Africa and elsewhere, and have often been seen as a potential alternative to capitalism.
But are they? An extensive literature demonstrates market pressures erode co-op democracy (e.g. Philips): to survive, worker co-ops develop increasingly into capitalist enterprises, which fundamentally challenges notions that co-ops can challenge capitalism. Several commentators (e.g. Satgar) admit this problem, but see the solution in state support, which can purportedly shield worker co-ops from the market, so enabling their democratic content and socialist potential to be maintained.
This pro-state approach is tested by examining actually-existing worker co-ops in the EMM, where a number of state-sponsored worker co-ops were established from the 2000s; the two most successful co-ops are the subject of this case study. It is shown that, on the contrary, state sponsorship fostered dependency and subtle (and less subtle) forms of state control over the co-ops. Most of the co-operatives failed to survive, as state control foisted upon them impractical goals (e.g. competition in poor community markets with overwhelming rivals,) while creating additional problems (e.g. failing to allocate marketing budgets) and also undermining co-op democracy (e.g. through imposing external priorities on the co-ops). The co-ops that survived remain trapped between state patronage and the capitalist market: unable to ensure accumulation, they remain dependent on the state, but as a result, are continually pushed by the state back into the market.
It is not the South African state’s push to constitute the co-ops as black-run capitalist firms that is crucial to this story, but what this push reveals: state sponsorship was irredeemably linked to state control, and it was state control that enabled the state to force its agenda on
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the co-ops in the first place; an alternative state policy framework would simply change the goals imposed. The hierarchical and elitist class logic of the state is fundamentally incompatible with the popular, self-managed logic of worker co-ops. In short, the findings on the interaction of internal co-op dynamics with the state and open market pressures suggest that democratic worker co-ops are basically fundamentally incompatible with both markets and states. They are also fundamentally incapable of transcending either, as their survival requires either emulating capitalism or embracing the state.
Lastly, this research report argues that the erosion of democracy in worker co-ops cannot simply be reduced to external forces (the state, the market), although these play a central role in such erosion. Of the two co-ops examined as case studies, one is characterised by authoritarian decision-making, the other by a fairly democratic practice. A key factor in such divergence were the co-operators’ own political and work cultures. Argued Bakunin: while worker co-ops can play a demonstrative role, challenging authoritarian politics by showing the possibility of workers’ self-management, they cannot provide a transformative role, overcoming capitalism or the state. A state-sponsored worker co-ops movement cannot form the heart of a radical, democratic and working class strategy for fundamental change.
To answer the research question, the research asks which factors are important in determining the internal democratic or authoritarian form of the co-ops under study. Two state-sponsored worker co-ops are taken as case studies. The first co-op is characterised by authoritarian decision-making, while the other is characterised experiences democratic decision-making. The findings of the research agree with Philip’s (2006) argument that market factors are important in determining the internal form of a co-op. However, this research clearly shows that while market factors are important, they are by no means the sole determinant of the internal dynamics of a co-op. Non-market factors are equally important in determining the internal form of a co-op.
Books on the topic "Black anarchists"
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Collective, Green Mountain Anarchist. The Black Bloc papers: An anthology of primary texts from the North American anarchist Black Bloc, 1999-2001 : the battle of Seattle (N30) through Quebec City (A20). [S.l.]: Black Clover Press, 2002.
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Hahne, Ron. Black Mask & Up Against the Wall Motherfucker: The incomplete works of Ron Hahne, Ben Morea, and the Black Mask Group. Oakland, Calif: PM Press, 2011.
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Edxi. From the spilled blood of savages ...: Comes the mythos of huMAN. Los Angeles, CA]: the author, 2020.
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Ervin, Lorenzo Kom'boa. Anarchism and the black revolution. Philadelphia: Monkeywrench Press, 1994.
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A, Kropotkin. The black flag: Peter Kropotkin on anarchism. St Petersburg, Fla: Red and Black Publishers, 2010.
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Ervin, Lorenzo Kom'boa. A draft proposal for an anarchist black cross and manifesto. [N.Y.C. i.e. New York: Horse and Goat People, 1985.
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Black Flame: The Revolutionary Class Politics of Anarchism and Syndicalism. Edinburgh, UK: AK Press, 2009.
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Walt, Lucien Van der. Black flame: The revolutionary class politics of anarchism and syndicalism. Edinburgh: AK Press, 2009.
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Schmidt, Michael, and Lucien van der Walt. Black Flame: The Revolutionary Class Politics of Anarchism and Syndicalism. Oakland, USA: AK Press, 2007.
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Walt, Lucien Van der. Black flame: The revolutionary class politics of anarchism and syndicalism. Edinburgh: AK Press, 2009.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Black anarchists"
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Ince, Anthony. "Black flag mapping." In The Anarchist Imagination, 146–62. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019.: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315693163-9.
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Blanton, Ward. "Anarchist Singularities or Proprietorial Resentments? on the Christian Problem in Heidegger’s Notebooks of the 1930s." In Heidegger’s Black Notebooks and the Future of Theology, 99–129. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-64927-6_5.
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Cornell, Andrew. "‘White Skin, Black Masks’: Marxist and Anti-racist Roots of Contemporary US Anarchism." In Libertarian Socialism, 167–86. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137284761_9.
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Williams, Dana M. "Anarchists as individuals: a micro-structural analysis." In Black Flags and Social Movements. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526105547.003.0002.
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The goal of this chapter is to explore the micro-level characteristics of anarchists. How do anarchists today identify socially and politically? What is the class composition of anarchist movements? In recent decades, some observers have claimed that anarchist movements have changed to focus less on economic issues and are more divorced from the working class. Through the analysis of survey responses, this chapter demonstrates that the union membership of anarchists is related to subjective working-class status, age, residence, economic anarchist ideology, anarchist movement participation, and activist identity. While not conclusive or uncomplicated, these findings call into question the claims that all modern movements (including anarchism) are postmaterialist, and emphasize collective cultural identity to the neglect of economic identity and class.
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Williams, Dana M. "Conclusion: Revisiting the epistemology of anarchist movements." In Black Flags and Social Movements. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526105547.003.0009.
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Numerous conclusions can be drawn from preceding chapters. These conclusions include: anarchist movements are legitimately and empirically social movements; anarchists and their organizations are diverse, geographically dispersed, and have pronounced connections to past anarchists and their organizations; theories like political opportunity, new social movements, and social capital help to illuminate the variation and functioning of anarchist movements; and anarchists use a variety of techniques to successfully operate with non-anarchists, without compromising their ideological integrity. Then, a larger and more serious question needs to be asked by researchers who are sympathetic to their research subjects: can having an intimate, empirical understanding of a movement be bad for the movement and good for governments (and other agents of social control)? Or, hopefully, will the benefits of greater knowledge outweigh any negative outcomes? Finally, although research is never perfect or universally-generalizable, it may sometimes (and its best instances) be practical and useful to activists.
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Williams, Dana M. "Radical isomorphism and the anti-authoritarian diffusion of leaderless organizations." In Black Flags and Social Movements. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526105547.003.0008.
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Social movements are interested in the creation of alternative social practices, but must rely upon previous ideas and actions for a starting place. Ideally, anarchists seek to borrow good ideas and avoid bad ideas. This is challenging given anarchist movements’ horizontalist structures—tactics and organizational forms must be transmitted non-hierarchically in order to remain legitimate, as there is not central organization managing, authorizing, and dictating to new anarchist organizations. They key means for institutional isomorphism—how organizations tend to have comparable characteristics—with anarchist movements, is mimicry. This chapter analyses the creation and founding iterations of four “anarchistic franchise organizations”: Anti-Racist Action, Critical Mass, Earth First!, and Food Not Bombs. These tactics and organizational forms have spread through networks of activists and organizers (mainly via word-of-mouth and first-hand experience) and media (especially the Internet, as well as activist press and sometimes mainstream media).
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Williams, Dana M. "Anarchists as individuals." In Black flags and social movements. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7765/9781526124739.00010.
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Khan, Tariq D. "Republicans and Anarchists." In The Republic Shall Be Kept Clean, 121–50. University of Illinois Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252045301.003.0006.
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This chapter argues that 1877 was as much a turning point for the working class as it was for the bourgeoisie. It focuses on the lives of Albert Parsons and Lucy Parsons, both of whom existed in the very center of the US history of white supremacy, enslavement, settler colonization, Reconstruction, the violent death of Reconstruction, the labor movement, revolutionary socialism, anarchism, insurgency, and counterinsurgency. US empire, settler colonialism, class war, and Black and Indigenous resistance influenced how Albert and Lucy Parsons imagined freedom and how they articulated and understood their own struggles against capitalism and the state.
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Williams, Dana M. "Anarchists of the world, unite! A meso-structural analysis." In Black Flags and Social Movements. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526105547.003.0003.
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The global anarchist movement, while an international phenomenon, is not even distributed through the world. This chapter adopts a meso-structural approach to analyze the variety and distribution of anarchist organizational forms throughout the world. I utilize the Anarchist Yellow Pages (AYP), an international directory of anarchist groupings, which listed over two thousand organizations in 2005. This chapter explores the types of these anarchist organizations and their geographic clustering throughout the world, with special emphasis on 21 countries that had at least 20 such organizations. The concentrations of anarchist organizations found in the AYP suggest that the movement tends to be strongly European-centered. North Americans are disproportionately involved in various media organizations; Spain, France, and Sweden have strong syndicalist tendencies; Italy and Germany tend to have a high percentage of physical spaces like social centers and info shops. Finally, the presence of rights and “democracy” in different countries may, in part, explain where the global anarchist movement is concentrated.
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Williams, Dana M. "Anarchists of the world, unite! A meso-structural analysis." In Black flags and social movements. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7765/9781526124739.00011.
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