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1
Asscher, Eva C. A. "The regulation of preimplantation genetic diagnosis (PGD) in the Netherlands and the UK: a comparative study of the regulatory frameworks and outcomes for PGD." Clinical Ethics 3, no. 4 (December 2008): 176–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1258/ce.2008.008036.
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Developments in biotechnology present difficult social and ethical challenges that need to be resolved by regulators among others. One crucial problem for regulators of new technologies is to ensure that regulation is both clear and sufficiently flexible to respond to new developments. This is particularly difficult to achieve in contentious fields such as medical biotechnology. In the European Union there is a divergence in the solutions to this problem which has lead to different regulatory frameworks for medical biotechnology. This paper compares and contrasts the British and Dutch regulatory frameworks for the selection of embryos by preimplantation genetic diagnosis as an example of the regulation of medical biotechnology. Some of the outcomes of the regulatory choices and possible reasons behind the divergent frameworks are discussed, such as the ethical outlooks and political systems in these countries.
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Oosterhof, Albert. "Legal Aspects of the EU Enlargement Negotiations." Leiden Journal of International Law 7, no. 2 (1994): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500002983.
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The recently concluded enlargement negotiations between the European Union and four applicant countries -Austria, Sweden, Finland and Norway-have so far been the last in a series of intensive negotiating efforts since the conclusion of the Treaty on the European Union (EU), the Agreement on the European Economic Area (EEA), the European Agreements with the Central and Eastern European countries and the conclusion of the Uruguay Round.
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Zvozdetska, Oksana. "Combating Disinformation in the European Union: Legal Aspects." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 9 (December 28, 2021): 245–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2021.9.245-262.
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Today, both Ukraine and European countries are subject to disinformation and foreign intervention in their domestic policies. Each democracy no matter its geography experiences its distinct vulnerabilities and respectively, reactions to foreign interference. It should be stated, the immediate responses to such challenges in most Western countries have been rare and sluggish, hampered by legal constraints and bureaucracy, and furthermore, they lacked a real political awareness of the problem or proof of its further impact. Foreign actors are increasingly using disinformation strategies to influence public debate, stir controversy and interfere in democratic decision-making. Responding to these new challenges, the European Commission has introduced a set of actions and tools to better regulate the digital ecosystem of the media and its participants, in particular, the formation and improvement of the legal framework to combat disinformation in the European information space. The researcher’s focus revolves around the European Union’s comprehensive approach to vigorous combating misinformation. The research data prove that since 2015, the EU has adopted a number of regulations to counter this information threat and the potential effects of foreign interference. In particular, in 2016 the EU adopted a document “Joint Framework on countering hybrid threats, a European Union response”, and “Action Plan against Disinformation”, respectively in 2018. These documents provide a baseline for understanding the diverse types of challenges other countries face and how they are addressing them. Consequently, a number of initiatives and projects of the European institutions, and the first worldwide self-regulatory “EU Code of Practice on Disinformation” issued in 2018 on a voluntary basis, have become main pillars of the EU. The Code identifies issues related to ensuring the transparency of political advertising, strengthening efforts to close active counterfeits. accounts, enabling users to report misinformation and access various news sources, while improving the visibility and reliability of authoritative content; enabling the research community to monitor disinformation on the Internet through access to these platforms, compatible with the confidentiality signed by the largest Internet platforms and social media (Google, Facebook, Twitter and Mozilla) in the framework of WMC self-regulation activities. It should be noted that the implementation of the “European Union Code of Practice on Countering Disinformation” has yielded ambiguous fruits. Self-regulation was the first logical and necessary step, but few stakeholders were fully satisfied with the process or its outcome, significant challenges remain for building trust through industry, governments, academia and civil society engagement.
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Kusztykiewicz-Fedurek, Aleksandra. "Political aspects of security of the European Union Member States." Przegląd Europejski, no. 3.20 (September 1, 2020): 97–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.3.20.6.
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Political security is very often considered through the prism of individual states. In the scholar literature in-depth analyses of this kind of security are rarely encountered in the context of international entities that these countries integrate. The purpose of this article is to draw attention to key aspects of political security in the European Union (EU) Member States. The EU as a supranational organisation, gathering Member States first, ensures the stability of the EU as a whole, and secondly, it ensures that Member States respect common values and principles. Additionally, the EU institutions focus on ensuring the proper functioning of the Eurozone (also called officially “euro area” in EU regulations). Actions that may have a negative impact on the level of the EU’s political security include the boycott of establishing new institutions conducive to the peaceful coexistence and development of states. These threats seem to have a significant impact on the situation in the EU in the face of the proposed (and not accepted by Member States not belonging to the Eurogroup) Eurozone reforms concerning, inter alia, appointment of the Minister of Economy and Finance and the creation of a new institution - the European Monetary Fund.
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Grill, Christiane, and Hajo Boomgaarden. "A network perspective on mediated Europeanized public spheres: Assessing the degree of Europeanized media coverage in light of the 2014 European Parliament election." European Journal of Communication 32, no. 6 (August 21, 2017): 568–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323117725971.
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The European Union has become an active political player in the political realm, raising the question about the European Union’s linkages with all aspects of political life reflected in national Europeanized public spheres. This study offers empirical evidence on the extent to which mass media support, challenge or even ignore political representatives in European Union affairs, and thus legitimize, respectively delegitimize European Union governance. The analysis is based on large-scale content analyses of print, TV and online news gathered before and after the 2014 European Parliament election in Austria ( N = 6432). Semantic networks show that national media focus on the European Union’s legislative body, the implications of the European Union’s exclusive competences on the nation state and on well-established European Union member countries. In doing so, national Europeanized public spheres constituted by the media legitimize the European Union’s governance in these areas while other aspects of European integration are ignored.
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Krošláková, Monika, and Radoslava Mečiar. "The Selected Aspects of Gender Equality in European Union." Studia commercialia Bratislavensia 5, no. 19 (December 1, 2012): 411–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10151-012-0007-6.
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Abstract Despite the laws and regulations that should ensure equal gender treatment, women are still disadvantaged in all businesses and public sector. This discrimination is manifested particularly in the approach to jobs, financial evaluation, political nominations and opportunities of developing their abilities regardless of gender. The gender differences in work and public life remain even today the most visible evidence of inequality between men and women in our society. The gender equality is one of the fundamental principles of EU law and all its member countries committed to be in the compliance with it. This article reviews the current state of gender equality in EU.
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Bolonina. "“Non-Recognition” of the EAEU by the European Union: Political Aspects." Contemporary Europe 101, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 200–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope12021200208.
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The Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) positions itself as an open integration formation and considers the cooperation with external partners as a key feature of its functioning. However, while it is developing a growing network of trade agreements in the framework of a Great Eurasian Partnership, it faces difficulties in establishing a formal dialogue with a neighboring integration formation – the European Union (EU). In this article we propose to analyze political causes of such “non-recognition”, conditioned by the context of political tensions between Russia and the EU countries and by the perception of the EAEU as a tool for promotion of an integration model, alternative to the European one. The article offers recommendations to enhance the dialogue between the two integration unions, oriented at strengthening of objective economic prerequisites for EU ‒ EAEU cooperation, as well as at the formation of the EAEU identity, separate from the identities of its member-states.
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Talts, Mait. "Some Aspects of the Baltic Countries’ Pre- and Post- Accession Convergence to the European Union." Baltic Journal of European Studies 3, no. 1 (June 1, 2013): 58–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjes-2013-0005.
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AbstractThis comprehensive article provides an overview of the broader process of political, legal and societal changes characterizing the Baltic countries’ convergence towards the European Union. The article aims to identify the specific areas and issues which reveal both similarities and differences between the three Baltic countries. Special focus has been given to issues of economic development, economic policy choices, employment, public opinion and some legal aspects. The article, first of all, tries to reveal the differences between Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania stemming from different economic policy decisions made by the Baltic countries in the 1990s as well as from to the fact that in 1997-1999 the European Union treated the Baltic countries somewhat differently in terms of conditionality. However, during the 21st century, especially due to the economic recession, the ‘Baltic clocks’ have been synchronized despite the obvious differences in political system and levels of economic development. The author of the current article believes that the main factor behind that development was the convergence to European Union.
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Djurovic, Gordana, and Damjan Lajh. "Relationship with the European Union: Slovenia and Montenegro Compared." Politics in Central Europe 16, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 667–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2020-0030.
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Abstract As part of former Yugoslavia and non -members of the Eastern Bloc, Slovenia and Montenegro enjoyed a special status and relationships with the European Communities (EC) before most other socialist countries. Economic and social interactions with the EC and its member states thus formed part of Slovenian and Montenegrin life even during socialism, particularly after Yugoslavia signed special agreements on trade relations with the EC in the 1970s and 1980s. In this respect, Europeanisation as ‘practical’ integration with the EC was closely linked with liberalisation processes concerning the economy, society and politics along with democratic transition processes that began in the late 1980s. When Slovenia joined the European Union (EU) in 2004 following a relatively smooth integration process, Montenegro was still holding EU candidate member status, after having officially started its accession negotiations in June 2012. The article analyses selected development and integration aspects of Slovenia and Montenegro, their relationship with the EU, together with their similarities and differences. The aim is to highlight developments in both countries and determine whether Slovenia, as an ex -Yugoslav republic and EU member since 2004, may serve as a good example for Montenegro to follow while pursuing European integration.
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Vasil'ev, V. "Anti-Crisis Policies of A. Merkel in Framework of European Union." World Economy and International Relations, no. 5 (2013): 56–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-5-56-66.
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The article explores specific political aspects of the policy line pursued by the FRG Chancellor A. Merkel as aimed to overcome the debt crisis in the debt-distressed countries of the European Union and to sustain the unity of Europe. It analyzes particular features of policy by the German Chancellor towards partners and competitors in the conditions of the European crisis.
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Wardana, Adhi. "UPAYA PEMERINTAH TURKI UNTUK BERGABUNG DENGAN UNI EROPA." Global Political Studies Journal 1, no. 2 (October 31, 2017): 107–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.34010/gpsjournal.v1i2.2015.
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The European Union is an inter-governmental organization whose members are European countries. Since July 1, 2013 already has 28 member countries, many countries of the European region who want to join the European Union, one of which is Turkish, the extent to which the Turkish government's efforts to join the European Union? This study aims to determine the extent of the Turkish Government Efforts To Join The European Union (2004-2008). To be able to Turkey joining the European Union must meet the Copenhagen criteria which consists of the political criteria, economic and acquis, Turkey must conform to all the regulations of the European Union so researchers try to analyze from the effort, constraints, and prospects for Turkey to join the European Union. This type of research is a qualitative research method used is descriptive analysis techniques. aims to describe the facts related to the problem under study. Most of the data that is collected through library research, online data retrieval, and documentation, data were then analyzed with a theoretical approach to dealing with International Relations. The results showed that the Turkish government has made progress in meeting the criteria candidates are awarded by the European Union, Turkey showed promising economic growth, recorded during the year 2004-2008 Turkish economic growth averaged 7%. Turkey managed to adopt new chapters in the Acquis criteria, although there are many other chapters that have not adapted to the European Union, in the political aspects of the Turkish government has been working hard to solve the problem of ham with the Kurds, Armenia and Cyprus, but in line with the efforts that have been The Turkish government in its application, there are still many obstacles that eventually make Turkey's accession to EU membership back hampered..
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RAKHIMOVA, Maiya. "RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND THE BALTIC STATES: KEY ASPECTS." PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION AND CIVIL SERVICE, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 66–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.52123/1994-2370-2022-638.
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The issue of relations between Russia and The Baltic States is of particular relevance against the backdrop of interaction with the European Union. The change in the policy stance of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania after the Soviet Union’s collapse was reflected at the regional level. The desire to integrate the Baltic States into the EU and NATO has led to a series of determined political decisions that in turn have affected cooperation with Russia. In the process of developing relations with the European Union, the Russian Federation has begun to consider possibilities of cooperation with the Baltic countries as well. The article analyses the prospects for change, problems and cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Baltic states at the regional level.
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Hrubinko, Andriy. "British Policy toward the eastern enlargement of the European Union: historical aspects." European Historical Studies, no. 5 (2016): 20–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2016.05.20-32.
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The article describes historical features of shaping and implementation of British policy toward the Eastern enlargement of the European Union, its impact on the implementation of the Сommon Foreign and Security Policy in the Central and Eastern Europe region. The author denotes that the history of participation of the UK in implementing Eastern enlargement of the EU not been sufficiently investigated. According to the author’s vision, the policy of the enlargement of the EU is seen as an integral part of united foreign and security policy and as a factor of its implementation in countries of the nearest periphery. The 31 enlargement process is a part of the EU enlargement policy as a geopolitical phenomenon. The United Kingdom became one of the biggest supporters of further enlargement as a permanent phenomenon in its history among countries of the Community, forming their own specific conceptual approaches and strategy. The factors of shaping active and positive positions of the British governments in connection with the enlargement of the EU toward the East have been analyzed. The author came to the conclusion that the Eastern enlargement had questionable effect for the development of the effective CFSP. The UK as one of the leading powers in the EU came to a forefront in this process. The enlargement of the EU has become an integral part of the country’s leadership strategy in the political integration. However, the confrontational European policy of the David Cameron’s government in 2010–2016 has resulted in a loss of the previous governments’ achievements in developing the cooperation and support for the countries of Eastern and Central Europe and escalated the decrease of the country’s original positions in the region.
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Jasiecki, Krzysztof. "The Role and Importance of Economic Cooperation of the Visegrad Group Countries in the European Union Since 2015." Studia Europejskie - studies in European Affairs 24, no. 3 (October 20, 2020): 183–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.33067/se.3.2020.10.
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The aim of the article is to describe the genesis, role, significance, conditions and effects of economic cooperation of the Visegrad Group countries in the European Union, with particular emphasis on their development after 2015. It presents the distinguishing features and specifi city of the Group’s cooperation before accession to NATO and the EU in the context of the situation of Central Europe and other European post-communist countries, as well as the most important aspects of the political and economic potential of the V4 countries against the background of the EU and selected member states. Various aspects of their economic cooperation in the region are discussed, as well as the structural limitations of the role of the Visegrad Group countries in the EU and related controversy. The final part contains conclusions relating to the Group’s activities with regard to the main axes of political and economic divisions in the EU, with particular emphasis placed on economic dimensions.
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Nešković, Slobodan, and Lazar Šoškić. "Geopolitical context of South East Europe and the security concept of the European Union." Ekonomija: teorija i praksa 14, no. 2 (2021): 54–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/etp2101054n.
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The authors discuss the complex issues of the geopolitical position of Southeast Europe and the application of the security concept of the European Union. Permanent anomalies are present in all spheres. The subject of the research is the geographical, political and security features of the countries of the observed area with the possibilities of implementing the concept of the Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. The hypotheses are: The geopolitical context of Southeast Europe is the scene of constant interests of great powers and conflicts in the countries of the region, where the adopted concept of security of the European Union is applied. The area of Southeast Europe as a link between the West and the East is of great international importance. The countries of the region are burdened with numerous contradictions and centuries-old confrontations. The European Union is promoting an indigenous security policy project in the process of integrating countries and strengthening its own position in the region. The aim of the research is a comprehensive overview of the complex topic of the geopolitical position of the countries of Southeast Europe and the security strategy of the European Union in the context of resolving the manifested anomalies. Methods of analysis, synthesis and others will be applied. The achieved results have cognitive features, they refer to the explained important aspects of the geopolitics of the given space and the security initiatives of the EU, and they also mark the real segments of the social development of the countries. We conclude that Southeast Europe is a territory of essential geopolitical significance and interest of world hegemons. The European Union is also promoting the security strategy contained in official documents in that area.
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Antokhiv-Skolozdra, O. M. "Canada-EU relations in political sphere." Актуальні проблеми філософії та соціології, no. 27 (April 8, 2021): 140–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.32837/apfs.v0i27.935.
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The article considers the peculiarities of formation and development of relations between Canada and the European Union in political sphere. It points out that the common essence of approaches to modern international relations serves as a potential basis for building bilateral cooperation on the issues of establishing political cooperation. In the course of research on Canada’s foreign policy it was noted that there is a number of features that are due to both internal context and external factors. In particular, it refers the peculiar nature of Canadian statehood, the existence of two linguistic communities, geographical location, and immediate neighborhood with the United States. It emphasizes the similarity of Canada’s positions with the approaches of European countries to solving a number of problems of modern world development. The importance of maintaining the transatlantic connection is among the significant issues. At the same time, it should be taken into account that there are peculiarities of establishing and maintaining relations between Canada and the European Union. On the one hand these are the relations with a strong multinational association and on the other – with each individual member state. It is noted that, despite the long historical tradition in the relationship, the potential for cooperation between Canada and the EU is only partially used. It highlights the need for Canada to reach a new level in its relations with the European Union, provided that it maintains close relations with the United States of America. Areas of mutual interest, as well as problematic aspects of negotiations on a strategic partnership agreement between Canada and the European Union have been identified. Although Canada–EU relations are bilateral, they are evolving in a broader international context. It is analyzed that Canada can be a valuable partner for the European Union in the field of international relations. This country should strive to be involved in the preparation of important international decisions in order to build common positions and ensure a sufficient level of coordination between the parties.
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Polyachenkov, Anton. "Migration flows from African countries to Germany: a view of think tanks." Pskov Journal of Regional Studies, no. 4 (2022): 146. http://dx.doi.org/10.37490/s221979310021406-9.
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The article touches upon the issue of illegal migration from sub-Saharan Africa to Germany and other countries of the European Union, as well as the role of German think tanks in solving this issue. A brief description of the history of the development of the migration policy of the European Union, as well as the difficulties that had to be faced, is given. Attempts to solve these problems and the dangers of ignoring them are described. Using the example of the activities of four significant German think tanks, the article traces the evolution of expertise on this issue. It is noted that experts do not always pay attention to this problem or try to solve it according to the preferences and wishes of the political establishment. Examples of active cooperation between think tanks and decision-making politicians, as well as the influence of German expertise on the formation of certain aspects of the migration policy of Germany and the European Union are given. It is concluded that think tanks contribute to solving the problem of migration from sub-Saharan Africa, but only if the expertise generally coincides with the vision of solving the problem by German and European politicians.
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Strezhneva, M. "Financial Aspects of the European Green Deal." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 4 (2021): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2021-4-13-23.
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The climate policy of the European Union became the key priority for the European Commission, headed by Ursula von der Leyen. This article analyses both its internal and external dimensions, while concentrating on the finances of the European Green Deal, the multiyear strategy for the EU socio-economic development. The methods are demonstrated which the EC employs to mobilize public and private capital for the realization of the green transit, including the financial instruments designed to assist businesses when investing in clean energy and industry. The notion of ‘sustainable’ investment is specified that Brussels is guided by when working out its financial decisions. The EU taxonomy, a green classification system that translates the EU's climate and environmental objectives into criteria for specific economic activities for investment purposes, is presented. The research reveals how the market and regulatory powers of the EU are brought to bear in rolling out its controversial Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism. By means of this transnational taxation Brussels hopes to avoid carbon leakage: the situation that allegedly may occur if European carbon-intensive businesses were to transfer production to other jurisdictions with laxer emission constraints. Yet a lack of flexibility in applying the CBAM is causing concern in many countries of the world, including the USA, Brazil, South Africa and China. In EU-Russia relations in particular, it risks increasing political tensions and/or causing trade retaliation due to low levels of mutual trust. Russia developing energy transition plans of her own, her efforts in this respect are now visibly stimulated by the declared EU intention to externalize its regulatory practices. At the same time, Moscow perceives this externalization as an imposition which is most unwelcome and hurts Russia disproportionally. Presumably, the European Union could put more effort in negotiating and developing this latest European initiative with international partners to win new willing ears for it.
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KAPINOS, Natallia, Viktor GONCHAROV, Olena RYBINA, and Nataliia PROKOPENKO. "EXPERIENCE OF LAND USE DEVELOPMENT PLANNING AT THE LOCAL (MUNICIPAL) LEVEL IN THE EUROPEAN UNION." AgroLife Scientific Journal 10, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 83–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.17930/agl2021210.
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The article examines the development of theoretical and methodological approaches and practical recommendations for improving the ecological and economic foundations of land management and land management at the local level in the example of the European Union. In practice, regional, spatial, strategic, landscape, and integrated types of land use development planning are most often used in the European Union. With the development of the market economy of European society, environmental problems arose, which prompted the development of landscape planning, both landscape-ecological and socio-economic aspects of territorial development. The experience of landscape planning was introduced in Germany, which later became used in almost all European countries. The study and direct comparison of existing landscape planning systems in different European countries, and their reduction to several basic features are not possible and impractical because these systems are very different. This is due to a number of reasons: history, features of political systems, cultural traditions, level of economic development, the nature of legal systems and property relations. Landscape planning in the European Union is going to be one of the tensest areas of activity in the future, and Ukraine must take an active part in this process.
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Savchuk, Sergiy. "Special aspects of legal regulation of fixed-term employment contracts of some European countries." Law Review of Kyiv University of Law, no. 2 (August 10, 2020): 286–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.36695/2219-5521.2.2020.54.
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The article is devoted to the study of foreign experience in legal regulation of fixed-term employment contracts. Fixed-termemployment contracts should be considered as one of the earliest and, accordingly, the oldest forms of non-standard employment. Tur -ning to the concept of the application of fixed-term employment contracts in Ukraine in the near future, it seems appropriate to consider the possibility of their further development through the prism of studying European experience. Indeed, in many European countriesthe fixed-term contracts are quite common and therefore analysis of both positive and negative examples of their legal regulation willbe useful for the future development of labour legislation in Ukraine.The article features an analysis of the relevant legislation of the United Kingdom, Estonia, Italy, Poland and France. It is concludedthat the membership of these states in the European Union has had a significant impact on the evolution of national labour le -gislation. This also applies to the United Kingdom, which had been part of this economic and political union for a long time.The transposition of EU legislation into national law by these countries predetermines the existence of common features betweenthem in the legal regulation of fixed-term employment contracts. This common features include: clear time limits of the employmentcontract, maximum allowable number of renewals enshrined in law, compliance with the principle of non-discrimination, etc.In turn, the implementation of fixed-term employment relationships in each country differs in its uniqueness, which is due to thedomestic tradition of their implementation. For example, in the United Kingdom, the dismissal of an employee due to the expiration ofthe employment contract is considered through the lens of fairness of the employer’s actions, while in Italy the number of fixed-termemployment contracts with a particular employer cannot exceed 30 %.The above circumstances should be taken into account by Ukraine when reforming labour legislation. Indeed, the need to implementCouncil Directive 1999/70/EC is clearly provided for in clauses 1139 and 1140 of the Action Plan for the implementation of theAssociation Agreement between Ukraine, on the one hand, and the European Union, the European Atomic Energy Community and theirmember states, on the other hand, approved by Resolution of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine No. 1106, of 25.10.2017.
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Golovina, Svetlana G., Ekaterina V. Abilova, and Ivan N. Mikolaychik. "Participation of farmers and local communities in the implementation of rural support policies in the countries of the European Union." Economy of agricultural and processing enterprises, no. 4 (2022): 52–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31442/0235-2494-2022-0-4-52-60.
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The purpose of this article is to present for scientific discussion some of the results of the study, which make it possible to formulate a number of practical recommendations regarding the implementation of the European experience of supporting rural areas in domestic political practice. While such opportunities relate to many aspects of the implementation of the Common Agricultural Policy of the European Union (CAP), the article deals with the potential of agricultural producers (farmers), local communities, rural networks in solving rural development problems with the active support of special funds of the European Union, primarily the European Fund for Rural Development. The research findings were obtained through a discursive method of analysis with using (1) legislative documents underlying the policy, (2) statistical information and reporting data related to the results of the CAP realization at various program stages, (3) scientific publications presenting expert assessments by European colleagues.
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Kingah, Stephen. "The European Union’s New Africa Strategy: Grounds for Cautious Optimism." European Foreign Affairs Review 11, Issue 4 (December 1, 2006): 527–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2006041.
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In December 2005 the Council of the European Union (EU) adopted a new strategy for Africa (the Strategy) proposed by the Commission in October 2005. In the document, the EU discusses many aspects relating to its ties with African countries. Past cooperation is reviewed and ongoing programs are assessed. What distinguishes the Strategy from previous EU policy statements on Africa is that the Union makes allusion a number of new elements. They include economic initiatives, political innovations, a new social blueprint, geographic coherence, strategic aspects and more money. While the elements are reminiscent of a forward-looking approach to future EU-Africa relations, certain challenges may need to be surmounted. The challenges mainly refer to the potential negative effects of policy incoherence. However, if implemented with a sense of purpose by both sides, the issues regarding policy incoherence could be appropriately addressed by specific mechanisms discussed in the Strategy. Such mechanisms include the Euro-African Business Forum and EU-African Human Rights Forum.
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Székács, András, Péter Roszík, Katalin Balázs, László Podmaniczky, and Apolka Ujj. "Agroecological initiatives in Hungary and their Central European aspects." International Journal of Agriculture and Natural Resources 47, no. 3 (December 2020): 216–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7764/ijanr.v47i3.2266.
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Agroecology initiatives were first implemented within Central and Eastern Europe in Hungary in the 1980s in response to the environmental and ecological problems of intensive, agrochemical-based agricultural technology. The agroecology sector has grown substantially ever since and is currently facing its second boom, yet Hungary’s level of organic farming remains substantially below the average level in the European Union (EU) and in the Visegrad Group countries (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia). This review summarizes early and recent agroecology developments in Hungary in the context of the region and the EU in a broader sense, mainly regarding scientific research and policy aspects. The 10-fold growth of the organic agriculture sector in Hungary over the last two decades brings Hungary somewhat closer to the average EU level and is discussed in relation to the regulating legal environment, i.e., the EU’s harmonized Rural Development Program. In addition, the European Green Deal envisions a reduction in pesticide use by 50% by 2030 and supports agroecology to reduce excess fertilization, increase organic farming and reverse biodiversity loss. Hungary pursues these goals through, among others means, the transnational joint initiative of the Visegrad countries, BIOEAST. The environmental risks jeopardizing agroecology are summarized in a systematic context, covering not only agricultural organic microcontaminants but also agricultural biotechnology products and issues in energy utilization efficacy. Related past and current research projects, as well as Hungary’s involvement in the international advancement of agroecology, are outlined.
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Drastichová, Magdaléna, and Peter Filzmoser. "Factors of Quality of Life in a Group of Selected European Union and OECD Countries." Problemy Ekorozwoju 16, no. 2 (July 1, 2021): 75–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.35784/pe.2021.2.09.
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This work focuses on the evaluation of the factors of quality of life in a sample of 26 countries. Quality of life is a complex, multidimensional concept, which includes various social, cultural, economic, political, demographic and environmental aspects. Regarding this, principal component analysis and regression analysis were chosen as relevant methods to analyse relationships among twenty-five variables related to quality of life, and their rela-tionships with three composite indices reflecting crucial aspects of quality of life, wellbeing and sustainability. These indices, applied as the response variables in the regression analysis, include the inequality-adjusted alter-native of the Human Development Index (IHDI), the Happy Planet Index (HPI), and Healthy Life Years (HLY). The IHDI represents an objective indicator of human development and wellbeing. HLY reflects quality of life in terms of health. The HPI combines the ecological efficiency with which human wellbeing is delivered, while it also includes a subjective measure of wellbeing. Since each of these indices represent different aspects of quality of life to a certain extent, some of the factors (represented by selected indicators) affected them in different ways. After applying a Lasso regression, nine of the 25 indicators – representing crucial factors of quality of life – were identified. Homicide rate (representing the factor of safety) affected all three indices in a negative way, whereas Years in education (representing the factor of education) and Life satisfaction – a subjective indicator of wellbeing representing the dimension of the same name, affected them positively.
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Aubakir, Assima. "NEW EU STRATEGY FOR CENTRAL ASIA: HISTORY, VISION, PROSPECTS." Central Asia and The Caucasus 21, no. 4 (December 17, 2020): 007–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.20.4.01.
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Today, the Central Asian region is once again becoming a point of attraction for the interests of the international community—in geopolitical, as well as in trade and economic terms. The interests of major world powers intersect here, and each has its own approach to establishing relations with the regional countries. The European Union, which never considered this region a geopolitical priority, has been implementing its own Central Asia Strategy since 2007. In July 2017, the Council of the European Union decided to completely revise the Strategy based on new realities, as well as the ambitions and priorities of the regional states in their relations with the EU. A new strategy for relations between the European Union and Central Asia was adopted in June 2019. The revision of the strategy is slated to allow the EU to strengthen its cooperation with the Central Asian countries, highlight the most effective projects, and revise those aspects of interaction that did not bring the desired results. Currently, there is an intensification of intra-regional cooperation in Central Asia; there are positive trends in the development of dialog on important issues of the regional agenda. For this reason, the approaches and tools of European diplomacy in the implementation of its policy in Central Asia are expected to undergo significant adjustments as the Strategy is updated. The subject of this article is precisely this transit period in the relations between the European Union and Central Asia.
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Sharoichenko, Natalia. "Spain and the European Union: topical issues of interaction." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 4 (December 28, 2017): 70–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2017-4-70-73.
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This article analyzes various aspects of interaction of Spain and European Union (EU) at the present stage. Due to the fact that the studied period is less than six months (including several events happened in a period less than a month) before presenting the paper, this research is topical and covers issues which were not examined before in academic literature. The aim of the study is to analyze major problems on which Spain has made suggestions for positive changes in the EU recently. The research was conducted with the help of such methods, as event-analysis, comparison and system approach. The article implies consistent and coherent analysis of important recent events, political and economic processes which actors were Spain and the European Union. In order to make the research comprehensive, materials of international media, official statements and papers of researchers from Spanish-speaking countries on associated topics were studied. The main conclusion on Spain’s participation in political and economic processes at the level of the EU is that Spain suggests different ways to strengthen economies of the Eurozone, accelerate integration in the framework of the EU, resolve migration crisis and fight against terrorism in Europe. Thanks to economic growth during this year and relative stabilization of political situation after the party crisis, Spain began to participate more actively in international projects within the EU, and it is engaged in a constructive dialogue on the most urgent European problems.
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Bitkova, Tatiana. "ROMANIA AND THE BALKANS: POLITICAL, HISTORICAL AND CULTURAL ASPECTS." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2021): 233–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.11.
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The article analyzes some aspects of Romania’s foreign policy in the Balkan region. It is noted that the same fact that country belongs to the Balkans causes ambiguous interpretations on the part of Romanian politicians and experts, many of whom believe that Romania cannot be attributed to this region either geographically or politically. At the same time, culturally and historically, according to a certain part of historians and sociologists, Romania nevertheless carries the features of the so-called «Balkanism», due to the common Ottoman past with the Balkan Peninsula. These features are also relevant for the current socio-political situation, which is shown in the article with specific examples. In addition, criticism of the very term «Balkanism» from the side of Romanian analysts is presented. The author also examines Romania’s relations with the countries of the Western Balkans, primarily with Serbia. The points of contact of the positions of these countries are noted, which are largely due to the desire of Serbia to resolve the Kosovo problem in its favor, relying on the support of Romania - one of the five EU countries that did not recognize the independence of Kosovo. Romania, using this situation, is trying to strengthen its position, seeking regional leadership. The author comes to the conclusion that, although the Western Balkan countries directly or indirectly aspire to Euro-Atlantic structures, some of them (primarily Serbia) maintain and develop friendly relations with Russia, which complicates their interaction with Romania, orthodoxly adhering to the NATO and European Union policies and having a very difficult relationship with Russia.
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Schweitzer, Vladimir. "Bruno Kreisky and the Soviet Union." Contemporary Europe 101, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 169–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope12021169179.
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The article is dedicated to the 110th anniversary of B. Kreisky (1911 – 1990), a prominent statesman of post-war Austria, one of the leaders of international social democracy. From 1959 to 1966 he served as Minister of Foreign Affairs of Austria. In 1970 ‒ 1983 he was in charge of the Government of that State. In 1976 – 1989, he was Vice-President of the Socialist International. Soviet issues were not only an integral part of his political interests, but also a topic of constant dialogue within the European establishment, an important subject of meetings with the leaders of the USSR. Being a critic of many aspects of the USSR's foreign and domestic policy, not accepting the communist interpretation of Marxism, he did not consider ideological contradictions an obstacle to contacts with the Soviet leadership on a wide range of international issues. The dialogue with the USSR touched upon the topics of European and international detente, events in the Middle East and various situations in the countries of the "Third World".
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Abdullai, Dr Sc Jonuz, and Mr Demush Bajrami. "Political culture in Macedonia after the Ohrid Framework Agreement." ILIRIA International Review 2, no. 1 (June 30, 2012): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v2i1.167.
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The political culture, according to scholar Kavanagh is part of the overall societal culture, and represents a set of basic values, emotions, knowledge, attitudes and convictions, within which the political system operates, shaping and feeding political processes. Culture came as a sequence to efforts to factor the spiritual world of people in explicating policy. Political culture brings to surface some kind of independence of culture from economic factors, and the role of culture in political order and economic development.This paper provides the theoretical aspects of political culture and political systems, within which its reflection is analysed on several aspects of interethnic relations in a democracy. Also, it accentuates the preferred paths of Western Balkan countries, including Macedonia, towards integration with the European Union, which is spiked with many challenges. In the political culture of multi-ethnic societies, ethnic divisions may have an influence. The ethnic principles are still present in the political arena of Macedonia, where although there is some “interethnic reconciliation”, the failure in implementing the Ohrid Framework Agreement, signed in 2001, between Albanians and Macedonians, there are often political contractions, affecting national interests, which is in contradiction to all values of the European Union, mainly with human rights, but also ethnic rights.The object of the analysis of this paper is specifically related to:extended transition of Macedonia,political consensus,role of political parties, andinterethnic relations after the Ohrid Framework Agreement.Political culture in South-Eastern European countries has been analysed in different views, especially in the reform process, where it has an important role.Conclusions of this paper are that Macedonia must fulfil the conditions set forth, both political and institutional, based on the political culture for EU integration, since political culture, according to scholar L. Pye represents a “set of basic values, emotions and knowledge shaping and feeding political processes”.
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Khakhalkina, E. V., K. P. Andreev, and A. V. Munko. "New Face of European Union: Right-Wing Populism in the EU-Countries." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 6 (December 31, 2020): 99–132. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-6-75-99-132.
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The European Union undergoes several qualitative transformations. Today it faces major demographic changes, the distance between the EU and national states is growing because of Brexit and high rates of immigration to Europe. The configuration of mainstream parties is also transforming in an unpredictable way. All these processes bring the phenomenon of right-wing populism to the forefront of political life of the European Union. This phenomenon was an answer both to internal andexternal challenges. The aim of the article is to identify the components of right-wing populism using the examples of some memberstates, to show its threats and risks, as well as ways to minimize the impact of this phenomenon on all aspects of the EU life. To achieve this goal, party programs (primarily right-wing populist ones), national and European elections data, materials from the Eurobarometer and other public opinion services, speeches and interviews of leading politicians, and other materials are used. The methodological approach is based on the principles of interdisciplinarity. The authors used comparative-typological, functional and structural methods. The problems of immigration and Islamophobia in the EU are explained with the help of the civilizational concept of A.J. Toynbee. The structure of the article provides the study of the phenomenon of right-wing populism through such indicators as separation of elites from the population (including European democracy and lack of democracy), immigration (and Islamophobia), as well as the EU identity. The article provides a detailed analysis of the member- state cases including the United Kingdom, Austria, Germany, Italy, France, Sweden, the countries of Eastern Europe and others. The authors conclude that right-wing populism has dual nature, its significance in individual countries of the European Union increases, and it is deeply integrated into the party and parliamentary mechanism of European democracies.
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Valeeva, R. A. "Development of Сooperation Between Kyrgyzstan and the European Union at the Present Stage." Post-Soviet Issues 6, no. 3 (November 27, 2019): 288–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2019-6-3-288-296.
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After the collapse of the USSR, the West received favorable conditions for promoting its geopolitical interests. Accordingly, the European Union began to establish relations with the countries of Central Asia. The EU policy in Central Asia in the early 90s of the twentieth century is characterized by the fact that Brussels concentrated its efforts on the allocation of economic assistance, the promotion of democracy and market relations. The EU policy in the Central Asian republics was based on cooperation and partnership Agreements signed with the leadership of the countries of the region. These agreements were intended to formalize the political and economic relations of the countries of the region with the EU. The role of the Central Asian countries in EU foreign policy was more clearly defined after the adoption of the European Union Strategy for Central Asia in 2007. The European Union has taken a number of steps to strengthen its position in the region. Several formats of bilateral and regional cooperation have been created, and EU representative offices have been opened in the countries of the region.Over the past decade, the European Union has significantly intensified its foreign policy in Central Asia. It expanded diplomatic ties and successfully implemented mechanisms for developing cooperation with Central Asia. In particular, it has expanded its presence in the region, successfully launching several of its strategic programs in various areas of cooperation.In 2019, the European Union adopted a new Strategy for Central Asia. This is the first radical revision of the document adopted in 2007. This indicates a desire to update the base of interac tion and to build relations with the countries of the region in a new way. The European Union pays special attention to such areas of cooperation as energy issues, global security problems and joint struggle against the threats of terrorism, Islamic fundamentalism and radical extremism, transport and infrastructure. Particular attention is paid to the prospects and problems of the EU’s interaction with the Kyrgyz Republic, which cover various aspects: political, economic, social, trade, cultural. On 19 November 2017, the European Union and the Kyrgyz Republic began negotiations to update the existing bilateral agreement, which is intended to replace the partnership and cooperation Agreement. After the completion of the negotiations, a new agreement on expanded partnership and cooperation between Kyrgyzstan and the European Union was initialed on July 6, 2019. It includes new areas of cooperation and significantly improves the regulatory framework for trade and economic relations in accordance with WTO rules and regional economic agreements. The new agreement provides for cooperation between Kyrgyzstan and the EU in areas such as: policy and reform, enhanced cooperation in foreign policy and security issues, in the areas of justice, security and freedoms, as well as in trade.
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Dmitrieva, Anastasia. "Spatial aspects of gender inequality of the european union countries (on the example of the Republic of Finland)." Pskov region studies journal, no. 46 (2021): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.37490/s221979310014328-3.
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The article examines the problems of maintaining gender inequality in the EU countries, which, despite the successful experience of individual countries, is decreasing too slowly. Modern democracies recognize the equality of men and women as basic social values, but today the gender equality policy is most successful in the Nordic countries, in particular in Finland. To confirm this, the key historical stages of changes in the legal status and position of women in the EU countries are considered, a review of the main legislative documents regulating the rights of men and women is carried out, and a spatial interpretation of intercountry differences is presented. The study used a comparative characteristic of one of the main integral indicators characterizing the unequal attitude of men and women in certain spheres of life - the index of gender inequality in the EU countries, including the dynamics of the world ranking of each country. On the example of Finland, the process of feminization of society is examined in detail, the main indicators that determine the inequality of men and women in social and political spheres (the ratio of men and women in the national parliament; the wage gap; educational structure of men and women) are analyzed.
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Dremliuga, Roman, and Alexander Korobeev. "A Fight Against the Dissemination of Deepfakes in Other Countries: Criminal and Criminological Aspects." Russian Journal of Criminology 15, no. 3 (July 2, 2021): 372–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2500-4255.2021.15(3).372-379.
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The authors analyze a relatively new phenomenon of spreading realistic audiovisual fake materials (deepfakes). This socially dangerous phenomenon is not reflected in the Russian criminal legislation as a separate offence. At the same time, some countries have started developing a criminal policy in this sphere. The methodology of the study presupposes a comparative law analysis of current legislations of the USA, China and the European union regarding the liability for the dissemination of realistic audiovisual fakes. The analysis of criminal legislation is aimed at the identification and systematization of key approaches to criminalizing the dissemination of realistic audiovisual fakes in the countries that are the leaders in digitizing their social and economic life. It showed that there are radically different approaches to regulating criminal liability for the actions under consideration. The authors analyzed criminal policy of the United States at the federal and state levels on the criminal law protection against infringements through deepfakes. They found that the first action to be recognized as criminal is the use of realistic audiovisual fakes for electoral intervention. The legislations of some states strictly regulate the procedure of posting such content before elections, the most serious violations leading to criminal liability. Besides, the United States recognizes as criminally punishable the use of deepfakes for creating materials of intimate nature and for identity theft. The People’s Republic of China establishes liability, including criminal liability, for posting any fake realistic-looking audiovisual materials without mentioning that they are fake. Currently there are no special criminal law norms regulating liability for the dissemination of deepfakes in the law of the European Union. This action should be viewed as infringement of the lawful use of personal data. The authors give their assessment of some criminological characteristics of the analyzed publicly dangerous phenomenon in Russia and in the world. In spite of the relative novelty of the deepfake technology, realistic fake videos are quite common. The society supports the necessity of criminalizing this publicly dangerous action.
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Nyman-Metcalf, Katrin, and Ioannis F. Papageorgiou. "The European Union Digital Single Market—Challenges and Impact for the EU Neighbourhood States." Baltic Journal of European Studies 8, no. 2 (September 1, 2018): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2018-0013.
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AbstractThe digital single market is one of the most important objectives and challenges for the European Union. However, given that digitalisation implies a borderless world it requires a different form of governance and has distinctive features from other aspects of the single market. In addition, it raises a number of practical and political issues for countries outside the EU, but which maintain close economic and trade relations with the latter. The article examines the regulatory implications of the digital world from the point of view of states involved in the European Neighbourhood Policy, in particular Georgia, and looks into the future challenges in this process.
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Marchuk, M., and L. Gudz. "Local elections in the European Union and Ukraine: comparative characteristics." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law, no. 70 (June 18, 2022): 119–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2022.70.16.
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The article provides a comparative analysis of the electoral legislation of the EU countries and Ukraine at the local level and on the basis of this analysis, the proposals to improve the electoral legislation of Ukraine take into account the experience of the European Union.
The main forms of direct democracy in most EU member countries and Ukraine are fixed at the constitutional level, and the procedure of preparing and holding elections is regulated by special election laws. Domestic electoral legislation is overloaded with detailed norms of procedural aspects, unlike the legislation of EU countries, in which much more attention is paid to the issues of transparency of party financial funds and transparency of election campaign financing, as well as protection of national minorities’ interests.
The main ways of exercising the right to vote not at the place of inclusion in the voter lists in the EU member states were characterized: voting by absentee ballots at specially designated polling stations, voting on the territory of diplomatic and consular missions, voting by mail, proxy voting, mobile voting, voting via the Internet, distance voting. It is noted that the norms in which the institution of a cash deposit is enshrined are discriminatory since they violate the principle of equality of suffrage and create a situation in which candidates are excluded from the political arena on the basis of the property criterion.
Relevant for EU countries is the adoption of measures to create appropriate conditions for the full implementation of the principle of equality of citizens before the law, in particular, to overcome the actual inequality of opportunities between women and men.
In order to bring Ukrainian legislation in line with international standards set by the European Union, we propose: to grant the right to vote in local elections to citizens of other states or stateless persons who permanently reside on the territory of the respective territorial community and permanently pay local taxes and fees have common local interests related to everyday life, infrastructure, communication, recreation; to introduce electronic voting; not to apply the institution of cash deposit at the local level; to introduce individual (party) gender quotas, following the French example.
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Hurduzeu, Gheorghe, Iulia Lupu, Radu Lupu, and Radu Ion Filip. "The Interplay between Digitalization and Competitiveness: Evidence from European Countries." Societies 12, no. 6 (November 7, 2022): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc12060157.
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In modern societies, digitalization plays a tremendously important role for people and businesses. Apart from an economic representation, competitiveness characterizes a society from political, cultural, or human points of view. In this article, we aim to highlight the role of digital development from a competitiveness perspective, as there are few studies related to this relationship. The empirical investigation is based on panel data analysis for European Union countries for 2017–2022, considering the digital economy and society index (DESI) and the index developed by International Institute for Management Development (IMD), respectively IMD world competitiveness index. The results obtained are reported both for general indices and for the components of DESI, presented separately for the groups of Central and Eastern European countries and Western European countries. They indicate different influences for the two groups of countries, with only a few common aspects. The most obvious is the case of skilled labor. This aspect demonstrates the link between the various dimensions of digitalization and changes in human capital development strategies, as they appear in the specialized literature.
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Witkowska-Chrzczonowicz, Katarzyna. "European Integration in the teachings of John Paul II: Selected aspects." Studia Iuridica Toruniensia 29 (November 24, 2021): 459–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/sit.2021.042.
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Nowadays, European integration is going through a crisis that has been observed for several years. The financial crisis, Brexit, the COVID-19 pandemic, and anti-democratic tendencies in many countries (unfortunately also including the EU member states) are leading to a new rise of the ideology of nation states. Moreover, many politicians are also promoting anti-EU slogans, highlighting the concept of national sovereignty and the need to protect it. Following this type of rhetoric and political narrative, the United Kingdom left the European Union in 2020. This situation encourages reflection on how this process was perceived by John Paul II, who is still regarded by many Poles as an unquestionable authority figure, and his teachings remain an important signpost for the future for many Poles. This paper is an attempt to explore the issue of European integration in the teachings of the Polish Pope. John Paul II’s statements on European integration were always deeply balanced and dealt primarily with the spiritual and cultural aspects. However, he did not omit economic or even political issues whenever he deemed them rightful and meaningful. In fact, up until the end of his life and his pontificate, John Paul II was an avid supporter of the idea of European integration, and this attitude shines through in his texts and speeches analysed for this study. Of course, in his perceptive mind, the Pope did notice the flaws and imperfections of European integration projects and warned clearly against reducing the European cooperation only to economic aspects, disregarding the spiritual, cultural or moral dimension. Above all, however, he noticed and appreciated the achievements of European cooperation mechanisms, which ensured peace and robust economic development in the second half of the 20th century for the countries which were actively involved in it.
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Ilyushyk, O. M., and N. I. Didyk. "Administrative and legal foundations of the state policy of the European integration of Ukraine." Analytical and Comparative Jurisprudence, no. 4 (November 27, 2022): 195–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2788-6018.2022.04.35.
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The article is devoted to the study of the essence and structure of the administrative and legal mechanism of state policy in the field of European integration of Ukraine. The article examines the main aspects of Ukraine's accession to the European Union. Membership in this organization is considered as a key practical means of forming an effective open economy. The experience of member countries, namely their current economic development and political situation, is analyzed: both positive and negative examples are highlighted. The potential benefits and possible threats in the development of our state upon joining the European Union have been determined and substantiated. The main barriers to Ukraine's acquisition of membership of the European Union and options for their elimination are considered. European integration, declared as a strategic direction of Ukraine's development, is not only a foreign economic vector, but also a reference point of values for the entire Ukrainian society. Ukraine's integration into the European Union today is supported by all government structures and the vast majority of the Ukrainian population, 81%. However, many objective and subjective difficulties arise in this strategic direction of our state's development. Moreover, overcoming them depends not only on Ukraine, but also on external factors that are outside its borders. Special attention is paid to the social, economic and cultural problems of modern Ukraine. Conclusions were made about the need to make balanced political and economic decisions, which depend on the prospects of Ukraine's integration into the European Union. The article is devoted to the coverage of the topic of the legal basis of membership in the European Union, the criteria that the state must meet in order to acquire the status of a candidate for membership. In the European Union, a strict approach is applied to the issue of granting membership, which is explained by the fact that a member of the European Union cannot be any state that territorially belongs to Europe, but only a state that adheres to the basic values of the association and together with the member states brings them to life.
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Angelova, Elena Hristova, Doru Leonard Irimie, Metodi Sotirov, and Georg Winkel. "Bulgarien und Rumänien in der Europäischen Union – forstpolitische Herausforderungen | Bulgaria and Romania in the European Union – challenges for forest policy." Schweizerische Zeitschrift fur Forstwesen 160, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3188/szf.2009.0015.
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Romania's and Bulgaria's accession to the European Union (EU) increased the forested area of the Community considerably and lead to significant changes within the forest sectors of these states, which had been shaped by centrally planned economy for a long time. Entering the European economic area and complying with its legal framework triggered a dynamic development, which was characterized by the competing priorities of domestic forest policy and the requests formulated by the EU. This article is going to discuss the immanent processes of these developments based on the results of three dissertations on this topic carried out at the Institute of Forest and Environmental Policy, University of Freiburg (Germany) during the recent years. The research focuses on the institutional changes in Romania and Bulgaria paying special attention to the restitution of property to private owners. Besides formal institutions, also informal aspects such as conflicting beliefs and interests of different forest policy stakeholders are considered. It can be shown that, despite the considerable development the forest sectors of both countries went through, still major challenges remain to be dealt with until they are fully integrated into the European economic and political area.
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Knyazeva, Svetlana. "THE PROBLEM OF THE EU INTEGRATION OF THE BALKAN COUNTRIES AND THE EU ENLARGEMENT IN THE CONTEXT OF THE VALUE MODEL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2021): 176–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.08.
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The article examines a wide range of the problems associated with the boundless enlargement of the European Union which makes it possible to place the Balkans in the context of general European development. To become a member of the EU is the important goal of the post-socialist countries of the Balkans/South-Eastern Europe. Bulgaria, Romania, and the post-Yugoslavian states of Slovenia and Croatia became full members of the EU. Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Albania are still at different stages of integration into the European community. This accession is the logical completion of the processes of social, political, economic and legal transformation of the Balkan countries, in which they themselves and the European Union as a whole and its individual member states are interested for reasons of geopolitics and geoeconomics. However, the accession to Europe (or the return to Europe) of the Balkan states with their authoritarian and socialist past includes not only the reform of the economic, political and legal systems, but also a change in value orientations. While in the states of the so-called «founding fathers» of the EU a Western European corporate civic identity is being formed, in the countries of the former Eastern Europe and the Balkan region, ethnic identity remains remains largely in the mainstream of public consciousness. The author examines axiological, ideological and psychological aspects of the accession of post-socialist countries to the EU, and also analyzes specific foreign policy problems associated with this process and the role of regional international organizations in the «europeanization» of the Balkans and in the settlement of ethnic and interstate conflicts in the region that still remain acute. Negative tendencies, first of all - the strengthening of populist sentiments and the coming to power of politicians reflecting these sentiments, pose challenges and threats not only to the European Union, but also to Russia.
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Benčina, Jože, and Anja Mrđa Kovačič. "The Factor Model of Decentralization and Quality of Governance in European Union." Central European Public Administration Review 11, no. 3-4 (May 9, 2014): 57–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17573/ipar.2013.3-4.a03.
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This paper presents a selection of 43 variables collected from various sources, which are used to describe the concepts of decentralization and quality of governance in the EU countries. Decentralization is analyzed from two aspects, fiscal and political, while the quality of governance is, along with certain real indicators, measured in particular with the opinions of citizens. The aim of the research was to determine the factor structure of selected variables and provide guidelines for using best practices in exploratory factor analysis. The exploratory factor analysis classified the selected variables into three factors of fiscal decentralization (Fiscal decentralization, Fiscal centralization and Government expenditure), three factors of political decentralization (Centripetalism, Regional governance, Federalism) and three factors of quality of governance (Quality of European institutions, Quality of national institutions and Enforcement of EU law). Despite the small population observed, the factors showed quite good characteristics and provided a good starting point for further research. In this manner, it was shown that despite a small population, it is possible to develop factor models of suitable quality by using exploratory factor analysis in the sense of best practices.
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Gotsova, Boryana. "The Gordian Knot of European Union Competence: Commercial Aspects of Intellectual Property After the Judgment in Case C-414/11Daiichi Sankyo." German Law Journal 15, no. 3 (May 1, 2014): 511–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200019027.
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The division of external competences between the European Union and the Member States is a long-standing object of contention for constitutional and practical reasons. The competence to negotiate and conclude international agreements in a given area has as many highly political implications as concrete policy-making ones. This tension is well illustrated by the field of the commercial aspects of intellectual property. Community, and later Union, competence over this area was established only gradually. After multiple Treaty revisions and legal disputes over competence, the Treaty of Lisbon now lists the field as one of the main elements of the Union's Common Commercial Policy (CCP). The CCP itself is one of the founding policies, dating back to the European Economic Community. It structures the Union's trade relations with third countries, encompassing bilateral and multilateral trade and tariff agreements, as well as unilateral trade defense measures such as anti-dumping and anti-subsidy instruments. Today, the Treaty of Lisbon expressly provides for exclusive Union competence over the CCP, codifying the case law of the Court of Justice.
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Groenendijk, Kees. "Pre-departure Integration Strategies in the European Union: Integration or Immigration Policy?" European Journal of Migration and Law 13, no. 1 (2011): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181611x558191.
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AbstractSeveral States require immigrants from outside the EU to participate in language or integration courses after arrival. In recent years, some EU Member States made passing a language test (Netherlands and Germany) or participating in a language course (France) a condition for a visa for family reunification for immigrants from certain third countries. Denmark and the UK introduced a similar requirement in 2010. The focus of his article is on three aspects: the political debate, the legal constraints and the effects. Firstly, the development of the pre-departure integration strategies is analyzed. What was the rationale behind the introduction and does is vary between Member States? Secondly, the legal constraints of EU and international law are discussed. Finally, the results of the first studies evaluating this policy instrument are presented. Is pre-departure a good predictor for immigrant’s ability to integrate? Does it actually assist integration, and what are the unexpected or counterproductive effects?
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Koltsov, Vitalii, and Yuliia Lomzhets. "FOREIGN POLICY IMPERATIVES FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE VISEGRAD GROUP AND UKRAINE." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 6, no. 4 (November 24, 2020): 81–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2020-6-4-81-89.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the main stages of creation and development of the Visegrad Group as a regional grouping, which is successfully developing when being a member of NATO and the European Union. This kind of research is especially relevant in connection with the exacerbation of the economic crisis due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The purpose of the research is to analyze the strategic stages of creation and development of various cooperative aspects of the Visegrad countries; such a format of interaction has not lost its relevance after accession to the European Union. Analytical separation of periodization of the stages of formation, identification of problems and solutions faced by the Visegrad group’s countries is important for creating a modern economic and political worldview of cooperation and indentifying the main areas of cooperation in Europe. Based on the use of documents, including protocols and declarations as a result of meetings at various levels within the Visegrad Group, the specific stages of its development and interaction with Ukraine in a wide range of components that are the essence of Euro-Atlantic integration are analyzed and identified. Specific examples illustrate that Ukraine has always been in the field of key interests of the Visegrad Four, getting effective assistance and support in various forms from it. There have been identified not only practical issues of regional cooperation and security, but also some aspects of the value and civilization dimension. The member countries of the Visegrad Group, having initiated the format of cooperation “V4 + Ukraine”, took an active part in the most important processes that Ukraine went through on its way. The assumption is proved that the experience of the Visegrad countries is relevant and useful for Ukraine on the way to the realization of its Euro-Atlantic integration aspirations. Despite the difficulties within the European Union, between Ukraine and some of the signatories of the 1991 Visegrad Declaration, cooperation with Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary is the most effective communication platform for intensifying a broad dialogue between Ukraine and the European Union.
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Rostetska, Svitlana, and Svetlana Naumkina. "PARADIGMS OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION PROCESSES IN THE EU, VISEGRÁD GROUP, AND UKRAINE." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 5, no. 3 (August 1, 2019): 184. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2019-5-3-184-192.
Full textAbstract:
The scientific interest of the development of the theory and practice of cooperation of Central European countries of the Visegrád Group in the context of modern European integration processes is important for developing and implementing the strategy of foreign and domestic policy in European countries and Ukraine at the modern stage. At the beginning of the XXI century, under the changes in the geopolitical situation on the European continent, the countries of Central Europe (full members of the European Union) build a new operating system of international relations and accordingly continue to delegate some of their powers to suprastate institutions of the EU. The purpose of this scientific study is to determine paradigmatic aspects of European integration processes, modern threats arising in the EU, prospects for the interaction of EU countries, and to form a new format of cooperation of Ukraine and countries of the Visegrád Group. The aim of the creation of the alliance of the Visegrád Group (1991) was the desire to contribute to the construction of European security architecture and economic cooperation through the effective cooperation within European institutions. The whole activity of the Visegrád Group is aimed at strengthening stability in the Central European region. Risks in the economic sphere and strengthening of Euroscepticism are considered traditional for the EU functioning. In view of signing the Rome Declaration in 2017, the EU threats and challenges for the short-term (2018–2020) include: hybrid consequences of the aggression of the Russian Federation in Ukraine, European migrant crisis, a series of terrorist acts in European cities, unpredictable policy of the newly elected US president D. Trump in relation to the European security system, strengthening the position of far-left and far-right political forces in European states, Brexit and its consequences, in particular, risk of domino effect in other member countries of the Union. Therefore, we consider it appropriate to carry out system analysis of key relevant challenges and threats to the EU for 2018–2020 and to consider interconditionality and interdependence of problems that may affect the EU future. Given the defined trends, development and economic stability of each state are strategically important, however, special attention in this context should be paid to the analysis of the development of large countries of the European Union, such as Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Hungary. V4 countries are characterized by sustainable economic growth. If to analyse the Visegrád Four as a single national state, then the Visegrád Group is the fifth largest economy in Europe and the 12th in the world. The authors consider it too simplistic to define the essence of the Visegrád alliance only as a consolidation of the efforts of Central European countries for the sake of “returning to Europe” through Euro-Atlantic integration. In the modern dimension of events, the interaction format V4 + Ukraine is much more complex and more promising than it appears. Since joining NATO and the European Union in 1999 and 2004 by the Visegrád Group (i.e. Central European countries) geopolitically changes the status of the Central European Region, transforms bilateral and multilateral relations of Central European countries – full members of the EU with Ukraine. Moreover, this changes the system of relations within the Visegrád Four, as well as with other member states of the European Union.
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Jastisia, Mentari. "PERLINDUNGAN HUKUM HAK ASASI MANUSIA INTERNASIONAL TERHADAP IMIGRAN SURIAH." Yustitia 7, no. 2 (October 15, 2021): 148–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31943/yustitia.v7i2.142.
Full textAbstract:
Immigrants are people who have fled from their country to other countries where they can be referred to as refugees or asylum seekers. There are legal instruments that regulate and provide protection for them. Arrangements for asylum seekers are contained in the 1967 Declaration of Territorial Asylum, State practice, humanitarian issues, Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). Meanwhile, the arrangements for refugees are contained in the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees 1951, Protocol relating to the status of Refugees 1967, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). This papers uses a normative juridical method. This juridical approach is because this research analyzes existing legal aspects, and is normative because this research focuses more on the analysis of existing laws and regulations and other regulations, using secondary data, namely scientific references or other scientific writings as study material that can support the completeness of this scientific papers. Regarding legal protection for Syrian immigrants, the same applies to immigrants from other state as regulated in the arrangements that have been regulated. Countries in the European Union implement international human rights law protections for Syrian immigrants residing in European Union countries consistently as mandated in the European Convention on Human Rights, Convention applying the Schengen Agreement dated June 14, 1985, Lisbon treaty, Dublin II Regulation (Council Regulation (EC) 343/2003) 2003. The indication is that there are several countries in the European Union such as Greece, Hungary which refuse and do not want to take more responsibility for their obligations as a State related to the provisions of international human rights law to provide protection for Syrian immigrants. in Europe
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Wohlers, Anton E. "Regulating genetically modified food: Policy trajectories, political culture, and risk perceptions in the U.S., Canada, and EU." Politics and the Life Sciences 29, no. 2 (September 2010): 17–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2990/29_2_17.
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This paper examines whether national differences in political culture add an explanatory dimension to the formulation of policy in the area of biotechnology, especially with respect to genetically modified food. The analysis links the formulation of protective regulatory policies governing genetically modified food to both country and region-specific differences in uncertainty tolerance levels and risk perceptions in the United States, Canada, and European Union. Based on polling data and document analysis, the findings illustrate that these differences matter. Following a mostly opportunistic risk perception within an environment of high tolerance for uncertainty, policymakers in the United States and Canada modified existing regulatory frameworks that govern genetically modified food in their respective countries. In contrast, the mostly cautious perception of new food technologies and low tolerance for uncertainty among European Union member states has contributed to the creation of elaborate and stringent regulatory policies governing genetically modified food.
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Marusynets, Marianna, and Ágnes Király. "Social and political aspects of education reforms in Hungary." Labor et Educatio 8 (2020): 125–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25439561le.20.010.13001.
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The article concentrates on the issue of Hungarian education reforms brought about by radical political changes, in particular, the country’s admittance to the European Union. The paper outlines priorities in educational process transformation, as well as risks emerging in the system of teacher education and lifelong learning. The challenges associated with our times transform the teacher’s consciousness, shiftingfocus to the mandatory use of information technology, the activation of students’ information mobility, and the detailed analysis of employers’ requirements. The study reveals the Hungarian government’s key activities in relation to the socialization of the Roma minority and other national minorities compactly residing in Ukraine. The research illustrated educational resources used to train teachers at educational institutions to instill tolerance and mutual respect. The 2020s’ are marked by powerful globalization and political factors penetrating all spheres of social life. The dynamic formation of the civilized information society is accompanied by a number of contradictions and conflicts, the strengthening of social ties, and changing living conditions (R.ti, 2009), (V.g. and Vass 2006). Despite numerous methodological and conceptual studies, the issues of updating the modern teacher’s training to enableteachers to train and educate students and adequately react to challenges imposed by digitalization remain open. In this respect, the experience of European states that successfully carried out a number of educational reforms is of great scientific interest and deserves to be systematically studied, popularized and introduced into the domestic educational system. One of such countries is Hungary, which borders on Ukraine both territorially and functionally (Transcarpathia is compactly inhabited by Hungarian national minorities). The aim of the article is to substantiate the essence of the key educational reforms in Hungary and to identify the risks and priorities brought about by transformational changes in the country.
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Bulatov, Gasan Islamovich, Khamid Abdalla Bashir, and Mokhammed Khalil' Khussian. "Problems and prospects of evolution of the relations between Germany and Turkey." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 3 (March 2021): 131–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2021.3.36887.
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This article analyzes the concerns and prospects for the development of relations between Turkey and Germany based on the historical method and event study. The relevance of this topic lies in the fact that at the in the context of transition of the global political system from bilateral to multilateral model of world political landscape, Turkey’s political interests are focused on becoming one of the dominants in the Caucasus-Black Sea-Mediterranean region. The article discusses the complicated relations between Germany and Turkey. Special attention is given to the domestic political agenda of the two countries, their bilateral relations, as well as relations with the European Union. Various political parties in Germany, their outlook upon Germany-Turkey and EU-Turkey relations, positioning on the German Turks, and policy of the German governments are described from the perspective of historical approach to shed light on the key aspects of their attitude towards the “Turkish issue”. The article outlines the trends and prospects for the evolution of Germany-Turkey relations at the current stage of development of the world political-economic system. The conducted analysis relies on the authorial fundamental works, scientific publications, and historical documents on the history of Germany-Turkey relations. Using the three-tier analysis of bilateral visits of the representatives of both countries over the period from 2014 to 2020, the author places emphasis on the domestic political agenda of the two countries, bilateral relations between them, as well as their relations with the European Union.
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Bulatov, Gasan Islamovich, Khamid Abdalla Bashir, and Mokhammed Khalil' Khussian. "Problems and prospects of evolution of the relations between Germany and Turkey." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 4 (April 2021): 44–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2021.4.36887.
Full textAbstract:
This article analyzes the concerns and prospects for the development of relations between Turkey and Germany based on the historical method and event study. The relevance of this topic lies in the fact that at the in the context of transition of the global political system from bilateral to multilateral model of world political landscape, Turkey’s political interests are focused on becoming one of the dominants in the Caucasus-Black Sea-Mediterranean region. The article discusses the complicated relations between Germany and Turkey. Special attention is given to the domestic political agenda of the two countries, their bilateral relations, as well as relations with the European Union. Various political parties in Germany, their outlook upon Germany-Turkey and EU-Turkey relations, positioning on the German Turks, and policy of the German governments are described from the perspective of historical approach to shed light on the key aspects of their attitude towards the “Turkish issue”. The article outlines the trends and prospects for the evolution of Germany-Turkey relations at the current stage of development of the world political-economic system. The conducted analysis relies on the authorial fundamental works, scientific publications, and historical documents on the history of Germany-Turkey relations. Using the three-tier analysis of bilateral visits of the representatives of both countries over the period from 2014 to 2020, the author places emphasis on the domestic political agenda of the two countries, bilateral relations between them, as well as their relations with the European Union.