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1
Kovalevych, L. "Policy of the states of the European Union against sessesionism." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Geography, no. 64 (2016): 74–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2721.2016.64.13.
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The role of domestic policy in solving of inter-regional conflicts and counteracting secessionist processes are disclosed in the article. A mixed populatіon in any area can live either in peaceful coexistence and political stability or in violent conflicts. This is mostly dependent on the internal ethnic policy. Variety of the government’s reactions to the strengthening of centrifugal tendencies in some regions are explored; among which the approval of separatist demands, the advancement of conditions of underprivileged minorities, adoption of “asymmetric federalism”, allowance for minorities to participate in politіcal debate through parliamentary voting, referendums, etc., establishment of a confederation with only limited links between countries are distinguished. Another way to solve regional conflicts is to create a “multinational federation.” The main features of the state policy of the European Union’s countries which have regions with high potential secessionist conflict are analyzed. The necessities of a balanced domestic policy of the government to prevent the escalation of internal contradictions are emphasized. The influence of the form of government on minimizing of inter-regional conflicts is investigating. After correlating data about current regional conflicts and the forms of government of the hosting countries, it was found that the form of government (from unitary to federalism) is not the only decisive factor for solving of regional conflicts. However, taking into account the historical, cultural, linguistic, economic factors, it is important to understand that political mechanisms can give an initial impulse, the first impetus to resolve the conflicts. Therefore, political factors are some of the key one in regularizing of secessionism. Moreover, examples of the successful resolution of regional conflіcts by particular European states are considered. Experience of an effective resolving of regional conflicts in western European countries showed that in all the cases (Switzerland, Germany, Spain and Great Britain) the mechanisms of the institution of parliamentarism and solving of the language issue were used. The geographic decentralization policy of the supreme power (Germany) and legitimization of government decisions through referendums (Switzerland) are equally effective.
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Serban, Florica Mioara, and Carmen Elena Stoenoiu. "The Analysis of Government Expenditures in the European Union." Problemy Ekorozwoju 15, no. 2 (July 1, 2020): 143–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35784/pe.2020.2.15.
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This article analyses data on general government expenditure, at the level of the European Union (EU 28) according to the Classification of the Functions of Government – COFOG over the 2008-2017 period. Data shows that the expenditures increased at the beginning of the economic crisis in all EU countries, being followed by a slowdown in expenditures growth. All countries have adopted policies in order to reduce government expenditures towards the end of the period, aiming to increase their efficiency. Usually in high-income countries, compared with low-income countries, government expenditures are much larger as percent of gross domestic product (GDP), but the relations are not very strong though.
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Guterres, Iva. "Enforcing Environmental Policy – the role of the European Union." UNIO – EU Law Journal 8, no. 1 (December 31, 2022): 32–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/unio.8.1.4522.
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The concerns regarding climate change are on the top of government agendas worldwide, and a global response is urgently required given the climate events that countries all over the world are facing. The European Union (EU) is at the forefront, assuming the leadership in environmental policy with several legal initiatives underway, which have culminated in the promulgation of the European Climate Law and the presentation of the proposed Directive of a Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM). Nonetheless, the EU struggles with difficulties regarding the effectiveness of legal measures, in particular carbon leakage problems. Carbon leakage problems prevail globally as production shifts to countries with less stringent climate regulations, avoiding costs in countries with high emission charges. A resolution regarding the implementation of the CBAM was passed by the European Parliament in March 2021. On the 14th of July 2021, the EU presented 13 policy measures aiming to reduce its GHG emissions by 55% by 2030. On the 22nd of June 2022 the European Parliament voted to adopt the regulation about CBAM. As the EU has played a unique and strong role in climate policy enforcement, the aim of this article is to present this policy option, in the light of the oncoming CBAM. Therefore, the ‘EU climate club’ is imposing coercive environmental tax policies on other countries.
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Dudzevičiūtė, Gitana, Agnė Šimelytė, and Aušra Liučvaitienė. "Government expenditure and economic growth in the European Union countries." International Journal of Social Economics 45, no. 2 (February 12, 2018): 372–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-12-2016-0365.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to provide more reliable estimates of the relationship between government spending and economic growth in the European Union (EU) during the period of 1995-2015. Design/methodology/approach The methodology consisted of several different stages. In the first stage for an assessment of dynamics of government spending and economic growth indicators over two decades, descriptive statistics analysis was employed. Correlation analysis helped to identify the relationships between government expenditures (GEs) and economic growth. In the third stage, for modeling the relationship and the estimation of causality between GE and economic growth, Granger causality testing was applied. Findings The research indicated that eight EU countries have a significant relationship between government spending and economic growth. Research limitations/implications This study has been bounded by general GE and economic growth only. The breakdowns of general GE on the basis of the activities they support have not been considered in this paper, which is the main limitation of the research. Despite the limitation, it might be maintained that the research highlights key relationships in the EU countries. Originality/value These insights might be useful for policy makers. In countries with unidirectional causality running from GE to economic growth, the government can employ expenditure as a factor for growth. The governments should ensure that resources are properly managed and efficiently allocated to accelerate economic growth in the countries with unidirectional causality from GDP to GE.
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Lamfalussy, Alexandre. "Challenges ahead for the European Union." Competitio 4, no. 2 (December 12, 2005): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.21845/comp/2005/2/1.
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It is a mild understatement that nowadays the EU is navigating in rough waters. Close to half of the member countries of the Euro area are in breach of their fiscal stability commitment – and some of them very substantially. Quite a few heads of government publicly criticise the ECB’s monetary policy. Germany and France are determined to water down the Bolkenstein directive on the implementation of a genuine single market for services (which amount to about two-thirds of the EU’s GDP), to which, incidentally, no major objections had been raised by the governments of the member states during the drafting stage. There is no agreement on the longer term EU budget. Only Ireland, the UK and Sweden accept the free movement of the residents of the ten countries which became members of the EU in May last year.
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POKATAIEVA, Olha V., Lesia A. SAVCHENKO, Oleksandr M. BUKHANEVYCH, Anton O. MONAIENKO, and Olga P. GETMANETS. "Instruments of Financial Legal Policy in the Countries of the European Union." Journal of Advanced Research in Law and Economics 11, no. 4 (June 15, 2020): 1313. http://dx.doi.org/10.14505/jarle.v11.4(50).28.
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For the purpose of a more detailed analysis of the features of administrative regulation of fiscal policy, it is necessary to consider examples of fiscal regulation of business processes in individual foreign countries, as well as features of fiscal policy in the EU. For several decades in a row, the G7 countries – Great Britain, Italy, Germany, Canada, the USA, France, and Japan - determine world economic policy. Despite the periodic global economic crises, they are among the first to overcome their consequences and maintain a leading position in the global business environment. This happens due to a balanced fiscal regulation policy. Among their common features is that part of the GDP that they accumulate through leverage of fiscal regulation has a steady tendency for growth. Thus, over the past 40 years in France, this share has grown by 10.1%, and in Canada - by 10.9%. The paper shows that the theoretical basis of modern fiscal regulation in these countries is neo-conservatism, the basis of which is the importance of direct impact on production through targeted and large-scale tax cuts. The authors show that fiscal regulation in this case provides incentives for conservation and investment. Another important element is the reduction of government spending, mainly due to the implementation of targeted government programs. However, despite several common features, each country has certain features in the administrative and legal regulation of fiscal policy. The relevance of the study is determined by the fact that it is necessary to investigate these features in more detail through the lens the historical development of the administrative and legal regulation of fiscal policy in foreign countries.
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İbrahim qızı Cəfərli, Ramilə. "Mechanisms for Cooperation of the European Union." SCIENTIFIC WORK 15, no. 2 (March 9, 2021): 84–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/63/84-87.
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The article deals with mechanisms for cooperation of the European Union with nations considered from the scientific point of' view. The author analyzes the details of the European Union technical assistance program for CIS couintries, its aims and positions in the frame of TACIS. Each candidate country that intends to get European Union membership has to follow the common principle and standards. But sometimes in addition to the membership obligations EU member states attitude to the candidate countries may playe great role to get the final result. The article analyzes different European countries attitude to Turkey’s membership as one of the barriers that Turkey faces in the frame of Turkey integration policy to EU. This is explained by the complexity of project co-ordination between the countries in the region, and the economic and political systems in transition countries. Thus, the desire of the commission to use the TACIS program as a tool for regional co-operation and the settlement of existing conflicts corresponds to the existing reality. İn this context, the Nagorno-Karabakh region of Azerbaijan is a clear example of TACIS programs. The expansion of the Armenian TACIS program to Nagorno-Karabakh has been denied by the European Union as it has no consensus by the Azerbaijani government. Key words: European Union, South Caucasus, Central Asia, cooperation mechanisms, economy, politics
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Koroliova, Larisa. "THE INFLUENCE OF THE EUROPEAN UNION MULTILINGUALISM POLICY ON THE TRAINING OF FOREIGN LANGUAGE TEACHERS IN ROMANIAN UNIVERSITIES." English and American Studies 1, no. 16 (September 7, 2019): 75–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/381909.
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The article highlited the European policy of multilingualism and multiculturalism of language education in European countries. Besides the article also deals with directions of joint activities of countries of the European Area in the organization of training foreign language teachers, the formation of uniform professional qualification standards for determining the professional definition of foreign language teachers, strategies and practical steps for the implementation of projects in the field of training foreign language teachers funded by the European Union and participation of European countries, in paticular Romania, in these projects. The European Union constantly emphasizes the fact that every citizen should be able to speak in his native language plus two other European languages, stresses the need to promote of linguistic diversity and the motivation of European citizens to learn less widely used languages and improve the quality of teaching foreign languages in educational establishments at different levels and focus its efforts to realize these ideas through the implementation of projects and programs that it has funded. The author focuses on the fact that Romania like all European countries is actively involved in the numerous projects and programs offered by the European Union as one of the priority areas of the Romanian Government is the quality of education at all levels and brings it in conformity with European standards. At the end of the article, the author concludes that the multilingual policy of the European Union has a certain influence on the training of foreign language teachers at the Romania Universities. The author also sums up that due to the participation in various educational projects and programs financed by the European Union among higher education institutions aimed at the development of multilingualism and multiculturalism of language education, the professional level of foreign languages teachers in Romania is increasing.
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Paczoski, Andrzej, Solomon T. Abebe, and Giuseppe T. Cirella. "Debt and Deficit Growth Rate Reporting for Post-Communist European Union Member States." Social Sciences 8, no. 6 (June 5, 2019): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci8060173.
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A focalized analysis and reporting on the problems of general government debt (GGD) and government deficit (GD) and their influencing factors on economic growth rate tell the story of positive, neutral, and negative economies. Research was conducted over a nineteen-year period between 2000 and 2018 on all eleven post-communist European Union Member States (MS). MSs are divided in to three regional blocks: (1) the Baltic countries, (2) Central and Eastern European countries, and (3) the Balkan countries. Reviewed literature examined different types of GGD and GD with denoted influence on each MS’s economy and government. GGD and GD increase as a result of State intervention by reacting to economic fluctuations needed in creating redistributive-related fiscal policy. A breakdown of the problems of fiscal policy is explained. Datasets were compiled and systematically analyzed using Eurostat indicators. European regulatory benchmarking was used for GGD and GD as a percentage of gross domestic product. Results were divided at the regional group level. Comparative tax systems based on total general government revenue as well as total tax and contribution rate were evaluated. Histo-geographical research was considered and a comparative examination of GGD, GD and growth rate illustrated. In terms of GGD, GD, and growth rate, the Baltic countries were best situated, while all other countries were generally stable—with the exception of Hungary, Croatia, and Slovenia. In all, negative or stagnant periods revealed a general positive trend throughout the study with the exception of the world financial crisis of 2008, in which a deteriorative impact on growth rate was evident in all MS—especially from 2009. In the latter years, MSs’ economic promise signals a high potential for renewed public finance and stability initiatives.
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Stoilova, D., and I. Todorov. "Fiscal policy and economic growth: Evidence from Central and Eastern Europe." Journal of Tax Reform 7, no. 2 (2021): 146–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/jtr.2021.7.2.095.
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This study aims to estimate the impact of three fiscal instruments (direct tax revenue, indirect tax revenue and government consumption expenditure) on the economic growth of ten new European Union member states from Central and Eastern Europe– Bulgaria, Czechia, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia. We examine the hypothesis about the effect of expansionary fiscal policy on economic growth. The study employs a vector autoregression and annual Eurostat data for the period 2007–2019. Four control variables (the shares of gross capital formation, household consumption, exports in GDP, and the economic growth in the euro area) are included in the model to account for the influence of non-fiscal factors on economic growth. The empirical results indicate that the real output growth rate in the ten new member states of the European Union is negatively affected by direct tax revenue, while economic growth in the euro area, exports and gross capital formation are positively related to economic growth. The results also imply that government consumption and indirect tax revenue have no significant impact on the growth rate of real output of the ten studied countries from Central and Eastern Europe. It may be inferred that policymakers in the new European Union member states can raise economic growth by encouraging exports and investment and by lowering the share of direct tax revenue in GDP. From the three analyzed fiscal instruments (direct taxes, indirect taxes and government consumption expenditure), only one has proven to be effective in the case of the new member countries.
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Putri, Komang Audina Permana. "Indonesian Government’s Strategies on Obtaining Market Access of Wood Products in EU Countries with Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade - Voluntary Partnership Agreement (FLEGT-VPA) (2007-2016)." Nation State Journal of International Studies 3, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.2020v3i2.335.
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Forestry has played an important role in Indonesia's economic development. Forestry and related products contribute approximately 3.5 per cent to Indonesia’s GDP and contribute to the livelihoods of 15 million Indonesian people. Major importer countries of Indonesian wood products comprise to several countries including European Union (EU). However, Indonesia export on wood product activities has significant challenge on the legality of forestry and related products. Illegal logging issues in Indonesia have become Indonesia’s major historical problem around the forestry industries. This is related to the issues that most of the wood products produced by the Indonesian timber industry are derived from illegal timber so that buyers from European Union countries are forced to reject the import of these wood products. Thus, the purpose of this article is to analyze Indonesian government strategy to obtain woods market in EU. Following by the issues, Indonesia need to reform the certification system and also the policy reforms to adjust the EU standard regulation. That is why Indonesian government began to cooperate with the European Union through the FLEGT-VPA program.
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Menguy, Séverine. "Fiscal Stimulus in the European Union to Stabilize the COVID Shock." Journal of Economic Integration 37, no. 4 (December 15, 2022): 559–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.11130/jei.2022.37.4.559.
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We document fiscal policies adopted in 2020 in five major European Union (EU) countries to deal with the COVID-19 pandemic. Then, we show the correlations between fiscal indicators and GDP growth. Economic stabilization was easier in countries where the budget deficit and the public debt were relatively small, with more room for maneuvers to conduct a counter-cyclical fiscal policy. Besides, the increase in public expenditure (cash transfers) did not always correlate with economic growth, whereas preserving government revenue was important in the case of tax cuts. More precisely, regarding the fiscal revenues of the EU member countries in 2020, reducing the weight on corporate income taxation, to sustain production supply and wealth creation by firms, was correlated with higher economic growth. Stylized facts show that the recession was weaker in countries where the relative weight of indirect taxation on household consumption increased, as in the Nordic countries.
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Yeskov, Serge, Oleksandr Zaiets, and Yurii Kononenko. "STRATEGIC ANALYSIS OF INFORMATION IN ENSURING ECONOMIC ECURITY OF EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES." Scientific works of National Aviation University. Series: Law Journal "Air and Space Law" 4, no. 61 (December 30, 2021): 81–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.18372/2307-9061.61.16353.
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The purpose of the article is to study the essence and stages of strategic analysis in ensuring economic security. Research methods: the use of system-structural method and the method of generalization allowed to analyze the general trends in the use of methods of strategic analysis. Using the dialectical method of scientific knowledge, as well as methods of analysis, synthesis and abstraction, the content and purpose of the research problem are clarified, its main features and structure, as well as the relationship with systems analysis are determined. Results: these methods of strategic analysis significantly increase the efficiency of forecasting the development of situations in the field of economic security due to the possibility of compiling a SWOT-analysis, PEST-analysis, etc. Discussion: in order to improve the system of strategic analysis, it is necessary to involve certain independent think tanks. Such think tanks should work closely with the authorities and be partially funded by the Government of Ukraine to obtain any necessary analytical information from them. Thus, the key issues of economic security are: the system of forecasting management activities; the process of research and analytical examinations; development of information and analytical products and their distribution; professional activity of specialists, professionals, analysts. Given the above, we conclude that the strategic analysis of public administration in the field of economic security is aimed at providing quality information to public authorities, and its improvement is impossible without studying the methodological principles of its formation. Analytical centers provide a link between government and civil society; represent and protect public interests; evaluate power and its decisions and formulate alternative policy proposals. Analytical centers are involved in the formation of European policy, promote better public understanding of EU regulations and decisions. The establishment of a domestic network of think tanks according to EU standards, which will be actively integrated into Euro-Atlantic networks of think tanks, will help find additional reserves to improve the mechanisms of strategic analysis in the field of economic security and state policy on effective forecasting and analytical support.
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Dolzhenkova, E., and A. Yu Mokhorova. "Realization of the Interests of “Small States” in the European Union." Administrative Consulting, no. 9 (November 10, 2022): 29–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1726-1139-2022-9-29-39.
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Over the past few years, there have been certain shifts in favor of the national agenda in the European Union. Similar divergences from the main goal of the EU are observed in the UK and Poland. The COVID-19 pandemic also revealed the mismatch between the interests of a united Europe and the national preferences of the participating countries. The purpose of the article is to determine the possibility / impossibility of realizing the national interests of “small states” — EU members in the formation and implementation of a single community policy. To achieve the goal, it is necessary to establish the existence of different interests of states within the EU, the possibility of the participating countries to influence the development of the policy of the Union as a whole, the role of “small states” in the process under consideration. Applying a regional approach and narrowing the study to a single country (the Republic of Latvia), as well as applying methods of analysis and comparison, the nature of the relationship between the policies of the European Union and individual countries is revealed. The experience of the Republic of Latvia has shown that the state, which is most dependent on the economy and the general policy of the union, builds its own relations with the EU, relying mainly on the interests of “donor countries”. This dynamics is also manifested in international commercial relations, influencing the state of some sectors of the economy, as well as the economic situation of individual cities. Despite some negative points, mainly related to the economic indicators of individual industries, the participating countries do not deviate from the policy of European integration. Civil society, for the most part, also chooses the opportunities provided by the European Union. The challenges that the European community faced over time are being resolved. The Government of the European Union speaks openly about the existing problems, which are also related to the solution of common problems, and tries to solve them in a timely manner and by common efforts.
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NIEDZIAŁKOWSKI, KRZYSZTOF, JOUNI PAAVOLA, and BOGUMIŁA JĘDRZEJEWSKA. "Governance of biodiversity in Poland before and after the accession to the EU: the tale of two roads." Environmental Conservation 40, no. 2 (September 21, 2012): 108–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0376892912000288.
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SUMMARYAccession of the Central and Eastern European countries to the European Union involved considerable institutional changes in the field of environmental governance that undermined existing policy practices. Such changes in biodiversity governance are examined through two case studies from Poland concerning road development schemes in ecologically sensitive areas. Documentary material and semi-structured interviews are analysed and interpreted in light of the policy arrangement approach and historical institutionalism. After the EU accession there was a rapid shift from a government-monopolized arrangement towards a multi-level governance arrangement with regard to conflicts between infrastructure and natural areas. Previously, the government controlled practically all aspects of environmental policymaking, despite potential routes for greater involvement of non-state actors. Only the formal rules of Natura 2000 and environmental impact assessment, guarded by a coalition of powerful supranational bodies, non-governmental organizations and scientists, changed the pattern of governmental policy-making. New policy arrangements have increased capacity and legitimacy in the implementation of the European Union rules.
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Sutyrin, Vyacheslav. "Humanitarian Tools of EU External Policy: The Case of Eastern Partnership." Contemporary Europe, no. 98 (October 1, 2020): 99–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope5202099110.
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The article deals with recent developments in the EU foreign policy towards neighbouring countries. The EU humanitarian influence mechanisms within the framework of European Neighbourhood Policy, Eastern Partnership program, along with the case of Belarus are explored. The article outlines that the European Union creates instruments of external influence through fostering humanitarian infrastructure in the periphery countries. As a result, the official government of a targeted country is not only unable to participate in the shaping of “European norms and rules”, but also ceases to be the single Brussel‟s counterpart. NGOs supported by the EU involve in to the dialogue between Brussels and the official government on behalf of the civil society. The latter contributes to the asymmetrical “teacher-apprentice” relationship between the EU and the bordering countries. Particular humanitarian instruments and cases exercised by the EU are explored. The interconnections between economic, political, and humanitarian tools in EU foreign policy are outlined. It is concluded that the “soft power” concept fails to explain comprehensively the EU foreign policy in the humanitarian sphere. Brussels seeks to exert systemic influence upon the humanitarian sphere of the periphery countries to bolster its political and economic position.
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Dudek, Carolyn M. "Transmitting Environmentalism? The Unintended Global Consequences of European Union Environmental Policies." Global Environmental Politics 13, no. 2 (May 2013): 109–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep_a_00169.
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Will European companies investing abroad be transmitters of EU environmental policies or environmental dumpers? This article utilizes a most-differentcases approach to analyze transnational corporation (TNC) behavior in countries with less stringent environmental standards. Drawing on rational institutionalism, the article examines two significant European business investments in Mercosur countries: paper pulp mills in Uruguay and fishing off the coast of Argentina. These cases demonstrate that EU environmental standards will be diffused beyond Europe's borders if significant fixed assets are involved, high levels of public awareness and action in response to environmental degradation are possible, and if the environmental policy of an industry is successfully implemented in Europe. Paper pulp milling in Uruguay fulfilled these conditions and TNCs, in this case applied EU standards. This was not so with TNC fishing practices in Argentina. Also, with high citizen attention, local companies will adopt similar environmental practices to those of their European counterparts, improving environmental practices even without domestic government regulations.
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Makpal, Zholamanova, Nurmukhametov Nurbakhyt, Tolmachev Mikhail, Sarsen Kassymkhan, and Amerkhanova Altyn. "Comparative Analysis of Strategies for Innovative Development of the Fuel and Energy Complex: The Experience of the EU Countries." International Journal of Energy Economics and Policy 13, no. 1 (January 22, 2023): 128–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.32479/ijeep.13628.
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Most European countries do not have large reserves of natural resources and depend on imported energy resources. In this regard, the government of the European Union has approved a new energy policy aimed at developing a “green” economy and combating dependence on non-renewable resources. Currently, the European Union is a leader in the development of renewable energy sources. Many states have achieved success in this industry, their experience can be used in other countries where alternative energy is not so widespread. This study analyzes and compares existing strategies for the innovative development of the fuel and energy complex of EU member states. The process of formation of the EU energy policy and its distinctive features were studied. The example of Italy, Germany, Poland, Spain, and Finland was used to study in detail the impact of the new energy policy approved by the EU government. The prospects for the introduction of alternative energy sources in the geographical and climatic conditions of Kazakhstan have been assessed. Synthesizing the information obtained, a list of tips for the successful development of alternative energy in the Republic of Kazakhstan was proposed.
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Pytlik, Bogusław. "Foreign policy of the Slovak Republic towards challenges in the eastern policy of the European Union." Studia z Polityki Publicznej, no. 2(6) (June 1, 2015): 119–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kszpp.2015.2.6.
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The article is about the selected and current problems of the Central and Eastern Europeanforeign policy of the Slovak Republic. This state, like other small in terms of territoryCentral European countries, due to the actual position held as a player in internationalrelations, it cannot influence the decisions of the other states, i.e. more powerful participants. In this respect, it seems interesting which analysed activities of the Slovak foreignpolicy are now a priority. The content analysis of the source documents and the results ofoperations of the Slovak government allows us to make a distinction between ‘declaredpriorities “and” real priorities”. The first shall be adopted officially, among others, by virtueof the Slovak Republic’s membership in the Euro-Atlantic structures, and the latter arethe result of an independent assessment of international affairs and strive to highlightthe important role of the Slovak Republic in this area. In the case of the first group ofpriorities a very clear duality of attitudes can also be seen, which makes you think aboutthe real objectives, especially in the Eastern European dimension of the foreign policythat the current government of the Slovak Republic aims to meet.
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Ramadhan, Muhammad Rheza, and Anindya Fauziyah Basuki. "ANALISIS KOMPARASI KEBIJAKAN PERPAJAKAN TRANSAKSI E-COMMERCE YANG BERLAKU DI INDONESIA DENGAN NEGARA LAIN (UNI EROPA, AUSTRALIA, KOREA SELATAN, INDIA, TIONGKOK, AMERIKA SERIKAT, DAN JEPANG)." Citizen : Jurnal Ilmiah Multidisiplin Indonesia 1, no. 3 (November 23, 2021): 116–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.53866/jimi.v1i3.14.
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Indonesia has experienced an increase in users of e-commerce platforms, resulting in increased income for sellers, both individuals and entities, who conduct online sales transactions. Therefore, the Indonesian government sets a tax policy for online sellers. However, the Indonesian government still has several obstacles, one of which is that e-commerce transactions have an eternal nature. To answer these problems, the author compares the taxation policies on e-commerce transactions that apply in Indonesia with the tax policies on e-commerce transactions that apply in other countries, namely the European Union, Australia, South Korea, India, China, the United States, and Japan. The writing method used by the author is a literature study method. This paper shows that the taxation policy on e-commerce transactions in Indonesia, the European Union, Australia, South Korea, India, China, the United States, and Japan imposes a Value Added Tax (VAT) or the like as a consumption tax on goods. And services as well as sales tax and Income Tax. In addition, several countries have created platforms or special teams to manage taxes from e-commerce transactions, namely the platform Mini One Stop Shop (MOSS), now called OSS (European Union); Korean Fair Trade Commission (KFTC) (South Korea); Professional Team for E-Commerce Taxation (Protect) (Japan). Therefore, Indonesia needs to follow the example of the European Union, South Korea, and Japan in terms of establishing a system or team dedicated to managing tax collection from e-commerce transactions
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Hrubinko, Andriy. "British Policy toward the eastern enlargement of the European Union: historical aspects." European Historical Studies, no. 5 (2016): 20–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2016.05.20-32.
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The article describes historical features of shaping and implementation of British policy toward the Eastern enlargement of the European Union, its impact on the implementation of the Сommon Foreign and Security Policy in the Central and Eastern Europe region. The author denotes that the history of participation of the UK in implementing Eastern enlargement of the EU not been sufficiently investigated. According to the author’s vision, the policy of the enlargement of the EU is seen as an integral part of united foreign and security policy and as a factor of its implementation in countries of the nearest periphery. The 31 enlargement process is a part of the EU enlargement policy as a geopolitical phenomenon. The United Kingdom became one of the biggest supporters of further enlargement as a permanent phenomenon in its history among countries of the Community, forming their own specific conceptual approaches and strategy. The factors of shaping active and positive positions of the British governments in connection with the enlargement of the EU toward the East have been analyzed. The author came to the conclusion that the Eastern enlargement had questionable effect for the development of the effective CFSP. The UK as one of the leading powers in the EU came to a forefront in this process. The enlargement of the EU has become an integral part of the country’s leadership strategy in the political integration. However, the confrontational European policy of the David Cameron’s government in 2010–2016 has resulted in a loss of the previous governments’ achievements in developing the cooperation and support for the countries of Eastern and Central Europe and escalated the decrease of the country’s original positions in the region.
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Martynov, Andriy. "THE EVOLUTION OF THE POLICY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION REGARDING THE RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN WAR (2014–2022)." European Historical Studies, no. 23 (2022): 30–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.2.
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The problems of forming a common foreign policy of the European Union are caused by the difficulties of reconciling national interests and the dynamics of adapting the common policy to the chaos of international relations. In the early 1990s, the common foreign policy of the European Union suffered a fiasco in the Balkans during the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia. Russia expected that the example of the EU’s excessively sluggish reaction to the annexation of Crimea and the start of a «hybrid war» against Ukraine would provide an opportunity to annex the entire territory of Ukraine. The purpose of the article is to study the cause-and-effect relationships that influenced the actual formation of the European Union’s common policy aimed at protecting democracy in Ukraine against Russian aggression. The European Union was critical of the annexation of Crimea and the start of Russia’s «hybrid war» against Ukraine. But at that time, the conviction of the European elites prevailed that it was possible to appease the Russian Federation, even at the cost of concessions to Ukraine and at the expense of Ukrainian sovereignty and territorial integrity. The so-called “Minsk Agreements” worked for this. Even Russian interference in the 2016 US presidential election and the information campaign for the British referendum on leaving the EU in 2016 could not convince European elites of the opposite. The Russian Federation consistently crossed «red lines» until it made the mistake of deciding that the EU was «ripe» for a Russian attempt to change the government in Ukraine and deprive it of its sovereignty. The Kremlin was counting on its «fifth column» in the countries of the European Union. Only Hungary fulfilled these expectations. But in the matter of assistance for the defence of Ukraine, the European Union refused the principle of veto. This does not prevent Hungary from blocking the allocation of EU macro-financial assistance to Ukraine at the time of writing this article. The most radical supporters of Ukraine in the EU remain the Baltic countries, the countries of the «Visegrad bloc» with the exception of Hungary. Russian aggression helped Sweden and Finland to reconsider their traditional neutral policy and to get as close as possible to joining NATO. In October 2022, again without the participation of Hungary, the European Union launched a military training mission for the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Russian aggression against Ukraine, instead of splitting the European Union, contributed to the consolidation of the common foreign and security policies of the European Union. But this does not mean that the Russian Federation will stop putting pressure on the «weak links» in the European Union system.
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Finke, Daniel, and Annika Herbel. "Coalition Politics and Parliamentary Oversight in the European Union." Government and Opposition 53, no. 3 (September 19, 2016): 388–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.28.
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According to the literature, parliamentary scrutiny is either used by the opposition to control the government or by a coalition partner to control the leading minister. Yet, neither the opposition alone nor individual governing parties alone can muster a parliamentary majority to adopt recommendations, resolutions or statements. Therefore, we ask which parties coalesce in co-sponsoring such joint position papers on European Union policy proposals and why. Tying in with the existing literature, we offer three explanations. Firstly, position papers are co-sponsored by so-called ‘policy coalitions’, a group of parties that hold similar preferences on the policy under discussion. Secondly, governing parties form coalitions which support their minister’s position vis-à-vis his or her international partners in Brussels. Thirdly, party groups co-sponsor position papers to counterbalance the leading minister’s deviation from the floor median.On the empirical side, we study the statements issued by committees of the Finnish Eduskunta and recommendations adopted by committees of the German Bundestag over a period of 10 years. Though having similarly strong parliaments, the two countries are characterized by very different types of coalition governments. These differences are mirrored in the observed co-sponsorship patterns.
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Stojarová, Šárka, and Zuzana Schwarzová. "The analysis of today situation on the market of the agricultural machines." Acta Universitatis Agriculturae et Silviculturae Mendelianae Brunensis 55, no. 6 (2007): 243–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.11118/actaun200755060243.
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The paper is dealing with the analysis of the market of agricultural machines in the Czech Republic. The part of the article is focused on export and import development of agricultural machines between Czech Republic, EU countries and the other countries of the world. The trade balance progress of agricultural machines is analyzed for Czech market as well. In the article the possible opportunities for the Czech exporters, which concern Danish, Spanish, and Polish market, are also emphasized. The part of the analysis is also focused on the area of subsidy policy for Czech agricultural subjects. The analysis of subsidies deals with the opportunity of financial supports by the Czech government and by the European Union. The difference in subsidy policy for Czech Republic before and after the entering the European Union is also mentioned.
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Sarkar, Jayita. "U.S. Policy to Curb West European Nuclear Exports, 1974–1978." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 2 (May 2019): 110–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00877.
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After India's detonation of a nuclear explosive in 1974 publicly demonstrated the proliferation risks from nuclear assistance, the U.S. government increased its efforts to control nuclear exports worldwide. In doing so, U.S. policymakers faced challenges from two major West European allies, France and West Germany, both of which pursued their commercial interests through nuclear exports to countries such as Pakistan, Brazil, Iran, and India, among others. Despite multilateral efforts including the formation of the Nuclear Suppliers Group and bilateral negotiations with the supplier governments, the administrations of Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter attained only partial success. The commercial interests of nuclear firms, the influence of pro-export coalitions inside supplier countries, and the emerging importance of the Soviet Union and other Warsaw Pact countries as alternative suppliers influenced the outcome. The United States was more successful in restraining the French through a series of quid pro quo arrangements than it ever was with the West Germans. Using recently declassified archival documents, this article sheds new light on U.S. nonproliferation policy in the aftermath of the 1973 oil price shock.
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Baruk, Jerzy. "Financial aspects of research and development policy in the European Union." Marketing of Scientific and Research Organizations 33, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/minib-2019-0041.
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Summary In the article the author has attempted to realise the following goals: 1) identifying and critical assessment of the share of expenditure on research and development (R&D) in the gross domestic product (GDP) borne by business entities concentrated in four sectors (enterprises, government, higher education and private non-profit institutions) and jointly in all sectors. This meter is treated as an indirect measure of the level of managerial activity in shaping the research and development policy, 2) checking the thesis that R&D expenditure are changeable and differ in the particular Member States and does not give a clear positive picture of the systematic and dynamic growth of research and development activity in these countries. The article was developed using the following research methods: critical-cognitive analysis of the literature; statistical and comparative analysis of the “Eurostat” empirical material; the projection. The statistical and comparative analysis of the secondary empirical material “Eurostat” illustrating the share of expenditure on research and development in the gross domestic product was used to check the thesis. The results of the analysis confirm the rightness of the research thesis.
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Spahiu, Irma. "Government Transparency in Albania and the Role of the European Union." European Public Law 21, Issue 1 (February 1, 2015): 109–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro2015006.
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The recognition of transparency as an essential element of good governance is very important for new democracies because it leads to greater public support for their governments' economic and political decisions. This has been clearly understood by the countries in the Western Balkans which following the fall of communism entered a path of rapid democratization struggling to be opened and transparent. This paper explores transparency and open government in Albania looking at how the Albanian legal administrative framework and practices guarantee the principle of transparency in decision-making and the role the EU in complying with this principle. It introduces the concept of 'transparency through integration' as a model which encapsulates the transparency developments in Albania and Western Balkans and looks at how transparency can be transformed from a principle of good governance to a legalistic instrument holding a place in the hierarchy of legal norms. This research focuses on how transparency becomes part of a policy paradigm which can transform a country's politics from secretive and authoritarian to transparent and democratic. In addition, it suggests that the EU has a role to play as a transformative power to induce positive reforms and improve transparency in the decision-making in Albania.
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Suryani, Desak Sinta Putu, and Abdul Razaq Cangara. "National Identity and Migration Policy Dynamics: Analysing the Effect of Swedish National Identity on Its Granting Asylum Policy to Syrian Refugees in 2013." Hasanuddin Journal of Strategic and International Studies (HJSIS) 1, no. 1 (December 28, 2022): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.20956/hjsis.v1i1.24804.
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The Syrian conflict in 2011 has inevitably led to the massive forced migration of asylum seekers and refugees. Most of them fled to neighbouring and several countries in Europe. As a result of the European Union (EU) 's open border policy, their influx into Europe was reckoned a problem for many European countries due to increasing crimes and threats to its members' national security. Some European Union countries chose to be cautious by refusing or only providing financial assistance. Contrastingly, as an EU member state, Sweden received thousands of Syrian refugees until 2013. On October 3, 2013, the Swedish government announced an asylum policy of guaranteed housing provision and the right to bring families to Syrian asylum seekers until they obtain UNHCR refugee status. Such granting asylum policy to Syrian refugees shows differences in the identity of social security construction both in the society and its decision-makers compared to other EU countries. This article exposes the identity influence on the Swedish government's decision to grant asylum to Syrian refugees in 2013. This article employs the "aspirational constructivism" theory by Anne Clunan, arguing that a state's policy is based on a national identity sourced from society's historical reflections and the political elite's future aspirations. This article finds that Swedish society's history experienced cultural homogenization, known as a multicultural country, and the Social-Democracy and folkhemmet ("Home for the People") idea of the political elites resulted in the granting of asylum policy to Syrian refugees in October 2013.
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Wielechowski, Michał. "General government deficit and public debt in EU member states." Oeconomia Copernicana 2, no. 4 (December 31, 2011): 29–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/oec.2011.016.
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The aim of this article is the presentation and the attempt to analyse such phenomena as: an excessive general government deficit and public debt in EU Member States over the past 3 years. For the European Union the years 2008-2010 were the time when public finances of most member countries worsened dramatically. The average budget deficit in the EU increased during that period to a value of almost 7% compared to gross domestic product and public debt reached almost 80% of GDP. Referring the numbers to the principles of the budgetary policy in the Treaty on the European Union (the deficit should not exceed 3% in relation to GDP and public debt – 60% of GDP), the observance of budgetary discipline has been significantly violated. In consequence, the excessive deficit procedure has been initiated. in relation to almost all the countries of the EU, Its purpose was to force the member countries to take concrete actions to stabilize public finances. The economic crisis that began in the second half of 2007 in the United States of America which resulted in a significant deterioration of the finances of all the EU member countries might be regarded as the major source of violation of their budgetary discipline. The reactions of most governments TO the harmful effects caused by the financial crisis were to stimulate national economies and stem the decline of domestic demand. The higher level of public expenditures was simultaneously the cause of increased budget deficits,. To develop and present the problem of an excessive budget deficit and public debt in the EU countries some statistical methods were used and the data source statistics were mainly carried out by the European Commission and the European Statistical Office.
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O. М., Stoyko. "Institualization of referendum in EU countries." Yearly journal of scientific articles “Pravova derzhava”, no. 31 (2020): 445–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/0869-2491-2020-31-445-452.
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The evolution of the referendum institutionalization in the constitutions of the EU states is considered. The peculiarities of its initiation, realization and implementation of results in the "old" and "new" members of the Union are highlighted and analyzed. It is concluded that young democracies are pioneering in using this tool of direct democracy both to legitimize government decisions and to involve citizens in the decision-making process. The history of the introduction of plebiscites into the practice of political processes in European countries shows, that they are closely linked to democratic transit: the later the constitution is adopted, the more opportunities for citizens to use referendums not only to control the legislative process in parliament (support or veto certain decisions, draft laws), but also to formulate an agenda - to propose their own initiatives for consideration by public authorities. Accordingly, there are obvious differences between the referendum practices of the "old" and "new" members of the European Union, since the latter are much more active in using them and give citizens real leverage on public policy by holding plebiscites on popular initiatives.
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Aliyeva, Aygun. "Methodological aspects of cluster policy formation in Azerbaijan." Technium Social Sciences Journal 10 (July 18, 2020): 274–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v10i1.1249.
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Foreign experience demonstrates that countries’ strategies in cluster policy differ depending on national traditions and culture of their strategy engineering process, as well as on the cluster concept. Analysis of information sources shows that technical and methodological framework for cluster policy formulation have not been clearly and unambiguously studied in science.
The most important methodological document on cluster policy is the European Cluster Memorandum signed by the Member States of the European Union in 2006 [3]. It defined the essence and importance of clusters in innovation development and identified the key provisions of cluster policy.
One of the essential methodological issues is the role of government in the formation of clusters. The following factors can be associated with the state’s growing influence on clustering processes:
market weakness, increase in the volume and value of public goods;
an objective priority of public interest in the context of globalization;
the need to protect the national economy in the international economic relations;
the need for institutional regulations in the national and global economy.
Foreign experience demonstrates that the numerous cluster initiatives running in major developed countries over the last few years have been brought forward by local or regional governments. In relatively small developed countries and in a number of developing countries, the government plays an essential role in the cluster development initiative, especially when local and regional government agencies cannot partner with the private sector. A number of decisions on clusters have been adopted at national level in countries with centralized decision-making process.
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Dudzevičiūtė, Gitana, Vida Česnuitytė, and Dalia Prakapienė. "Defence Expenditure–Government Debt Nexus in the Context of Sustainability in Selected Small European Union Countries." Sustainability 13, no. 12 (June 11, 2021): 6669. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13126669.
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This paper explores the relationship between defence expenditure and government debt in small European Union countries that are members of NATO, such as Luxembourg, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, DRenmark, Slovakia, and Slovenia. The investigation used Eurostat data in relation to gross government debt, as well as NATO information regarding defence expenditure as a share of GDP and its distribution by main category for the period between 2005 and 2019. The authors applied descriptive statistics and methods of multivariate statistics: Spearman’s correlation, the ANOVA test, and Life tables. Taking into consideration the tendencies of variables in all examined countries, the results show that the share of defence expenditure in GDP correlates statistically significantly and negatively with government gross debt. Latvia, Slovakia, and Slovenia revealed statistically significant relationships between variables, while Luxembourg, Denmark and Lithuania insignificant. In Estonia, the relationship between variables is strong and positive. Additionally, the investigation shows that, whether for increasing defence expenditure or for stable or decreasing defence expenditure, the trajectories of government debt have no clear interrelation in explored countries. Therefore, the cause of government debt by means of defence expenditure alone can only be partially explained. The insights that were drawn from this study could be applied to government finance management processes, as well as to ensure both national security and the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals 2030.
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MAHMUTEFENDIĆ, IDA. "GOOD PRACTICE IN CROATIAN SOCIAL POLICY – RECCOMENDATIONS FOR THE COUNTRIES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION." Journal of Education Culture and Society 6, no. 2 (January 1, 2020): 69–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs20152.69.82.
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Social policy has the ideal of cohesion and inclusiveness of all citizens, but it has to “play” an active role in creating opportunities for them. It encopmasses in itself primarily a balance between economic efficiency and social solidarity distribution, and strives towards a consensual social model in which the government and the opposition generally agree on the fundamental priorities of society.
Starting from July 1st, 2013, Croatia has been a member of the European Union. What experiences can that country bring to European Union? In spite of the differences between the European countries becoming more and more expressed and bigger, there is a common element: a conscience that social justice and social reconciliation could contribute to an economical development and that are not just an expense; but the opposite: an economical development that must contribute to social reconciliation.
In the process of the preparation for this work and during the process of its realization, I used the methods of reading a lot of literature, including professional books, professional journals and legislation literature. Social policy has been for years one of my major fields of interest, so some facts I knew already.
My research goal is to examine the development so far of the social policy in Croatia, to detect the most important conditions which are necessary to develop high-quality social policies, to discover which are strong sides, and which are weak sides of the Croatian social policy, and therefore what is important to strongly develop, and what is redundant and/or old-fashioned, to throw away or neglect.
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Ilyushyk, O. M., and N. I. Didyk. "Administrative and legal foundations of the state policy of the European integration of Ukraine." Analytical and Comparative Jurisprudence, no. 4 (November 27, 2022): 195–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2788-6018.2022.04.35.
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The article is devoted to the study of the essence and structure of the administrative and legal mechanism of state policy in the field of European integration of Ukraine. The article examines the main aspects of Ukraine's accession to the European Union. Membership in this organization is considered as a key practical means of forming an effective open economy. The experience of member countries, namely their current economic development and political situation, is analyzed: both positive and negative examples are highlighted. The potential benefits and possible threats in the development of our state upon joining the European Union have been determined and substantiated. The main barriers to Ukraine's acquisition of membership of the European Union and options for their elimination are considered. European integration, declared as a strategic direction of Ukraine's development, is not only a foreign economic vector, but also a reference point of values for the entire Ukrainian society. Ukraine's integration into the European Union today is supported by all government structures and the vast majority of the Ukrainian population, 81%. However, many objective and subjective difficulties arise in this strategic direction of our state's development. Moreover, overcoming them depends not only on Ukraine, but also on external factors that are outside its borders. Special attention is paid to the social, economic and cultural problems of modern Ukraine. Conclusions were made about the need to make balanced political and economic decisions, which depend on the prospects of Ukraine's integration into the European Union. The article is devoted to the coverage of the topic of the legal basis of membership in the European Union, the criteria that the state must meet in order to acquire the status of a candidate for membership. In the European Union, a strict approach is applied to the issue of granting membership, which is explained by the fact that a member of the European Union cannot be any state that territorially belongs to Europe, but only a state that adheres to the basic values of the association and together with the member states brings them to life.
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Benner, Maximilian. "Industrial Policy in the EU and Its Neighbourhood: Learning from Policy Experimentation." Economies 7, no. 2 (May 10, 2019): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/economies7020044.
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Newer approaches of industrial policy that focus on catalytic and facilitating interventions of government have become a rivalling model to neoclassical laissez-faire approaches. Inspired by the success stories of East Asian newly industrialised economies (NIEs), newer approaches advocate a more experimental policy stance. Newer industrial policies, including the concept of the “entrepreneurial state”, call upon governments to play a catalytic and facilitating role in increasing innovation and, thus, economic growth. During the past three decades, countries have experimented with some of these new approaches, and so has the European Union (EU). Currently, two major policy frameworks of the EU, Horizon 2020 and smart specialisation, shape the European approach to industrial policy and are gaining in importance for enlargement and neighbourhood countries, too. At the same time, these countries outside the EU have pursued their own experiments in industrial policy. The article argues that to better understand what contributes to the success or failure of industrial policies, learning from experiences made both by the EU and its neighbours is valuable. The article draws conclusions from three countries in the EU’s neighbourhood, Israel, Tunisia, and North Macedonia. In particular, the article examines the role EU approaches and programs, such as smart specialisation or Horizon 2020, can play in anchoring more entrepreneurial industrial policies in enlargement and neighbourhood countries and addresses problems to be expected when governments are to engage in policy experimentation.
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Masyk, Yu. "Analysis of the European integration process Baltic countries: experience for Ukraine." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 2(46) (December 14, 2020): 22–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2020.2(46).226606.
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The article analyzes the peculiarities of the integration of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia into the European Union. The stages are highlighted, the principles and mechanisms of the European integration policy of the Baltic States are clarified. The problems of Ukraine's adaptation to the requirements of the European Union, in particular the conditions of the Copenhagen criteria, ways to use the relevant experience of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia are revealed. Recommendations for further rapprochement of Ukraine with the EU are considered.
The accession of dozens of new countries to the EU in May 2004 marked a qualitatively new stage in the integration process both in Europe and in the world. As a result of the largest enlargement of the European Union, the state of the economy in the old member states has changed significantly, but rather it has had decisive consequences in all areas of the economy for the new member states. Analysis of the positive and negative phenomena that accompanied the enlargement of the EU is important for countries that have or are considering joining the EU in the future, in the formation of long-term economic policy and deciding on the directions of their integration. The closest to Ukraine in terms of development in the EU are the countries of Central Europe and the Baltics, so their experience will be useful for our country.
Integration with the European Union was less difficult for the three Baltic states than for many other accessing countries, due to their strong social impetus to join Western political, economic and legal culture after they regained their independence from the Soviet Union in 1990. However, the accession of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania had several distinctive features related to constitutional origin and institutions, which had a strong impact on the resolution of problems between the government and the EU institutions. The path taken by the Baltic countries upon accession to the EU was difficult and their role in the EU was not easy. Today, the EU-related agenda requires more skills than ever before in finding allies and choosing partners.
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CENT, JOANNA, CORDULA MERTENS, and KRZYSZTOF NIEDZIAŁKOWSKI. "Roles and impacts of non-governmental organizations in Natura 2000 implementation in Hungary and Poland." Environmental Conservation 40, no. 2 (January 25, 2013): 119–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0376892912000380.
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SUMMARYThe ecological network of Natura 2000, an European Union (EU) initiative to halt biodiversity loss across Europe, has dominated biodiversity governance in the new EU member states in recent years, as implementation was a condition of accession. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have generally assisted Natura 2000 implementation. In two Central and Eastern European countries (Poland and Hungary), NGOs became involved in different ways; this paper seeks to analyse and explain these national differences by researching the theoretical background of policy networks and advocacy coalitions in both countries. In Hungary, NGOs worked closely with governmental authorities and contributed significantly to site selection. In Poland, NGOs initially opposed government plans, but later moved toward close cooperation with public institutions; this resulted in a significant expansion in the area and number of designated Natura 2000 sites. In both countries, NGO influence increased during the Natura 2000 process owing to the establishment of multi-level policy networks with the European Commission and public institutions, based on resource dependencies and shared beliefs. In post-socialist countries, the progression from government-monopolized biodiversity conservation implies a growing importance and contribution of NGOs, and their ability to use resources appropriately in the new governance contexts.
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Sánchez, Angeles, and María Navarro. "Public Policies of Welfare State and Child Poverty in the European Union." Sustainability 13, no. 5 (March 3, 2021): 2725. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13052725.
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Combating child poverty is desirable to ensure equality of opportunities across children, as well as fostering the sustainability of the societal well-being for future generations. This paper focuses on the study of child poverty in the 28 Member States of the European Union over the period 2008–2018. We analyse the relationship between child poverty and government social expenditure by controlling it with tax structure (ratio direct taxes over indirect taxes), economic growth and socio-demographic characteristics. For that, we rely on panel data methodology. This paper has verified that the effectiveness of the government social spending programmes to reduce child poverty also depends on the progressiveness of the country’s tax structure. Government spending on health and education programmes could be more effective in reducing child poverty in Member States with less progressive tax structure, provided they reached the average level of public spending for the whole of the European Union. By contrast, a positive relationship between child poverty and government social protection spending regardless of the tax structure of countries was found. In this case, the underlying forces that lead to less effectiveness of social protection programmes are also stronger in the less progressive Member States.
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Pradana, Aziz, Kusmantoro Edy Sularso, and Irene Kartika Eka Wijayanti. "Analisis Faktor yang Berpengaruh terhadap Ekspor Biodiesel di Uni Eropa." Jurnal READ (Research of Empowerment and Development) 2, no. 1 (June 14, 2021): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.20884/1.read.2021.2.1.3531.
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Biodiesel is a substitute product for fossil oil or diesel which is made from vegetable oil. Indonesia as a producer of biodiesel which is made from palm oil. This derivative product of palm oil is supported by Government policies in its utilization and supply. This policy boosted the palm oil industry, so that production and export capacity increased for a decade. The European Union is the largest consumer of biodiesel. Therefore, Indonesia exports biodiesel to the European Union and has become one of the largest exporters in the region. The purpose of this study is to examine the factors that influence Indonesia's biodiesel exports in the European Union. The research method used is multiple linear regression analysis using OLS to examine the factors that affect the amount of Indonesian biodiesel exports in the European Union. The results show, the regression test of the factors that affect the amount of Indonesian biodiesel exports in the European Union, namely; EU biodiesel production and biodiesel consumption have a significant or positive effect on total exports of 0.54% and 0.14%; the factor of the Rupiah exchange rate against the Euro, Indonesian biodiesel consumption, the dummy anti-dumping duty policy, international biodiesel prices and Indonesian diesel consumption have negative effects - respectively -0.04%, - 0.63%; -71.7%; -0.27%; -0.04, while the CPO production factor and oil palm land area did not significantly affect the amount of biodiesel exports to the European Union. From these factors, the government needs to increase biodiesel production and maintain biodiesel consumption in the EU so that it does not decline. Increased bilateral diplomacy to partner countries in offering biodiesel needs to be increased so that Indonesian biodiesel has a very strong competitiveness and does not depend on just one trading partner.
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Liotti, Giorgio, and Rosaria Rita Canale. "Trust in the European Union project and the role of ECB." Economia Politica 38, no. 2 (April 20, 2021): 461–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40888-021-00229-5.
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AbstractWas the European Central Bank able to assure the relaunch of the European project after the weakening of the post-crisis period? To answer this question, this paper presents an empirical analysis connecting citizen trust in the European Union with a variable intended to be a measure of the monetary policy strategy of the European Central Bank, namely, the interest rate on government bonds extracted from the 1-year maturity yield curve. The dynamic panel technique, applied to nineteen Eurozone countries for the time span of 2004–2018, estimates the presence of a long-run common relationship between the variables despite allowing different short-run adjustment mechanisms. Results are revealed to be not univocal: the easy monetary policy strategy is associated for the whole period with a decline of trust, and therefore, despite its impressiveness, it was not sufficient to relaunch the European Union project. However, when considering the change in strategy of the post-2013 period, it seemed to have contributed to a slight inversion of the decline of trust. These results highlight the importance of non-conventional measures and call for further support from coordinated policy action as a response to the negative shock deriving from the COVID-19 pandemic.
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Fernández, Susana Aguilar. "Convergence in Environmental Policy? The Resilience of National Institutional Designs in Spain and Germany." Journal of Public Policy 14, no. 1 (January 1994): 39–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00001240.
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ABSTRACTThis article unveils the resilience of national institutional designs in the process of European unification; more specifically, the article stands out the pervasiveness of the pattern of relationship between government and industry in the environmental policy of two countries: Spain and Germany. Although the European Union (EU) is increasingly influential in environmental policy, these designs have only recently undergone slight changes. This can be explained not only by the lesser importance that the EU has heretofore attached to the connection between the systems of interest intermediation and the fulfilment of Community policy goals, but by the strength of the historical arrangements and cultural traditions at the national level.
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Vasilescu, Maria Denisa, Simona Andreea Apostu, Eva Militaru, and Eglantina Hysa. "Public Opinion on European Health Policy, Lessons from the COVID-19 Pandemic." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no. 8 (April 15, 2022): 4813. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19084813.
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Often, global crises, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, bring to light crucial weaknesses in political, economic, social and health systems. First, there are governments who formulate and implement policies and, second, there are the citizens who support them, thus contributing a great deal to their success. Our paper investigates the European citizens’ opinion on health policy, focusing on their preference for European health policy during the coronavirus pandemic. The paper uses bibliometric analysis, descriptive statistics, and logistic regression to discuss the public opinion on health policy, the factors of influence, the change in perspectives between 2020 and 2021, and the socio-demographic profile of those favorable for the development of a European health policy in response to the coronavirus pandemic. Our findings show that citizens from southern and central European countries are more likely to prioritize the development of a European health policy, as compared to Nordic countries. Between 2020 and 2021, pro-European health policy citizens profile changes and becomes clearer, from pensioners to young working age males with medium education. In general, people prioritizing a European health policy value health as the most important issue at a national level are generally satisfied with the European Union and do not trust their national government.
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Boiko, A. "THE CULTURAL-CIVILIZATIONAL ASPECT IN THE FORMATION OF THE EUROPEAN INTEGRATION POLICY OF R. ERDOGAN GOVERNMENTS." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 128 (2016): 10–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2016.128.1.02.
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The question of European integration of Turkish Republic is considered as one of the central issues in the sphere of the history of international relations. The origins of this problem should be sought in the processes that have shaped the modern Turkish state, that being the rule of the first President of the Republic. With the government headed by R. Erdogan taking a grip of power in 2002, Turkey has fully revised its foreign policy. In particular, it intensified efforts to integrate the state to the EU. However, these intentions could not be realized due to a number of reasons. The article considers cultural-civilization influence on the formation of the foreign policy of Turkish Republic in the sphere of European integration, formation and evolution of the views of the Turkish government on the idea of state "Westernization". It devotes main attention to the views of Ahmet Davutoglu and his strategy of Turkish foreign policy. The article also researches his views on the influence of the eastern cultural and civilizational values and religion on the international position of the Eastern countries and, in particular, on their relations with European countries. Moreover, the research provides an attempt to analyze the cultural-civilizational differences as a factor of preventing Turkey from entering the European Union.
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MAGGETTI, Martino. "Trust, Coordination and Multi-level Arrangements: Lessons for a European Health Union." European Journal of Risk Regulation 11, no. 4 (November 12, 2020): 790–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/err.2020.97.
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In the wake of the outbreak of the COVID-19 crisis, the Swedish and Swiss governments adopted a similar policy approach. They enacted mostly non-binding measures to contain the epidemic, relying on the high level of interpersonal trust and trust in political institutions that exist in both of these (broadly comparable) countries to ensure compliance. However, unlike Sweden’s strategy, the Swiss policy response evolved during the early weeks of the “first wave”, achieving public health and socioeconomic results that have been considered as satisfactory, notwithstanding the complex institutional setting and policy process, the central location of Switzerland in continental Europe, its openness and its closeness with deeply affected regions in Italy and France. To shed light on this policy response and to draw lessons from it, this paper firstly discusses the role played by the new Swiss Epidemics Act. This law centralises decision-making capacity at the federal level and expands the competences of the central government, while leaving leeway to subnational units for implementation and recognising the need for increased international regulatory cooperation. Secondly, it shows how such a solution – a multi-level arrangement steered from the federal level with quite strong vertical and horizontal coordination mechanisms – could work as a blueprint for a European Health Union.
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Boitan, Iustina Alina, and Kamilla Marchewka-Bartkowiak. "The EU Fiscal Risk Matrix – from government debt to climate liabilities." Studia BAS 3, no. 67 (2021): 45–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/studiabas.2021.26.
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The aim of the article is to identify the main components of government overall liabilities based on the Fiscal Risk Matrix classification introduced by the World Bank in 1999, and to estimate the amount and structure of these liabilities in European Union countries (EU Fiscal Risk Matrix). The climate liabilities definition and methodology included in the EU Fiscal Risk Matrix is also a novelty of the research. The study covered EU member states in the period 2018–2019, taking into account available data from the Eurostat database. On this basis, the EU Fiscal Risk Matrix was developed with the estimated structure of the burden of government liabilities for individual countries and the EU as a whole. The article used statistical and comparative analysis. The major conclusion of our research involves the proposal to implement a unified European methodology of government overall liabilities classification based on the EU Fiscal Risk Matrix to assess the fiscal debt burden and transparency of fiscal policy.
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Boitan, Iustina Alina, and Kamilla Marchewka-Bartkowiak. "The EU Fiscal Risk Matrix – from government debt to climate liabilities." Studia BAS 3, no. 67 (2021): 45–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/studiabas.2021.26.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of the article is to identify the main components of government overall liabilities based on the Fiscal Risk Matrix classification introduced by the World Bank in 1999, and to estimate the amount and structure of these liabilities in European Union countries (EU Fiscal Risk Matrix). The climate liabilities definition and methodology included in the EU Fiscal Risk Matrix is also a novelty of the research. The study covered EU member states in the period 2018–2019, taking into account available data from the Eurostat database. On this basis, the EU Fiscal Risk Matrix was developed with the estimated structure of the burden of government liabilities for individual countries and the EU as a whole. The article used statistical and comparative analysis. The major conclusion of our research involves the proposal to implement a unified European methodology of government overall liabilities classification based on the EU Fiscal Risk Matrix to assess the fiscal debt burden and transparency of fiscal policy.
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Łukaszewski, Marcin. "Parliament–government–citizens. The place of the institution of direct democracy in the discussion on the shape of San Marino-European Union relations in the context of the referendum of 2013." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 4 (December 15, 2021): 95–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2021.26.4.6.
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The subject of the article is the issue of using the institutions of direct democracy in the process of shaping the directions of a very specific element of foreign policy – relations with the European Union, of which San Marino is not a member. While most of the referenda related to the European Union concern the accession of countries to this organization, the vote in 2013 was of a slightly different nature. Therefore, the author attempts to indicate how the use of the instruments of direct democracy by citizens, in a way in opposition to the institution of indirect democracy (parliament and its dependent government), can contribute to the decision-makers making political decisions desired by citizens, even in seemingly rather unusual (apart from the aforementioned accession referenda) for direct democracy, spheres as the directions of foreign policy.
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Rovinskaya, T. "New Shape of Environmental Policy amid COVID-19 Pandemic." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 7 (2022): 66–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-7-66-80.
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The article examines the connection between the environmental processes during the COVID‑19 pandemic (2019–2022) and the “greening” of the political sphere. A specific feature of environmental policy is its close linkage with the economy, since economic activity is the direct cause of anthropogenic pollution of natural environments. The environmental changes that have arisen in response to economic realities of the pandemic period have led to transformation of socio-political attitudes towards strengthening the “green” direction in the policies of the world’s leading states – the European Union member countries, the United States, Russia, China and other. The global “green agenda” was substantiated at the World Economic Forum in Davos in 2020 and 2021, as well as at the following 26th UN Climate Change Conference 2021 (COP26) in Glasgow, actually shaping a new world order based on the environmental goals and obligations. In West European countries, with prominent green parties’ political positions, the environmental policy is formed largely from grassroots. In the United States, it depends entirely on the political situation (mostly on the sitting president’s party affiliation). Whereas the European Union and the EU states (primarily Germany and France) have seized the initiative of directing the world environmental policy, striving to take the lead in this sphere (particularly, in climate protection), the new U.S. government is now seriously challenging the European leadership. Noteworthy is that the COVID‑19 crisis has updated the green political and economic agenda globally, regardless of differences between the states, which verifies the importance and necessity of agreeing a conceptually new common approach to interaction with the environment in the short and long term.
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Schweitzer, Vladimir. "Bruno Kreisky and the Soviet Union." Contemporary Europe 101, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 169–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope12021169179.
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The article is dedicated to the 110th anniversary of B. Kreisky (1911 – 1990), a prominent statesman of post-war Austria, one of the leaders of international social democracy. From 1959 to 1966 he served as Minister of Foreign Affairs of Austria. In 1970 ‒ 1983 he was in charge of the Government of that State. In 1976 – 1989, he was Vice-President of the Socialist International. Soviet issues were not only an integral part of his political interests, but also a topic of constant dialogue within the European establishment, an important subject of meetings with the leaders of the USSR. Being a critic of many aspects of the USSR's foreign and domestic policy, not accepting the communist interpretation of Marxism, he did not consider ideological contradictions an obstacle to contacts with the Soviet leadership on a wide range of international issues. The dialogue with the USSR touched upon the topics of European and international detente, events in the Middle East and various situations in the countries of the "Third World".
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Angelovska, Julijana, and Anita Čeh Časni. "The influence of recurrent property income and expenditure on house prices in European Union countries: Evidence from a panel model." Croatian Review of Economic, Business and Social Statistics 8, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 32–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/crebss-2022-0003.
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Abstract Land value capture can be defined as a policy approach that allows communities to restore and reinvest land value increases that result from public investment and other government actions. For that reason, public action should generate public benefit. The recurrent property tax, one of many tools for land value capture, is the foundation of a stable, enduring revenue source that supports the provision of essential housing and amenities services. This empirical paper aims to examine the influence of recurrent property tax income, and general government spending on housing and community amenities on house prices. To assess the hypothesized direction of the effects, yearly data structured in a balanced panel on a sample of 26 European Union economies from 2010 to 2019 was used. Fixed effects regression model with Driscoll and Kraay standard errors was employed and the results confirmed a negative but statistically insignificant effect of increased property tax revenue on house prices, while increased expenditure on housing and amenities confirmed a positive and statistically significant effect on house prices dynamics in European Union countries.