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Journal articles on the topic 'Biotechnology – Europe – Public opinion'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Ten Eyck, Toby A., George Gaskell, and Jonathan Jackson. "Seeds, food and trade wars: Public opinion and policy responses in the USA and Europe." Journal of Commercial Biotechnology 10, no. 3 (March 1, 2004): 258–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.jcb.3040081.

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2

Stephan, Hannes R. "Revisiting the Transatlantic Divergence over GMOs: Toward a Cultural-Political Analysis." Global Environmental Politics 12, no. 4 (November 2012): 104–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep_a_00142.

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This article applies a constructivist perspective to the persistent transatlantic divergence over the regulation of genetically modified foods and crops. Political economy and institutionalism have so far dominated the literature. Notwithstanding their important insights, to achieve a better understanding of the nature and depth of transatlantic regulatory divergence, one must also study prevalent cultural values and identity-related public concerns regarding food and agriculture. These factors can be identified in public opinion trends and have fuelled resistance in Europe, while contributing to relative regulatory stability in the US. By conceptualizing cultural contexts as catalytic structures, the article also differs from more explicitly discursive accounts of political mobilization. Ultimately, however, an analysis of the cultural politics of agricultural biotechnology relies not only on the influence of pre-existing values and identities, but also takes account of the strategies (and material or other power resources) of political agents.

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3

Krekó, Péter. "The Birth of an Illiberal Informational Autocracy in Europe: A Case Study on Hungary." Journal of Illiberalism Studies 2, no. 1 (2022): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.53483/wcjw3538.

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While the institutional aspects of the illiberal shift in Hungary since 2010 have received notable scholarly attention, less analysis has dealt with the informational aspects of this de-democratization trend. In this article, I apply the concept of “informational autocracy” to Hungary to explain the way in which the Orbán government has been able to achieve the kind of hegemonic rule in that has also helped Orbán’s Fidesz party win their fourth straight election. The article briefly explains how the Hungarian media infrastructure (the “hardware”), was built up, and what are the dominant narratives⁠—especially the conspiracy theories⁠—that the regime is propagating (the “software”). The efficiency of Orbán’s informational autocracy in shaping public opinion is explained through specific cases in which the government could easily shore up its popularity by manipulating information, such as during the pandemic and after the start of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. The article argues that Hungarian informational autocracy combines strategies and techniques that are imported from Western liberal democracies—with plenty of inspiration coming from the recent example of the United States, and with narratives and conspiracy theories that are imported from Eastern autocracies.

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4

Claval, Paul. "Europe, public opinion, and Brexit." Scottish Geographical Journal 135, no. 1-2 (April 3, 2019): 46–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14702541.2019.1667644.

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5

Tait, Joyce. "Public opinion." Bio/Technology 12, no. 11 (November 1994): 1048. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/nbt1194-1048a.

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6

Schenelaars, Piet. "Public opinion." Bio/Technology 12, no. 11 (November 1994): 1048–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/nbt1194-1048b.

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7

Esmer, Yilmaz. "The Turkish public opinion and Europe." Cambridge Review of International Affairs 10, no. 1 (September 1996): 79–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09557579608400127.

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8

Pietiläinen, Jukka. "Public opinion on useful languages in Europe." European Journal of Language Policy 3, no. 1 (January 2011): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/ejlp.2011.2.

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9

Lapolla, Arcangela. "Trends in Italian Public Opinion Towards Europe." International Spectator 41, no. 1 (January 2006): 49–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932720609409031.

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10

Peters, H. P. "Editorial: Public Opinion on Biotechnology." International Journal of Public Opinion Research 17, no. 1 (March 1, 2005): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edh053.

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11

Anderson, Christopher J., and Jason D. Hecht. "The preference for Europe: Public opinion about European integration since 1952." European Union Politics 19, no. 4 (August 9, 2018): 617–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116518792306.

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To determine how public opinion matters for the politics of European integration, we need to know what Europeans say about Europe. Yet, despite a proliferation of analyses of public support for Europe, fundamental questions remain. First, does aggregate opinion reflect a single preference for Europe? Second, is the content of opinions similar across countries? Third, have opinions about Europe become more structured over time? Finally, what are the long-term dynamics in opinions about Europe? To answer these questions, we construct a new dataset of historical public opinion since 1952 in France, Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom. Over the long run, aggregate opinion toward Europe reflects one dominant underlying dimension and its content is similar across countries. We examine the trends in support for Europe.

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12

Cimbala, Steven J., and Richard C. Eichenberg. "Public Opinion and National Security in Western Europe." Journal of Military History 54, no. 2 (April 1990): 251. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1986059.

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13

Treverton, Gregory F., and Richard C. Eichenberg. "Public Opinion and National Security in Western Europe." Foreign Affairs 69, no. 2 (1990): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044323.

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14

Balestrini, Pierre P. "Public opinion in Europe in quest of harmony?" Comparative European Politics 14, no. 6 (November 2016): 735–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/cep.2014.51.

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15

Hatton, Timothy J. "Immigration, public opinion and the recession in Europe." Economic Policy 31, no. 86 (March 31, 2016): 205–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/epolic/eiw004.

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16

Luyben, Karel Ch A. M., and David J. Bennett. "More public opinion." Nature Biotechnology 12, no. 12 (December 1994): 1313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/nbt1294-1313a.

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17

Priest, Susanna Hornig. "US public opinion divided over biotechnology?" Nature Biotechnology 18, no. 9 (September 1, 2000): 939–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/79412.

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18

ARAUJO, ANA CRISTINA. "European public opinion and the Lisbon earthquake." European Review 14, no. 3 (June 8, 2006): 313–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798706000317.

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At the end of November 1755, news of the Lisbon earthquake spread rapidly to all capital cities of Europe. Horrific reports gave rise to a wealth of sensational journalism. As Samuel Johnson and others attest, this was particularly marked in Great Britain. The catastrophe remained a popular subject of flysheets, newspapers, and engravings for months on end. The event was magnified many times over in the eyes and minds by the popular press, which led to forms of public distress. For the first time in the western world, the press, on the occasion of the Lisbon earthquake, helped create the illusion of proximity and unity between the peoples of different nations in Europe. As Voltaire said, ‘L'Europe ressemblait à une grande famille réunie après ses différences’.

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19

Swanson, John. "Opinion on EMFs from Europe." Journal of Radiological Protection 22, no. 4 (December 1, 2002): 430. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/0952-4746/22/4/604.

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20

Klausner, Arthur. "Public Opinion Looming Large." Nature Biotechnology 4, no. 6 (June 1986): 496–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/nbt0686-496.

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21

Hassler, Susan. "Protropin and Public Opinion." Nature Biotechnology 12, no. 9 (September 1994): 847. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/nbt0994-847.

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22

Slootweg, Anne, Rogier van Reekum, and Willem Schinkel. "The raced constitution of Europe: The Eurobarometer and the statistical imagination of European racism." European Journal of Cultural Studies 22, no. 2 (April 2019): 144–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549418823064.

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Centering upon the first Europe-wide public opinion survey of racism, carried out by the Eurobarometer in 1988, this article explores how studying European public opinion research can shed light on what we call the raced constitution of Europe. Based on an analysis of this Eurobarometer survey, we scrutinize how Eurobarometer opinion polling involves a constant scale-switching through which ‘Europe’ and ‘racism’ are co-produced. As we argue, techniques of European opinion polling contributed to the imagination of a ‘European’ ideological whole, from which stabilized categories of ‘non-European others’ were excluded. By creating an opposition between ‘democratic Europe’ and ‘individualized xenophobia’, racism was enacted as a lower class attitude ‘not of Europe’ and as a permanent rem(a)inder of the past that serves to legitimate the project of European integration.

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23

Dewar, Alan M. "BBRO Open Day at DISS 2019." Outlooks on Pest Management 30, no. 5 (October 1, 2019): 208–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1564/v30_oct_05.

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The 4th of July was the date for one of the British Beet Research Organisation's open days, where the latest developments in growing sugar beet were presented to sugar beet growers. The event near Diss in Suffolk was one of two organised by the levy-funded body in July, and remains one of the last places where growers can receive unbiased but well considered opinions about the various products, methods and strategies for growing this specialized crop. Where there is little public-funded practical applied research done these days, that is a something to be cherished. Growers had access to experts in most areas of growing the crop, from soil structure, varieties, herbicide options to pest and disease control. Modern technology was represented by the presence of a drone that can be used for a multitude of monitoring and measuring tasks. The newest varieties were on show in the demonstration plots along with data on their characteristics and yield potential from the several variety trials conducted each year to test their mettle against the standards. Sharing the site with the BBRO team were prominent companies in the UK sugar beet industry, ranging from seed companies such as KWS, SES VanderHave, Strube and Betaseeds, the seed pelleting company Germains, showing off their latest pelleting procedures, agrochemical companies such as Syngenta, Bayer, Corteva, UPL, and others, all with their newest technologies on show. A Plant Clinic/Virus control Centre was available for those with problem samples, and all were supported by an excellent catering van. The sugar industry is much less regulated than it used to be, so sugar beet is now in competition with other crops for the farmers' attention. Profitability and ease of growing are all important considerations when choosing this crop to be part of a rotation. Quota guarantees are no longer a driving force, nor is the price of beet, which is much more subject to world price fluctuations than it was just 10 years ago, after the quota system was dismantled in Europe in recent years.

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24

Cotton, Matthew. "Biotechnology and Public Engagement in Europe." Science & Technology Studies 25, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 74–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.23987/sts.55283.

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25

Rasmussen, Anne, and Stefanie Reher. "Civil Society Engagement and Policy Representation in Europe." Comparative Political Studies 52, no. 11 (February 28, 2019): 1648–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414019830724.

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Since Tocqueville linked the quality of democracy in America to its vibrant civic culture, studies have explored the relationship between social capital and the quality of governance. Yet, few have examined the mechanisms between individual components of social capital and democracy in depth. This study focuses on the link between one component of social capital, civil society engagement, and the linkage between public opinion and policy. It argues that engagement in associations with an interest in the policy issue may stimulate correspondence between public opinion and policy through their ability to collect and disseminate information to policy makers and the public. The analysis of 20 specific policy issues from 30 European countries confirms these expectations: Issues that experience a high level of associational engagement display a stronger relationship between public opinion and policy. The findings underline the role civil society organizations can play in policy representation beyond engaging in interest advocacy.

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26

Chabova, Kristyna. "Measuring corruption in Europe: public opinion surveys and composite indices." Quality & Quantity 51, no. 4 (June 24, 2016): 1877–900. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11135-016-0372-8.

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27

윤덕희. "Public opinion on European integration in Central and Eastern Europe." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 26, no. 3 (December 2008): 77–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.17052/jces.2008.26.3.77.

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28

Fox, Jeffrey L. "Public Opinion: Sense Vs. Sensibility." Nature Biotechnology 5, no. 1 (January 1987): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/nbt0187-14.

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29

Ludwig, Walther. "Classical antiquity in contemporary Europe." European Review 2, no. 4 (October 1994): 282–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700001216.

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As a consequence of the diminished role that Greek and Roman antiquity plays in secondary school education, the impact which Classical antiquity still has on our contemporary culture is underestimated in public opinion.

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30

Reher, Stefanie. "Gender and opinion–policy congruence in Europe." European Political Science Review 10, no. 4 (September 10, 2018): 613–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773918000140.

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Does public policy in Europe reflect women’s preferences equally well as men’s? This study compares the opinions of women and men with concrete policy on a set of 20 issues across a diverse range of policy areas in 31 European countries. It shows that the majorities of men and women frequently prefer the same policy. However, when they disagree, men’s preferences are more likely to be represented. Neither the proportion of women in parliament nor the left–right orientation of the government explains variation in women’s policy representation. Instead, a higher number of parliamentary parties increase the likelihood that policy reflects women’s views. This effect does not seem to be driven by left-libertarian politics or Green parties, even though women’s stronger support for ‘new politics’ issues is an important source of disagreement between men and women.

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31

Banai, Ayelet, Fabio Votta, and Rosa Seitz. "The Polls—Trends." Public Opinion Quarterly 86, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 191–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfac001.

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Abstract This article presents trends in public opinion toward immigration in the European Union (EU), between 2002 and 2018. Immigration is a salient and contentious issue in contemporary politics across Europe and is used by Eurosceptic parties in both government and opposition to mobilize support. Public opinion data—drawn from the European Social Survey and the Eurobarometer—reveals the following noteworthy trends over the past two decades. First, positive public attitudes toward immigration have increased across member states, with a temporary setback in 2015–16. Second, immigration is a divisive issue throughout the EU. While public opinion in some regions generally favors immigration, opinion is divided everywhere. Third, despite regional variations between northern, western, and southern Europe, EU-wide trends suggest the emergence of a collective public opinion, crossing national borders. Fourth, despite vocal political opposition to immigration, solid majorities of the public view immigration favorably over time and across regions. To the numerous studies of European public opinion on immigration, this article contributes a useful overview of the long-term trends, with regional and EU-wide presentation and data visualization.

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32

Priest, S. H. "Biotechnology, media and public opinion across national boundaries." Ecquid Novi: African Journalism Studies 25, no. 1 (January 1, 2004): 80–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3368/ajs.25.1.80.

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33

Hornig Priest, Susanna. "Biotechnology, media and public opinion across national boundaries." Ecquid Novi: African Journalism Studies 25, no. 1 (January 2004): 80–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02560054.2004.9653279.

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34

Fernández-Prados, Juan Sebastián, Cristina Cuenca-Piqueras, and María José González-Moreno. "International public opinion surveys and public policy in Southern European democracies." Journal of International and Comparative Social Policy 35, no. 2 (June 2019): 227–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21699763.2018.1535997.

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AbstractThis article aims to analyse the presence of and relationship between the most relevant comparative social research thorough international surveys and public policies reflected in the different official bulletins or gazettes of the countries of southern Europe, specifically Spain, Portugal and Italy. Following a consideration of the process of globalisation of research through surveys, four surveys were selected (Eurobarometer, World Values Survey, International Social Survey Programme, European Social Survey). The complex relationships between public opinion and public policy were also addressed. Finally, it is concluded that the most prominent international surveys have little or no presence in public policies in the countries analysed.

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35

Fedorov, Vladislav. "Public opinion about electronic voting in Europe as illustrated by YouTube." Przegląd Europejski, no. 4-2021 (December 9, 2021): 131–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.4.21.8.

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The article presents the results of the analysis of the political news about electronic voting published on YouTube. The purpose of the research is to reveal an attitude towards electronic voting that is formed in YouTube videos, because it is a powerful channel for forming public opinion. In the focus of attention there are four countries that have made the electronic voting a widely used practice (Belgium, Estonia, Switzerland and Russia). The author bases his research on the hypothesis that the decision of a voter to take part or not to take part in elections will be influenced by the information he or she has learnt about electronic voting from the news – especially attitudes towards the voting, expressed by other users of YouTube. The research results demonstrate that in Belgium the electronic voting is treated neutrally, while in Estonia and Switzerland it is positively regarded. As for Russia, the attitude is negative

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36

Kehrberg, Jason E. "Public Opinion on Immigration in Western Europe: Economics, Tolerance, and Exposure." Comparative European Politics 5, no. 3 (August 23, 2007): 264–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.cep.6110099.

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37

Finel, Bernard I. "Public Opinion and National Security in Western Europe (review)." SAIS Review 10, no. 2 (1990): 256–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sais.1990.0047.

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38

Rydzewski, Paweł. "Challenges of Sustainable Development in International Public Opinion." Problemy Ekorozwoju 18, no. 1 (January 1, 2023): 61–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.35784/pe.2023.1.06.

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The article examines the respondents’ opinions on issues related to sustainable development and environmental protection. The analysis is based on the data from the International Social Survey Program, Environment 2022, which covers 14 countries (mainly in Europe and Asia). The findings show that health care, economy and the natural environment are the most important issues for the respondents. Environmental problems that are most frequently selected include: climate change, air pollution, chemicals and pesticides, and using up natural resources. The view that economic growth is necessary to protect the natural environment is relatively common (although those who disagree with this opinion also constitute a large group).

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39

Slobodchikoff, Michael O. "Constraining Elites: The Impact of Treaty Networks on Foreign Policy." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 42, no. 3 (October 19, 2015): 298–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763324-04203004.

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In democracies, elites should be responsive to public opinion. This is especially true in Eastern Europe, where politicians fear electoral sanctions in the process of reform (Roberts and Kim 2011). Public opinion in general in Eastern Europe has been overwhelmingly in favor of European integration (Caplanova et al. 2004). In Ukraine, public opinion was in favor of increased cooperation with the eu, while in Moldova, public opinion was in favor of increased cooperation with the Russian led Customs Union. Ukraine refused to sign an association agreement with the eu, while Moldova enthusiastically signed the same association agreement. Why should both Ukrainian and Moldovan political elites have chosen not to be responsive to public opinion in such an important decision? Using network analysis of bilateral treaties between Russia and Moldova and Russia and Ukraine, I predict the responsiveness of political elites to public opinion toward European integration. I argue that the denser a treaty network between a weaker state and the regional hegemon, the less likely political elites will be to cooperate and move toward European integration. Conversely, less dense treaty networks allow politicians more flexibility in following their own preferences. Further, I offer a prediction for other states in the fsu to seek further cooperation with the eu.

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40

Hughes, Steve. "Opinion piece: Genomics and crop plant science in Europe." Plant Biotechnology Journal 4, no. 1 (January 2006): 3–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7652.2005.00164.x.

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41

Busemeyer, Marius R., Julian L. Garritzmann, Erik Neimanns, and Roula Nezi. "Investing in education in Europe: Evidence from a new survey of public opinion." Journal of European Social Policy 28, no. 1 (May 26, 2017): 34–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928717700562.

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Public opinion research has found that increasing the investment in education is generally very popular among citizens in Western Europe. However, this evidence from publicly available opinion surveys may be misleading, because these surveys do not force respondents to prioritize between different parts of the education system or between education and other social policies, nor do they provide information about citizens’ willingness to pay for additional investment in education. To address these deficiencies, we conducted an original, representative survey of public opinion on education and related policies in eight European countries. Our analysis confirms that citizens express high levels of support for education even when they are forced to choose between education and other areas of social spending. But not all educational sectors enjoy equally high levels of support: increasing spending on general schooling and vocational education is more popular than increasing spending on higher education and early childhood education. Furthermore, we find that citizens are, in fact, willing to pay additional taxes in order to finance investment in education, at least in some countries and for some sectors of the education system.

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42

Heath, Anthony, Eldad Davidov, Robert Ford, Eva G. T. Green, Alice Ramos, and Peter Schmidt. "Contested terrain: explaining divergent patterns of public opinion towards immigration within Europe." Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 46, no. 3 (February 22, 2019): 475–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183x.2019.1550145.

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43

Kim, Soo Yeon, Sophie Meunier, and Zsolt Nyiri. "Yin and yank? Public opinion in Europe toward the U.S. and China." Comparative European Politics 15, no. 4 (August 4, 2016): 577–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41295-016-0005-6.

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44

Chabova, Kristyna. "Erratum to: Measuring corruption in Europe: public opinion surveys and composite indices." Quality & Quantity 51, no. 4 (July 19, 2016): 1901. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11135-016-0385-3.

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45

Schilde, Kaija E., Stephanie B. Anderson, and Andrew D. Garner. "A more martial Europe? Public opinion, permissive consensus, and EU defence policy." European Security 28, no. 2 (April 3, 2019): 153–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09662839.2019.1617275.

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46

Ünver, Özgün, Tuba Bircan, and Ides Nicaise. "Opinion-policy correspondence in public provision and financing of childcare in Europe." International Journal of Educational Research 101 (2020): 101576. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijer.2020.101576.

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47

Dragomir, Elena. "Lithuanian public opinion and the EU membership." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 2, no. 2 (December 15, 2010): 295–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v2i2_9.

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During the early 1990s, following the restoration of independence, Lithuania reoriented in terms of foreign policy towards West. One of the state’s main foreign policy goals became the accession to the EU and NATO. Acknowledging that the ‘opinion of the people’ is a crucial factor in today’s democracy as it is important and necessary for politicians to know and take into consideration the ‘public opinion’, that is the opinion of the people they represent, this paper brings into attention the public support for the political pro-West project. The paper is structured in two main parts. The first one presents in short the politicians’ discourse regarding Lithuania’s accession to the EU and its general ‘returning to Europe’, in the general context of the state’s new foreign policy, while the second part presents the results of different public opinion surveys regarding the same issue. Comparing these two sides, in the end, the paper provides the answer that the Lithuanian people backed the political elites in their European projects. Although, the paper does not represent a breakthrough for the scientific community, its findings could be of interest for those less familiarized with the Lithuanian post-Cold War history, and especially for the Romanian public to whom this journal mainly addresses.

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48

Barnes, M. H. "EU reflects European public opinion, Letter 1." Nature Biotechnology 21, no. 9 (September 2003): 975–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/nbt0903-975.

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49

Borch, Kristian, Jesper Lassen, and Rikke B. Jørgensen. "EU reflects European public opinion, Letter 2." Nature Biotechnology 21, no. 9 (September 2003): 976. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/nbt0903-976a.

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50

de Vries, Catherine E. "Ambivalent Europeans? Public Support for European Integration in East and West." Government and Opposition 48, no. 3 (June 5, 2013): 434–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2013.15.

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In the midst of the economic crisis sweeping across the European continent, popular support for European integration has become a common theme in political discourse. This article revisits the debate regarding popular support for European integration. Although many journalists, politicians and pundits currently argue that the public is becoming increasingly sceptical of further steps towards integration, this study qualifies that claim and suggests that public opinion towards Europe is best described as ambivalent. Also, it shows that ambivalence regarding European integration is higher in Western than in Central and Eastern Europe. This is probably due to the fact that as citizens in Western Europe have gained more experience with the positive and negative consequences of integration over the years, they have also become more ambivalent about the European project. Rather than suggesting that citizens are by and large turning their backs on Europe, I put forward the view that we seem to be witnessing growing uncertainty about the future scope and depth of the integration process. This, I argue, could be viewed as a natural by-product of experiencing both the virtues and the vices association with membership. Consequently, attitude ambivalence as such may be demonstrative of a maturation of public opinion concerning European integration.

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