Journal articles on the topic 'Bible – German – Luther'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Bible – German – Luther.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Bible – German – Luther.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Cameron, Euan. "The September Testament and Its Predecessors: How Was Luther’s New Testament Translation Different from Previous German Versions?" Bible Translator 73, no. 3 (December 2022): 335–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20516770221134943.
Full textAbstract:
Luther’s first New Testament in German, issued in September 1522, forms a landmark in the history of Bible translation. Yet how precisely did Luther’s work diverge from and build on received biblical scholarship, and on previous translations into German? This article compares John’s Gospel in the September Testament with Anton Koberger’s German Bible of 1483 and Erasmus’s Greek and Latin New Testament of 1519. Luther’s 1522 Testament differed in format from its predecessors: Luther discarded Jerome’s prefaces in favour of his own, and added expository commentaries and paragraph breaks to help the reader. Compared to Koberger, Luther aspired to more fluent and elegant language. He avoided importing Latin terms into German and strove for rhetorically powerful German. He adopted several of Erasmus’s philological interventions, though not uncritically. Luther worked continuously to make his German New Testament embody what he saw as the essential gospel.
2
Campbell, W. Gordon. "The “Last Word” in Pictures: Enhanced Visual Interpretation of Revelation in Luther’s High German Bible (1534)." Postscripts: The Journal of Sacred Texts, Cultural Histories, and Contemporary Contexts 11, no. 1 (September 15, 2020): 5–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/post.17389.
Full textAbstract:
For the last twenty-five years of his life, Martin Luther and his associates were active in Bible translation, publishing first the New Testament, from 1522 onwards, and by 1534—at roughly the mid-point of these endeavours—the whole Bible in German. Across this entire period, until his death, Luther continuously offered reader-viewers of the final New Testament book, Revelation, not only verbal commentary—in a preface (1522), or replacement preface with accompanying marginal notes (1530)—but visual exegesis, in the form of successive series of woodcut engravings designed to illustrate the text. A set of images commissioned for Luther’s 1534 German Bible was the crowning achievement of this visual interpretation: the 1534 Bible even extended pictorial illustration and adornment to the Gospels and Epistles, as well as Old Testament texts. From the perspective of art history, to regard these acclaimed illustrations as “the last word in pictures” represents no novelty, for the 1534 Luther Bible has long been counted among “the finest things that the art of printing produced in the Reformation period” (Schramm 1923, 22–23; my translation). However, to make the same assertion about the Revelation illustrations specifically, from an explicitly exegetical standpoint—and in English—is new and requires substantiation through supporting evidence. I will provide this through close analysis and evaluation of the interpretative moves that the 1534 images make, in conjunction with Luther’s translation and comment, over and against the visual exegesis of their predecessors created, from 1522 onwards, for Luther’s German New Testament.
3
Dober, Hans Martin. "Rosenzweig and Luther. The Concept of Faith in the Perspective of «New Thinking» and Bible Translation." RUDN Journal of Philosophy 26, no. 3 (September 30, 2022): 493–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2302-2022-26-3-493-508.
Full textAbstract:
In his “The Star of Redemption”, Rosenzweig engages not only in an argument with philosophy, but also with theology. Next to Augustine and Friedrich Schleiermacher Martin Luther was a counterpart in whose face he developed his dialogical “new thinking”. The essay takes up the traces of this dispute in the letters to focus here on Rosenzweig's reading of Ricarda Huch's “Luther’s Faith”. This literary picture is then related in a sketch to Luther's Reformation theology as it emerges from contemporary research. In a next step, the “Star” is interpreted as a book that, on the one hand, owes much to a previous reception of Luther, but on the other hand, also shows the Reformator's thinking in a new light. Finally, the late writings on the problem of translation come into view in order to justify Rosenzweig’s “Verdeutschung” of the Hebrew Bible, undertaken together with Buber, to Luther’s “German Bible”.
4
Leutzsch, Martin. "The First Bible Translations into German Based on Erasmus’s New Testament: Johannes Lang’s and Martin Luther’s Versions of the Gospel of Matthew." Bible Translator 73, no. 3 (December 2022): 354–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20516770221137824.
Full textAbstract:
With his Greek New Testament and accompanying Latin translation (1516, revised 1519), humanist Erasmus of Rotterdam created new opportunities for Western Bible translators. The first known translations into the vernacular based on this work are the versions of Matthew by Johannes Lang (June 1521) and of the whole New Testament by Martin Luther (September 1522). Luther’s Septembertestament is well known and plays a part in myths of Luther, Protestantism, and Bible translation. Johannes Lang, Luther’s friend, colleague, and co-worker in reforming the church, is much less known, and his translation seldom considered. This analysis of both translations pays special attention to their respective paratextual materials. Although based on the same source texts, these two translations from the early 1520s perform very different politics of translation and exhibit different attitudes to influence their readers.
5
Rajšp, Vincenc. "Ob 500-letnici Luthrovega nastopa na državnem zboru v Wormsu ▪︎ On the 500th Anniversary of Luther’s Appearance at the Diet of Worms." Stati inu obstati, revija za vprašanja protestantizma 17, no. 33 (June 20, 2021): 47–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.26493/2590-9754.17(33)47-70.
Full textAbstract:
Following the publication of Luther’s theses on 31 October 1517, the Diet of Worms was the next fundamental step in the reform movement of the 16th-century European Christianity. In the “Holy Roman Empire,” the way was opened for further religious and new institutional development in the previously unified church, culminating in the Peace of Augsburg in 1555, which granted individual rulers of political units in the country, princes, prince-bishops etc. the right to decide on the religion of their Catholic and Lutheran subjects. The immediate cause of “Worms 1521” and the consequent “Edict of Worms” were two papal bulls addressed to Luther. The first, Exsurge Domine from 1520, threatened him with excommunication unless he recanted almost one half of the theses published in 1517. Luther responded by proclaiming the pope the Antichrist, although he had until then somewhat avoided criticising him, and publicly burned the bull in December of the same year. Exsurge Domine was followed in January 1521 by the bull Decet Romanum Pontificem excommunicating Luther, which also meant death sentence and exile from the state. According to the established doctrine and practice the execution of the sentence would follow automatically. This doctrine was rejected by Frederick the Wise, Elector of Saxony, who was not convinced by the arguments about Luther’s “heresy” and demanded judgement by domestic experts and authorities. He had his University of Wittenberg in mind, which firmly defended Luther’s views. Frederick the Wise reached the agreement with Emperor Charles that “the case of Luther” would be discussed at the Diet, and that Luther was guaranteed safe arrival in Worms and return to Wittenberg. Luther appeared before the Diet on April 17 and 18. The party representing Luther’s conviction gave him only the option of renouncing the convicted theses, which is why he requested more time for reconsideration and was granted the emperor’s personal permission. The next day, on April 18, Luther performed brilliantly, to which the emperor personally responded on April 19. Thus, Emperor Charles and the monk Luther literally stood opposite each other at the Diet, in front of the highest representatives of the state, which was previously completely unimaginable. Both presented their religious perceptions and understandings, referring to their own conscience. They were in a very unequal position not only as emperor and monk; it was a much more sensitive matter, since the emperor was religiously “free” while Luther was a validly convicted and excommunicated “heretic”. The case of Luther at the Diet was far from solely religious in nature, but rather a reflection of the broader socio-religious situation at the turning point in history. The conflict culminated in the contradictions between “cultural” Rome and barbaric “Germanism”, as perfectly illustrated by the correspondence of the papal nuncio, Girolamo Aleandro the elder. The great understanding for Luther’s resistance to Rome was supported at the Diet by decades-old German complaints (gravamina) debated at Diets, which were not taken seriously in Rome. The most notable figures in the case of Luther (causa Lutheri) at the Diet were: Martin Luther, Emperor Charles V, Elector of Saxony Frederick the Wise, and the papal nuncio Girolamo Aleandro the elder. Although at the end of the Diet each of them was “victorious” in one way or another, the actual winner was Martin Luther, who achieved unprecedented success only by appearing before the Diet, not renouncing the convicted theses and being able to return to Wittenberg under the emperor’s protection. It is true that he published his fundamental reform writings as early as 1520, but the door for the Reformation has only now opened. After Luther was “abducted” on his way back, he undertook the translation of the Bible into German, which became the only recognized religious basis, and he incorporated his theology into the translation. He used his native, German language to communicate the faith. This was already demonstrated at the Diet, where he spoke first in German and only then in Latin for those who did not understand German, e.g. the emperor and the papal nuncio Aleandro. Pamphlets (Flugschriften) handed out in the streets also reported about the events at the Diet in German. At first glance, the conclusion of the Diet was not favorable for Luther. The Edict of Worms, dated May 8 and signed by the emperor on May 26, as an act of the emperor and not as a resolution of the Diet, legitimized Luther’s conviction. The edict was drafted by the nuncio Aleandro, and partly also by Peter Bonomo, later Trubar’s teacher. However, the edict did not have fatal consequences for Luther, because the emperor did not send it to the province of Saxony; consequently Frederick, Elector of Saxony, did not have to declare it, so the edict did not apply where the “heretic” lived. This, in turn, enabled Luther to continue working as both a religious reformer and a university professor at the University of Wittenberg, which became a central institution for the education of Lutheran reformers.
6
Price, David H. "Hans Holbein the Younger and Reformation Bible Production." Church History 86, no. 4 (December 2017): 998–1040. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640717002086.
Full textAbstract:
Hans Holbein the Younger produced a large corpus of illustrations that appeared in an astonishing variety of Bibles, including Latin Vulgate editions, Desiderius Erasmus's Greek New Testament, rival German translations by Martin Luther and Ulrich Zwingli, the English Coverdale Bible, as well as in Holbein's profoundly influential Icones veteris testamenti (Images of the Old Testament)—to name only his better-known contributions. This essay discusses strategies that the artist developed for accommodating the heterogeneity of the various humanist and Reformation Bibles. For Erasmus's innovative Bibles, Holbein connected the text to the expansive concept of Renaissance humanist art, simultaneously portraying the new Bible and humanist art as part of a broadly defined cultural-philosophical discourse. Similarly, Holbein's production of Protestant Bibles, most importantly the epochal Luther Bible, associated the new text with the humanist Bible and, in so doing, conceptualized the humanist biblical image as a validation of religious art in a new context. Ultimately, the reliance on humanist art as a cultural authority mitigated perception of the heterogeneity of the text to the point that the publishers of Holbein's Icones completely displaced the text with the daring creation of a new genre: the picture Bible. With the exception of the iconography of royal supremacy in England, Holbein's Bible image was exceedingly movable, an artistic efficiency designed to contribute to the stability of the Bible image across a wide humanist and multiconfessional spectrum.
7
Lisowski, Piotr, Ivan Kopaygora, Volodymyr Morozov, and Liliya Mykhailenko. "MARTIN LUTHER AS A DEFENDER OF DEMOCRACY!" Scientific Journal of Polonia University 30, no. 5 (October 29, 2018): 136–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.23856/3015.
Full textAbstract:
The theoretical analysis of the philosophical - legal views of the theologian Martin Luther, the German religious and social figure, is presented. His main democratic ideas during the Reformation period in Germany and the countries of Western Europe are demonstrated. The stages of the struggle for the reform of the Catholic Church and for the return of its bases to their correspondence to the Bible from the Reformation times till the present time, are revealed.
8
Niggemann, Andrew J. "Martin Luther’s Use of Blended Hebrew and German Idioms in His Translation of the Hebrew Bible." Harvard Theological Review 113, no. 4 (October 2020): 483–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816020000231.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article investigates an uncharted facet of Martin Luther’s Hebrew translation method. It is one of the more fascinating aspects of his translation, which demonstrates both the complexity of how he translated Hebrew and the lasting impact of the Hebrew on his German, neither of which has been fully appreciated by scholars. This article demonstrates how he sometimes blended Hebrew and German idioms in his translation of the Hebrew Bible, specifically in the Minor Prophets. It further shows how he used this translation method to convey various linguistic features of the Hebrew language to his German audience. Finally, it shows how this has a number of important implications for Luther studies, Hebrew and German linguistics, and medieval and early modern history.
9
Heine, Susanne. ""Die Sprache ist eine große und göttliche Gabe" (Martin Luther) Reformation und Sprachkultur." Labyrinth 20, no. 2 (March 15, 2019): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.25180/lj.v20i2.135.
Full textAbstract:
"Language is a great and divine gift" (Martin Luther)Reformation and Language Culture In this paper Luther's anthropology is shown as being based on the human capability of speaking. As a speaking person, the human being is not outside the world but involved in the world by communication. For Luther being human means – thanks to the capability of speaking – being in a personal relationship. The author argues that this relationship to others is based in the relationship to God. Although speaking is a gift of God, it can be abused whenever someone stirs up people to degrade others, as populists do. Luther had been reproached to be a populist in his closeness to simple people, but this was only due to his intention, that everyone should understand his translation of the bible. Instead of stoking fears, as populists do, Luther helped people to overcome their fears, by telling them in their own language – due to his German translation – that God loves them.
10
Kotliarov, Petro, and Vyacheslav Vyacheslav. "Visualizing Narrative: Lutheran Theology in the Engravings of Lucas Cranach." Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, no. 2 (45) (December 25, 2021): 79–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.2(45).2021.247097.
Full textAbstract:
The early stage of the Reformation in Germany was marked by an iconoclastic movement inspired by radical reformers. In the scientific literature, iconoclasm is often interpreted as a phenomenon that became a catastrophe for German art, as it halted its renaissance progress. The purpose of the article is to prove that the Lutheran Reformation did not become an event that stopped the development of German art, but, on the contrary, gave a new impetus to its development, especially the art of engraving. Throughout the history of Christianity, there have been discussions about what church art should be, in what form it should exist and what function it should carry. In the days of the Reformation, these discussions flared up with renewed vigor. Most reformers held the view that the church needed to be cleansed of works of art that were seen as a legacy of Catholicism. The iconoclast movement that transitioned into church pogroms and the destruction of works of art in Wittenberg in early 1522 prompted Martin Luther to publicly express his disagreement with the radical reformers and to express his own position on the fine arts in the reformed church. In a series of sermons from March 9 to 16, 1522 (Invocavit), Martin Luther recommended the destruction of images that became objects of worship, but considered it appropriate to leave works of art that illustrate biblical stories or reformation ideas. For Luther, the didactic significance of images became a decisive argument. The main points of the series of Luther’s sermons (Invocavit) show that he not only condemned the vandalism of iconoclasts, but also argued that the presence of works of art in the church does not contradict the Bible, but, on the contrary, helps to better understand important truths. It is noted that the result of Luther's tolerant position was the edition of the September Bible (1522) illustrated by Lucas Cranach's engravings. The reviewed narrative and visual sources prove that due to Reformation the art of engraving received a new impetus, and Lutheranism was formed not only as a church of the culture of the word, but also of the culture of the eye. It was established that the main requirement for art was strict adherence to the narrative, which is observed in the analyzed engravings of Lucas Cranach. It is considered that the engravings to the book of Revelation are characterized not only by the accuracy of the text, but also by sharpened polemics, adding a new sound to biblical symbols, sharp criticism of the Catholic Church, and visualization of the main enemies of the Reformed Church. It is proved that the polemical orientation of the engravings spurred interest and contributed to the commercial success of the September Bible. The rejection of traditional plots by protestant artists did not become overly destructive, and in some cases, it even led to the enrichment of European visual culture.
11
Ross, Kristiina. "Bible translation as mediator of Hebrew impact on target languages: the Estonian bible translation by Johannes Gutslaff." Nordisk Judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 21, no. 1-2 (September 1, 2000): 123–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.69571.
Full textAbstract:
The full version of the Bible was first published in Estonian in 1739. In comparison with the neighbouring Protestant countries this is a very late date. However, serious attempts to translate the Bible into Estonian were made already in the 17th century. There are two manuscripts from the 17th century which contain translations of the Old Testament. The older manuscript dating from the middle of the century has been – unlike e.g. the Finnish Bible which had been translated from Luther’s German version – translated directly from Hebrew, by Johannes Gutslaff. Also the 1739 Estonian version was translated directly from the Hebrew version. As is widely known, Luther was of the opinion that a translator should not follow the structure of the source language&&instead, he must use the fluent and pure target language. The Estonian translations followed strictly the Hebrew version, which resulted in the fact that still today, Estonian phraseology has Hebrew influence.
12
Monreal Pérez, Juan Luis. "La perspectiva religiosa y el uso de la lengua en Lutero." Futhark. Revista de Investigación y Cultura, no. 7 (2012): 189–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/futhark.2012.i07.07.
Full textAbstract:
The contribution of Luther to the development of the vernacular languages is in so far worth mentioning as it has allowed that German would become a richer language and its use would spread. On the other hand, Luther realized about the necessary relation between classic and vernacular languages. In fact, it was necessary for Luther to write and to talk in German because he was convinced that languages were not an instrument to classify people according to their social status, but to communicate with everybody, and to give them access to texts, like the New and the Ancient Testament, originally written in other languages. His translation of the Bible is a good example concerning the use of the romance languages. He used all his linguistic, philological and theological skills so that the translation would achieve the goals of transferring the meaning and of making a communicative use of the language.
13
Krajnc-Vrečko, Fanika. "Jezik kot posoda Duha pri Luthru in Trubarju ▪︎ Luther and Trubar’s View on Language as the Vessel of the Spirit." Stati inu obstati, revija za vprašanja protestantizma 17, no. 33 (June 20, 2021): 71–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.26493/2590-9754.17(33)71-81.
Full textAbstract:
The discussion sheds light on the conception or understanding of the national language of two prominent personalities of the 16th-century Reformation: the German reformer Martin Luther and the Slovene Protestant and most important reformer Primož Trubar. For both authors, language serves as a basic tool for preaching the gospel in their mother tongues. They accomplish this by translating the Bible, and they each in their own way justify the use of the mother tongue as the means through which the Spirit of God is embodied. Both Luther and Trubar consolidate the biblical text in early modern European languages: Luther in the New High German and Trubar in the Slovene language, which had not appeared in books until the publication of his printed texts. Both authors developed their own language programme that can be compared and from which both Protestants’ view on language can be discerned, which was based on the realization that God used languages when he wanted the gospel to spread among all people.
14
Smereka, Joanna. "Zur diachronen Untersuchung syntaktisch-semantischer Mittel von Zeitrelationen in ausgewählten historischen Bibeltexten." Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik 80, no. 4 (March 24, 2021): 492–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18756719-12340209.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This article treats the semantic-syntactic means by which time relations can be expressed in various Bible translations or editions. The prose texts the author examines stem from different time periods, ranging from the Old High German Tatian to today’s Bible editions. The analysis is diachronic and focuses on the Gospel of Matthew. In addition, the author compares the current Luther Bible, which has largely remained true to the 500-year tradition, with corresponding passages in selected modern Bible texts. Such a synoptic comparative study of the translations of one and the same source text enables new insights into the changed structure of the relationships between the sentences. The author shows that the externally identical or similar and etymologically related linguistic means change over time: they either come to express different sentence and event relations or they are subject to semantic narrowing.
15
Broadhead, Philip. "The Biblical Verse of Hans Sachs: The Popularization of Scripture in the Lutheran Reformation." Studies in Church History 48 (2012): 124–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400001273.
Full textAbstract:
The Protestant Reformation was a movement based on Scripture and its leaders believed that it was important for all clergy and laity to know and understand the word of God. In 1522 Luther published his translation of the New Testament into German and, although it was not the first translation available, it made an enormous impact, selling in large numbers despite being a relatively expensive book for ordinary readers. In recent years the impression of laypeople readily accepting the Reformation as a result of individual reading of the Bible and evangelical preaching has been challenged, but there is evidence that gradually ordinary people did become aware of Protestant beliefs and the biblical basis for those teachings. Familiarity with the Bible has been shown to have been spread in a variety of ways, including attendance at regular worship, the production of children’s Bibles and the publication of extracts from Scripture, including the Psalms and Gospels. Another medium was the mastersingers, guilds of artisans found in several south German cities, who wrote and performed their own verses (Meisterlieder) that followed strict musical and poetic rules. This paper will consider how they used their literary traditions to popularize evangelical teaching and to spread knowledge and awareness of the Bible in ways that were readily comprehensible to ordinary people. The focus is on the work of the Nuremberg shoemaker and poet Hans Sachs, who achieved national fame, both for his works of the early 1520s in support of religious reform and for his creativity as a playwright and mastersinger. It will show too how changing perceptions of the role of the individual in Christian society in the Reformation period were embedded within the messages found in Sachs’s poems.
16
Koby, Geoffrey S. "Revising Biblical Translation: Luther's Lexical Choices in Matthew between 1522 (Septembertestament) and 1545, Compared with the Greek Source Text." American Journal of Germanic Linguistics and Literatures 7, no. 2 (1995): 207–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1040820700001608.
Full textAbstract:
After Martin Luther first translated and published the New Testament in 1522, he immediately began the work of revision—work that would last through his lifetime and beyond. Working with a group of biblical scholars, he made thousands of changes to the text, continuing until his death in 1546. Although some critics have seen Luther's earlier language as vulgar and coarse—particularly in the Gospels— and have suggested that he refined his language over time, others suggest that a more differentiated view is necessary. This article examines the lexical differences in the Gospel of Matthew between the Septembertestament of 1522 and the last Bible published during Luther's lifetime, in 1545. Major lexical changes are compared with the Greek source text, and assigned to three major classes: (I) changes that bring the translation closer to the original Greek meaning; (II) changes that diverge from a close rendering of the source text, for comprehension or esthetic reasons; and (III) changes that are neutral with regard to the source, originating from target language (German) considerations. Most major changes arise from either the source text or understandability considerations. The original lexical choices in the 1522 version are not as coarse or extreme as some have suggested.
17
Щітова, С. А., and Г. О. Савонюк. "Scripture – source of composerʼs inspiration (to the 500year of Reformation)." Музикознавча думка Дніпропетровщини, no. 13 (August 15, 2018): 117–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/221811.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this article is retracing stage-by-stage development of passions and to argue actuality of genre on the modern stage, defining text biblical basis as invariable and significance. Bible became an uniting factor for all times, for believers of confessions and creations of different forms and genres, among that liturgies, masses, spiritual concerts, passions. The genre of passions has centuries-old history. The most ancient reminiscence about passions are related yet to the rituals of resurrection of Egyptian God Osiris. In the article the value of activity of М. Luther reveals not only for forming of new church confession; his musical reforms, that became the important stage in development of many genres are retraced too, including passions. Methodology of research is based on comparatively-historical method, methods of induction, genre-style analysis, that allows to consider the certain standards of modern passions and defines their place in cultural space. Scientific novelty is research of genesis of genre with the weighty role of М. Luther in claim of protestant chorale as the basis of passions in XVI – XVII. Scientific novelty is appeal to the standards of modern musical creation, which are not insufficiently studed and require the proper analysis. In the article it is suggested to classify passions on the text filling as „classicˮ („biblicalˮ), „mundaneˮ, „mixedˮ. Conclusions. In the article the historical process of development of passions from sources to contemporaneity is retraced. Activity of M. Luther that first translated Scripture into German became a great incitement. In-process from the protestant chorale by Luther a parallel is conducted to modern western (John Debney) and Ukrainian passions (Alexander Коzаrеnко), in which the catholic model of genre is indicated by a composer only in the title of work, and old church slavonic antibackgrounds become the basis of all composition with their Оstrozhskiy tune.
18
Ward, W. R. "Art and Science: or Bach as an Expositor of the Bible." Studies in Church History 28 (1992): 343–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400012547.
Full textAbstract:
For a long time before dramatic recent events it has been clear that the German Democratic Republic has been in die position, embarrassing to a Marxist system, of having nothing generally marketable left except (to use the jargon) ‘superstructure’. The Luther celebrations conveniendy bolstered the implicit claim of the GDR to embody Saxony’s long-delayed revenge upon Prussia; still more conveniendy, they paid handsomely. Even the Francke celebrations probably paid their way, ruinous though his Orphan House has been allowed to become. When I was in Halle, a hard-pressed government had removed the statue of Handel (originally paid for in part by English subscriptions) for head-to-foot embellishment in gold leaf, and a Handel Festival office in the town was manned throughout the year. Bach is still more crucial, both to the republic’s need to pay its way and to the competition with the Federal Republic for the possession of the national tradition. There is no counterpart in Britain to the strength of the Passion-music tradition in East Germany. The celebrations which reach their peak in Easter Week at St Thomas’s, Leipzig, are like a cross between Wembley and Wimbledon here, the difference being that the black market in tickets is organized by the State for its own benefit. If Bach research in East Germany, based either on musicology or the Church, has remained an industry of overwhelming amplitude and technical complexity, the State has had its own Bach-research collective located in Leipzig, dedicated among other things to establishing the relation between Bach and the Enlightenment, that first chapter in the Marxist history of human liberation. Now that a good proportion of the population of the GDR seems bent on liberation by leaving the republic or sinking it, the moment seems ripe to take note for non-specialist readers of some of what has been achieved there in recent years.
19
Wodziński, Grzegorz. "Jana Kalwina zarys nauki o Kościele w świetle Institutio Religionis Christianae z 1543r." Saeculum Christianum 24 (September 10, 2018): 119–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/sc.2017.24.13.
Full textAbstract:
One of the main postulates of the reformation movement, apart from the theological questions, was a proposal of the internal reform of the church institution. The Father of the Reformation,as Rev. Martin Luther is called in the source literature, raised the questions concerning the mission of the Church, its role in the magisterium, and also and perhaps above all its hierarchical structure and about the role of the clergy in the process of the eternal salvation. As a result of his reflections and probably his observations and his own experiences Luther undermined in succession different dogmatic, theological questions as well as those regarding the organization of the Roman Catholic Church. Slogans of renewal and reforms of the church structure spread very rapidly through the territory of German Reich, gaining numerous supporters among European nations. One of those for whom the Reformation ideas became the main field of activity was French man John Calvin. That well-rounded, well educated and well-read lawyer, knowing the main works of the German monk, acquired his principal theses postulating the changes in the functioning of the Church. Additionally, Calvin made a division of the Church between the earthly – the visible and the heavenly – the invisible one, and the person who bonds it, guarantees its unity and permanency, the indivisibility is the only and the highest Priest – Jesus Christ. In the work of his life Institucio Religionis Christianae Calvin embodied a full picture of the Christian Church as, in his opinion, it should be. Analysing particular issues regarding the function of the clergymen, the pope, celebrating the sacraments, penance and conversion, and also the eternal salvation, we are given the basic compendium of knowledge concerning the ecclesiology by John Calvin. His teaching about the Church, although in some points different in from the preaching of Rev. Martin Luther, however oscillates within the principal slogans of Reformation: Sola Fides –the man is saved solely by faith, Sola Gratia – God’s grace is necessary for salvation, Sola Scriptura – the only source of faith is the Holy Bible. He also added the idea: Solus Christus – only Christ saves, He is in the centre of The Church, we can observe Calvin’s Christ centred attitude in his preaching and in building ideological basics of the reformed denomination.
20
Tkachenko, E. S. "German Motet in Johannes Brahms’ Works." Observatory of Culture, no. 3 (June 28, 2015): 58–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.25281/2072-3156-2015-0-3-58-63.
Full textAbstract:
German Motet in Johannes Brahms’ Works (by Elizaveta Tkachenko) analyzes the seven motets of the eminent German romantic composer - Johannes Brahms. Works of this genre are considered from the standpoint of their belonging to the Protestant variety, which originated in Germany during the Reformation and was enriched during the next two centuries by exquisite examples of leading Lutheran composers. Just like his great predecessors, Brahms took tunes of Lutheran chorales as a musical foundation for his motets and quotations from the Bible in Martin Luther’s translation as their verbal foundation. Particular attention is paid to the definition of features of the composer’s method of work with canonical texts.
21
Mester, Béla. "The Scriptures in Hungarian in Early Modernity." European Review 23, no. 3 (June 2, 2015): 321–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798715000101.
Full textAbstract:
This paper offers an overview of the Hungarian translations of the Scriptures, printed in the sixteenth century. Both the translation of the Bible and print culture date from the fifteenth century in Hungary, but printing in Hungarian is a phenomenon of the sixteenth century. Before then, Scriptural chapters, translated by Hungarian Hussites and Minorite monks remained in manuscript, and the print of the Renaissance royal court served the needs of the humanist Latin literature. First, this paper will describe the development of the principles of translations from the cautious solutions of the Erasmian contributor of the first book printed in Hungarian, Paul’s Epistle to the Romans (Kraków, 1535), to the conceptions of the well-organized Calvinist group of scholars that edited the first complete Hungarian Bible (1590). In the analysis of the terminology this paper will focus on the expressions of the divine and earthly power, in the context of the history of political ideas of the same epoch. The history of the early printed Scriptures in Hungarian runs parallel to the gradual enlargement of the earthly power in early modern Hungarian political thought, under the conditions of the Turkish occupation, Hapsburg Catholicism, and the special status of Transylvania. In the history of religion, the dominant strain of the Hungarian Reformation turned from Luther to Calvin, with the most important Hungarian publishing house at the time being that of the Unitarians in Transylvania. This change greatly influenced the development of the Hungarian theoretical culture. For instance, the main destination of peregrinatio academica of Hungarians turned from Wittenberg to the universities of the Netherlands, and the Hungarian printers finally opted for the Humanist Antiqua instead of the German Frakturschrift. The second part of the paper will illustrate this process with examples of the typography of the sixteenth-century Hungarian Scriptures, and of their target audiences.
22
Ķauķīte, Sintija. "Pieturzīmes senajos latviešu tekstos." Vārds un tā pētīšanas aspekti: rakstu krājums = The Word: Aspects of Research: conference proceedings, no. 25 (November 23, 2021): 83–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.37384/vtpa.2021.25.083.
Full textAbstract:
Early written Latvian texts are important sources not only for linguistics but also for culture and social studies. Latvian texts (and indeed Latvian culture as a whole) show consistent German influence. These texts were produced in a cross-cultural context of Catholicism and Protestantism and display elements from local folklore. The history of the Latvian written language dates to the 16th century and is largely linked to the Reformation of the Church. The earliest texts from the 16th century are various versions of translations of the Lord’s Prayer, as well as separate short records in the books of Riga trade associations. Since the 17th century, the scope of genres of written sources widens: lexicographical, legal, and other secular texts have been published. There are two significant aspects of these early Latvian texts. The first is that most of the texts were translations from German, Latin, and Polish, and there were very few original texts. The second aspect is that most of the translators were not native speakers of Latvian. First punctuation marks in Latvian appeared in the 16th century in translations from the German language. In 16th-century texts, the following punctuation marks – point, question mark, slash, double hyphen, colon, and parentheses – were used. Semicolons and exclamation marks were used in 17th-century writings. The following punctuation marks have entered the 18th century: a dash, dots, round quotation marks, a comma, and an apostrophe, but they had been used on a different basis than today. While reading various texts of the 16th and the 17th century, the author also looked at the punctuation marks used at this time – a point, a question mark, a slash, a colon, a semicolon, brackets, a double hyphen, and an exclamation mark. In this study, the use of punctuation marks of 11 texts of Early Written Latvian is analyzed, and a comparison of Early Latvian Texts and the Luther Bible is given. The descriptive method and the comparative method are used. At the end of the paper, the main conclusions are given.
23
Kozłowski, Janusz. "About the essense of the masurian Gromadkar movement." Masuro-Warmian Bulletin 304, no. 2 (July 20, 2019): 218–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.51974/kmw-134839.
Full textAbstract:
After the Reformation Masurians as subjects of the rulers of the first evangelical state in the world became Lutherans. Over time, the inhabitants of the southern areas of Easy Prussia and the so- called Lithuania Minor felt the lack of the deepened spirituality, which they did not find in the evangelical church. Through the settled in Gąbin (Gumbinnen) exiled from the area of Salzburg pietist Evangelists in Masuria, “The six books on True Christianity” by John Arndt appeared. The book, after the Bible and the Small Catechism of Luther became the most popular among people of Masuria. The first piety movements appeared in Masuria in the county of Nidzica and Szczytno at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries. However their true upturn took place from the 1840s. It manifested itself in running home services, prayer meetings- so-called “beads” and increased activity of travelling preachers. In the seventies and eighties of the nineteenth century, The Gromadkar movement comprised between 30 and 80% of the Masurian population. The centre of the Masurian clusters was located near Szczytno, Pisz and Mrągowo. Registered in 1885 by the Prussian Lithuanian Christopher Kukat , the East Prussian Evangelical Prayers Association which with the help of its bilingual (German Lithuanian) paper Pakajaus Paslas/ Friedens- Bote gave the organizational framework to the East Prussian clusters. At the turn of 19th and 20th centuries, the Gromadkar movement reached its apogee, also spreading among the Mazurian workers’ communities in the Ruhr. Since the First World War, there has been a gradual stifling of the movement, which in the Nazi era entered agonal phase. The key to understanding the world of clusters is the “Six Books on True Christianity” by John Arndt, in which he creates a kind of bridge between Luther’s teachings and the writings of the Rhine mystics of Master Eckhart, John Tauler and Henry Suzo, giving Mazurians directions for spiritual growth. It was supposed to rely on “Six Books” to deny yourself, to reject your own ego, to seek contact with God, indicating as the goal the union with God. The uniqueness of the Gromadkar movement consisted in going beyond the Lutheran principle of “justification by faith” and entering the ground of Christian mysticism unknown to the Evangelical doctrine, which happened through the work of Arndt. An additional aspect that opens up in this context is the Slavic and Lithuanian spirituality and the sensitivity of the crowd, without which undoubtedly it would not be possible to practice mysticism on the basis of the Evangelical religion.
24
Grane, Leif. "Grundtvigs forhold til Luther og den lutherske tradition." Grundtvig-Studier 49, no. 1 (January 1, 1998): 21–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v49i1.16265.
Full textAbstract:
Grundtvig's Relations with Luther and the Lutheran TraditionBy Leif GraneGrundtvig’s relations with Luther and the Lutheran tradition are essential in nearly the whole of Grundtvig’s lifetime. The key position that he attributed to Luther in connection with his religious crisis 1810-11, remained with the Reformer until the very last, though there were changes on the way in his evaluation of the Reformation.The source material is overwhelming. It comprises all Grundtvig’s historical and church historical works, but also a large number of his theological writings, besides a number of his poems and hymns. Prior to Grundtvig’s lifelong occupation with Luther there had been a rejection of tradition as he had met with it in the Conservative supranaturalism. After the Romantic awakening at Egeløkke and the subsequent »Asarus« (the- ecstatic immersion in Nordic mythology), over the religious crisis 1810-1811, when Grundtvig thought he was »returning« to Luther, it was a different Luther from the one he had left a few years before. Though Grundtvig emphasizes the infallibility of the Bible, it is wrong to describe him as »Lutheran-Orthodox« in the traditional sense. In Grundtvig’s interpretation, Luther is above all the guarantee of the view of history he had acquired in his Romantic period, but given his own personal stamp, as it appeared in slightly different ways in the World Chronicles of 1812 and 1817. There already he turns against the theologization of the message of the Reformation that set in with the confessional writings. Ever since he maintained the view of the Reformation that he expounds in the two World Chronicles, though the evaluation of it changed somewhat, especially after 1825.The church view that Grundtvig presented for the first time in »Kirkens Gienmæle« (The Rejoinder of the Church), and which he explained in detail in »Om den sande Christendom« (About True Christianity) and »Om Christendommens Sandhed« (About the Truth of Christianity), was bound to lead to a conflict (as it did) with the Protestant »Scripturalism«, and thus to clarity about the disagreement with Luther. This conflict attained a greater degree of precision with the distinctions between church and state, and church and school, as they were presented in »Skal den lutherske Reformation virkelig fortsættes?« (Should the Lutheran Reformation Really Be Continued? 1830), but it was not really until the publication of the third part of »Haandbog I Verdens-Historien« (Handbook in World History) that the view of church history and of Luther’s place in it, inspired by the congregational letters in the Apocalypse, was presented, in order to be more closely developed, partly in poetical form in »Christenhedens Syvstjeme« (The Seven Star of Christendom), partly in lectures in »Kirke-Spejl« (Church Mirror).Grundtvig had to reject orthodoxy since the genuineness of Baptism and Eucharist depended on their originating from Christ Himself. Nothing of universal validity could therefore have come into existence in the 16th century.Thus the evaluation of Luther and Lutheranism must depend on how far Lutheranism corresponded to what all Christians have in common. Luther is praised for the discovery that only the Word and the Spirit must reign in the church. It is understandable therefore that Luther had to break down the false idea of the church that had prevailed since Cyprian, and Grundtvig remained unswervingly loyal to him. But he cannot avoid the question why Luther’s work crumbled after his death. The answer is that it crumbled because of »Scripturalism« which Grundtvig considers a spurious inheritance from Alexandrian theology. We must maintain Luther’s faith which centres on all that is fundamentally Christian, but not his theological method.Grundtvig believes that with his criticism of Luther he is really closer to him than those who are cringing admirers of him. Grundtvig confesses himself to having committed the mistake of confusing the Bible with Christianity, and he cannot exempt Luther from a great responsibility for this aberration. All the same, in Luther’s case the wrong Yet Luther was induced to want to make his own experiences universally valid since he did not understand that his own use of the Scriptures could not possibly be right for every man. Here Grundtvig is on the track of the individualism which to him is an inevitable consequence of Scripturalism: everybody reads as he knows best. It was not in school, but in church that he saw Luther’s great and imperishable achievement.So while Grundtvig cannot exempt Luther from some responsibility for an unfortunate development in the relation between church and school, he is very anxious to exempt him from any responsibility for the assumption of power in the church by the princes, which is due, in his opinion, to a conspiracy between the princes and the theologians with a view to tying the peoples to the symbolical books.In the development of Grundtvig’s view of church history it turns out that the interest in the national, cultural and civic significance of the Reformation has not decreased after he has given up fighting for a Christian culture. The Reformation must, as must church history on the whole, be seen in the context of the histories of the peoples. Therefore, if it is not to be pure witchcraft, it must have its foundation deep in the Middle Ages.Grundtvig points to what he calls »the new Christendom«: from the English and the Germans to the North. Viewed in that light, the Reformation is a struggle for a Christian life, a folkelig life of the people, and enlightenment.Though the 17th century wrenched all life out of what was bom in the 16th, and the 18th century abandoned both Christianity and folkelig life altogether, it was of great significance for culture and enlightenment that the people was made familiar with Luther’s catechism, Bible and hymn book. What was fundamentally Christian survived, while folkelig life lay dormant.The Reformation was unfinished, and its completion must wait until the end of time. But compulsion is approaching the end, and the force of the Reformation in relation to mother tongue and folkelig life manifests itself more strongly than ever before, Gmndtvig believes. What is fundamentally Christian in Luther must be maintained and carried onwards, while the Christian enlightenment, i.e. theology, depends on the time in question.Life is the same, but the light is historically determined. With this concept of freedom, which distinguishes between the faith in Christ as permanent and the freedom of the Holy Ghost that liberates us from being tied to the theology of the old, Gmndtvig may convincingly claim that it is he who – with his criticism - is loyal to Luther, i.e. to »the most excellent Father in Christ since the days of the Apostles«.
25
Van Eck, Xander. "De decoratie van de Lutherse kerk te Gouda in de zeventiende eeuw." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 105, no. 3 (1991): 167–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501791x00029.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn 1623 the Lutherans formed a community in Gouda. They appointed a minister, Clemens Bijleveld from Essen, and held their services in private houses at first. In 1640 'Dc Drie Tafelkaarsen', a house on the Lage Gouwe, was converted into a permanent church for them. Thanks to the Groot Protocol, in which the minutes of the church administration were recorded from this donation until the end of the eighteenth century, it is possible to reconstruct the history of the community. The manuscript also documents important gifts of works of art and church furnishings. In 1642 and 1643 seven large paintings were donated. As we know, Luther did not object to depictions which served to illustrate the Word of God as preached in the sermon. The Dutch Lutheran churches, although more austerely furnished than, say, their German or Norwegian counterparts, were certainly more richly decorated than they are today. The Lutheran church in Leiden houses the most intact ensemble of works of art. Of the seven aforementioned paintings in Gouda, one was donat ed by the preacher himself. It is by the Gouda painter Jan Duif, who depicted Bijleveld as a shepherd (fin. I). The iconography and the biblical captions show that he was presenting himself as a follower of Christ in his quality of a teacher. Two figures in the background, likewise gowned, might be Bijleveld's successors: his nephew (minister from 1655 to 1693) and his nephew's son, both of whom were called Clemens Bijleveld. They were probably added to the panel after the latter's premature death in 1694. The other six paintings were donated bv members of the community and churchwardens. In some of them the donors can be identified with characters in the illustrated episodes from the bible. From the spinsters of the parish came a work depicting the parable of the wise and foolish virgins; the churchwardens, evidently seeing themselves in the guise of the apostles, gave a pedilavium. The widow Hester Claes van Hamborg donated a painting of Simon in the Temple (in which the widow Anna figures prominently), and Catharina Gerdss Rijneveld, probably also widowed, gave Elijah and the widow of Zarephath. The unmarried men of the community presented a painting with a more general subject, the Last Judgment, perhaps intended to be hung above the pulpit. The wealthy Maria Tams gave a work described as 'cen taeffereel of bort van de christ. kercke' la scene or panel of the Christian church]. Exactly what it depicted is unclear. The same Maria Tams was a generous donor of church furniture. She presented a brass chandelier, two brass lecterns (fig. 4), a bible with silver fittings and a clock to remind the preacher of the limited time allotted to his sermon. Important gifts of ecclesiastical silver were made from 1655 on. The most striking items are an octagonal font of 1657 (fig. 5) and a Communion cup of 1661 (fig. 6), both paid for by the proceeds of a collection held among the unmarried men and women of the parish. The decorations on the font include a depiction of Christ as the Good Shepherd. There is also shepherd on the lid of the Communion cup. This element (in view, too, of the indication of the shepherd 'als 't wapen van de kerk' [the church arms] in the Groot Protocol) came to occupy a special place in the imagery of the Lutheran community. More space was required for the growing congregation, In 1680 there was an opportunity to purchase from the municipal council St. Joostenkapel, a mediaeval chapel used as a storeroom at the time. The building, situated on the river Gouwe which flows through the old town centre, was ready for the inaugural service in 1682. It was given ten staincd-glass windows, the work of the Gouda glass painter Willem Tomberg. The glass (along with six of the seven paintings) was sold during the course of renovations in 1838, but thanks to the later secretary of the community, D.J. van Vreumingen, who madc drawings of them and copied the inscriptions, we have an approximate idea of how they looked. Their original positions can also be reconstructed (fig. 13). The windows were largely executed in grisaille, except for the second and eighth, which were more colourful. The seven side-windows with scenes from the life of Christ and the Passion (figs. 8-11) were presented by the minister, his wife and other leading members of the community. The inscriptions on these windows referred to the bible passages they illustrated and to the names of the donors. The three windows at the front were donated by the Gouda municipal council (window 10, fig. 12) and the sympathetic Lutheran communities of Leiden and Essen (windows 8 and 9, figs. 11 and 12). The depiction on the window from Leiden was a popular Lutheran theme: John's vision on Patmos. The candle-stick featuring in this vision was a symbol (as in a print of 1637, for instance) for the Augsburg Confession, on which the Lutheran church was founded. In the eighteenth century occasional additions were made to the inventory, but the nineteenth century was a period of growing austerity. However, the Groot Protocol and Van Vreumingen's notes facilitate the reconstruction of the seventeenth-century interior to a large extent. The iconography of the works of art collected in the course of the years underlined the community's endeavour, in following the teachings of its earthly shepherd, to live according to the Holy Word.
26
Lobenstein-Reichmann, Anja. "Luther’s Contribution as Bible Translator to the German Language." Bible Translator 73, no. 3 (December 2022): 301–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20516770221140051.
Full textAbstract:
Translation has often been the primary cultural medium through which history’s greatest visions for society have been communicated and acculturated. But few translations have had as much influence on German religion, politics, culture, and language as Luther’s Bible translation did. This article discusses Luther’s role as a reformer of language and as a Bible translator. Of course these two roles can scarcely be considered independently of each other. The Reformation was deeply marked by his translation choices, and his distinctive way of reading, interpreting, and communicating the Bible’s meaning.
27
Unzeitig, Monika. "Illustration und Textaneignung." Literaturwissenschaftliches Jahrbuch 61, no. 1 (October 1, 2020): 135–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/ljb.61.1.135.
Full textAbstract:
Johannes Gutenberg designed his edition of the Vulgate without illustrations. However, the subsequent evolution of media affected the vernacular appropriation of the Holy Scripture. Vernacular printed Bibles typically featured extensive pictorial representations of the biblical narrative. From an iconographic perspective, this case study examines which types or parts of the images were maintained, transferred but also reconfigured in the woodcuts. In addition, from the perspective of reader-response criticism, it analyzes how the placement of illustrations guides, structures and augments the reading of the Holy Scripture. While the canonical biblical text follows a 14th-century German translation, these illustrations offer new ways of understanding. By looking at the conceptions of Creation, Paradise and Fall of Man in pre-Reformation printed Bibles, this case study examines how religious knowledge changed through these processes of appropriation in the context of a print production which was no longer dominated by clerical but commercial interests. Finally, the findings are compared with Luther’s Bible.
28
Francis, Timothy A. "The Linguistic Influence of Luther and the German Language on the Earliest Complete Lutheran Bibles in Low German, Dutch, Danish and Swedish." Studia Neophilologica 72, no. 1 (January 2000): 75–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/003932700750041621.
Full text
29
Beckman, Peter. "Sirach in the Lutheran and Anglican Traditions." Expository Times 132, no. 12 (June 13, 2021): 533–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00145246211020224.
Full textAbstract:
The early German-speaking Lutheran and Anglican traditions used Sirach, a book in the Apocrypha, in their worship and catechetical life. Despite criticisms, they intentionally printed Sirach in their official Bibles and believed that it modelled and witnessed to Scripture. Theologians and clergy in both traditions frequently cited, quoted, and taught from Sirach. Both traditions read Sirach in their worship services. Lutheran popular piety employed Sirach in its schooling system, popular level handbooks, sermons, and engravings.
30
Eskola, Timo. "Quran Criticism, the Historical-Critical Method, and the Secularization of Biblical Theology." Journal of Theological Interpretation 4, no. 2 (2010): 229–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26421305.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The emergence of historical criticism of the Bible was partly influenced by medieval Quran criticism. This background was still well known in the 19th century but was later forgotten when emphasis was laid on Greek literature. Scholars such as Riccoldo da Monte di Croce had written critical works against the Quran. This tradition reemerged 200 years later in Germany when Martin Luther translated Riccoldo's Confutatio Alcorani. The special features in Riccoldo's work are the criteria he used hoping to prove that the Quran was not divine revelation. The famous Deist Hermann Reimarus later demanded that the Bible be read in the same way as other literature. His examples in Wolfenbüttel Fragments are mostly taken from the Quran. Reimarus adopted Riccoldo's criteria when interpreting the Bible. The purpose of his rationalistic criticism was to show that contradictions, inconsistencies, and lies prove that, as with the Quran, neither can the Bible be held as divine revelation. Reimarus, in his apology "for the Rational Reverers of God," stated that Christian doctrines are based on a fraud because the apostles created the whole Systema only after Jesus' death. Jesus' original proclamation was political. This dichotomy, confirmed later in David Strauss's biography on Reimarus, became the basis for the criterion of dissimilarity in NT interpretation. Rudolf Bultmann then gave this criterion its present formulation, and it is still used, for instance, by the Jesus Seminar.
31
Eskola, Timo. "Quran Criticism, the Historical-Critical Method, and the Secularization of Biblical Theology." Journal of Theological Interpretation 4, no. 2 (2010): 229–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/jtheointe.4.2.0229.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The emergence of historical criticism of the Bible was partly influenced by medieval Quran criticism. This background was still well known in the 19th century but was later forgotten when emphasis was laid on Greek literature. Scholars such as Riccoldo da Monte di Croce had written critical works against the Quran. This tradition reemerged 200 years later in Germany when Martin Luther translated Riccoldo's Confutatio Alcorani. The special features in Riccoldo's work are the criteria he used hoping to prove that the Quran was not divine revelation. The famous Deist Hermann Reimarus later demanded that the Bible be read in the same way as other literature. His examples in Wolfenbüttel Fragments are mostly taken from the Quran. Reimarus adopted Riccoldo's criteria when interpreting the Bible. The purpose of his rationalistic criticism was to show that contradictions, inconsistencies, and lies prove that, as with the Quran, neither can the Bible be held as divine revelation. Reimarus, in his apology "for the Rational Reverers of God," stated that Christian doctrines are based on a fraud because the apostles created the whole Systema only after Jesus' death. Jesus' original proclamation was political. This dichotomy, confirmed later in David Strauss's biography on Reimarus, became the basis for the criterion of dissimilarity in NT interpretation. Rudolf Bultmann then gave this criterion its present formulation, and it is still used, for instance, by the Jesus Seminar.
32
GOEMAN, PETER J. "The Impact and Influence of Erasmus’s Greek New Testament." Unio Cum Christo 2, no. 1 (April 1, 2016): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.35285/ucc2.1.2016.art5.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract: Although often eclipsed by the giants of the Reformation, Desiderius Erasmus had a notable influence on the Reformation and the world that followed. Responsible for five editions of the Greek New Testament, his contributions include a renewed emphasis on the Greek over against the Latin of the day, as well as influence on subsequent Greek New Testaments and many translations, including Luther’s German Bible and the English King James Version. In God’s providence, Erasmus provided kindling for the fire of the Reformation.
33
Simoska, Silvana. "MARTIN LUTHER’S GERMAN TRANSLATION OF THE BIBLE – A POPULAR OR POPULIST APPROACH?" Religious dialogue and cooperation 2 (2021): 157–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.47054/rdc212157s.
Full text
34
Michelsen, William. "Introduktion til Danne- Virke. I." Grundtvig-Studier 37, no. 1 (January 1, 1985): 67–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v37i1.15942.
Full textAbstract:
Introduction to Danevirke IBy William MichelsenGrundtvig never wished to give a systematic presentation of his philosophy. He was a historian, and as such he realised that we only know the development of human life up to our own time and that no man has experienced its origin. A systematic presentation of human life would presuppose a knowledge which we do not possess. However, in his periodical Danevirke (1816-19) he does offer a number of “considerations of human life in general”, as he writes in the preface to its final volume, and it is on this foundation that his later thoughts rested.These considerations, which at first he called “papers”, were not republished in full until 1983. The beautifully-photographed reproduction of the entire work, published in the bicentenary year by J.rn Bergmann (AKA-print, .rhus), is thus the most important document for Grundtvig research of all the many publications in 1983.The periodical, which includes both poetry and prose of various content, was written by Grundtvig alone, in the same period which saw the publication of Prospect of World Chronicle Especially in the Age of Luther and the start of his translation of the medieval historians, Saxo and Snorri. Danevirke contains his first contributions to Beowulf research, his evaluation of the poets Baggesen and Oehlenschl.ger, and his dramatic poem, The Easter Lily, on the resurrection of Jesus. It is worth noting that Grundtvig’s criterion for true Christianity in the period 1810-25 is still the same as Luther’s: the holy scripture. His assessment of the relationship between religion, politics and scholarship (“Church, State and School”) changed in 1832 to a demand for “Freedom in Spiritual Things”. This did not, however, alter his view of man as it appears in Danevirke. The present and future articles contribute to an understanding of this.In preparation for these reflections Grundtvig wrote Grenzen der Menschheit, which was published in Grundtvig Studies 1984. An interpretation of this manuscript relates Grundtvig to Schelling’s philosophy. Grundtvig here asks the questions: What is my I? and: Is the true answer idealistic or materialistic? Grundtvig rejects both possibilities. Man cannot apprehend absolute being. In contrast to an idealistic view of man Grundtvig presents the Christian view: man is created from dust, and animated by God’s spirit - not a philosophical view but a religious one, interpreted in the gospel of John. Jesus’s appearance as the Son of Man was a repetition of the creation of man as depicted in Genesis 1 - 2. According to the Bible man is eternal and divine through the power of the living word, which is God’s creative Word. It is therefore untrue of Schelling to assert that man is created by “the idea everlasting”, which to him means, by man’s idea of God. This is a refusal to see man created in God’s image but only God created in man’s image, “an image of what is Nothing”. Without the divine creative Word, man is no more than transient body. Yet Schelling has understood the relationship between the temporal and the eternal. He has presented the riddle of human life, but he has not solved it. It is an illusion to believe that natural philosophy has solved it, and foolish to regard the gospel as a prophecy of natural philosophy. If that were so, then one would have to demand that it had as great an effect as the gospel of Jesus has actually had. But in Grundtvig’s opinion it has had as little effect as the philosophy of the gnostics in antiquity.It was not Grundtvig’s intention, however, to take part in the contemporarydebate on philosophy. By 1816 Schelling’s ideas were no longer dominant in German philosophy, and Hegel’s were not introduced to Danish philosophy until 1825 by J. L. Heiberg. Grundtvig’s aim was rather to formulate his alternative to the idealist German philosophy. That was the purpose of Danevirke. But it also had another purpose.To be Danish without being Norwegian was a new feeling for Grundtvig in 1816. In his programme On Danish Poetry, Language and History he refers to the Danes’ love of their language and their unwillingness to extend their country beyond its ancient borders. He thus deduces the concept of Danishness from the language and the historical sources. He sets out to spread knowledge of these by publishing works from the middle ages with commentaries and by translating Icelandic manuscripts. He protests against a human philosophy that ignores linguistic and national differences in literature and history. But in so doing he does not deny either his Christianity or his love for the rest of the North. On the other hand, he rejects the cosmopolitan human philosophy of the 18th century as derived from the century’s philosophical systems from Christian Wolf to Schelling. Schelling clearly belongs to the philosophers he rejects, and Kant and Fichte must now be counted alongside.
35
GRIGONIS, EVALDAS. "ŠVENTOJO RAŠTO LEIDINIAI VILNIAUS UNIVERSITETO BIBLIOTEKOS XVI AMŽIAUS KNYGŲ FONDUOSE." Knygotyra 56 (January 1, 2011): 149–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/kn.v56i0.1506.
Full textAbstract:
Vilniaus universiteto bibliotekos Retų spaudinių skyriusUniversiteto g. 3, LT-01122 Vilnius, LietuvaEl. paštas: evaldas.grigonis@mb.vu.ltStraipsnyje analizuojami XVI a. Šventojo Rašto leidiniai, saugomi Vilniaus universiteto bibliotekos Retų spaudinių skyriaus fonduose. Pateikiama statistinės informacijos apie šių spaudinių kalbinį pasiskirstymą, leidimo vietas, kai kurie iš jų nagrinėjami plačiau, žvilgsnį telkiant į vietinius leidėjus, kurių spaustuvėse pasirodė dabar VUB esantys minėto laikotarpio Šventraščiai. Taip pat analizuojami šių knygų nuosavybės ženklai (proveniencijos), remiantis jais aptariamas buvusių LDK vienuolynų ar apskritai vienuolijų (jos buvo dažniausios Biblijos skaitytojos) sąlytis su spausdintiniu Dievo Žodžiu, atkreipiamas dėmesys į nemažos dalies Šventojo Rašto leidinių (jų leidėjų ir komentatorių) sąsajas su protestantizmu.Reikšminiai žodžiai: Šventasis Raštas, Biblija, XVI a., Vulgata, lotynų kalba, Vilniaus universiteto biblioteka, nuosavybės įrašai, Lietuvos Didžioji Kunigaikštystė, Katalikų bažnyčia, vienuolynai, Reformacija Europoje, draudžiamųjų knygų sąrašai, leidėjai, spaustuvininkai, iliustracijos.PUBLICATIONS OF THE HOLY SCRIPT IN THE BOOK COLLECTIONS OF THE 16TH CENTURY AT VILNIUS UNIVERSITY LIBRARYEVALDAS GRIGONIS AbstractThe Holy Script has already lost its special significance to an ordinary Western man in modern times, although since the entrenching of Christianity in the 4th century A.D. the Holy Script was for long centuries the main cultural text of the European civilization. No wonder the first printed book from which the era of the printed word began in the culture of the world was the so-called 42-Line Bible of J. Gutenberg (in Latin, published in c. 1456).There are in total 149 pieces (or separate parts) of the Bible in the Vilnius University Library, issued between 1501 and 1600. The majority of these editions were published in Latin (70% of the Bibles), so it is natural that in the 16th century the printed Latin Bible (Vulgate) experienced its age of flowering in Europe (in total, 438 editions of Vulgate were issued ). The path of the Holy Scripture to the former Grand Duchy of Lithuania (GDL) varied from such Catholic countries as France (the latter “presented” the bulk – over 25% – of Bibles kept at the Vilnius University Library from the 16th century), Belgium, Poland, Italy, Austria to such a “heretical” land as England, or such Protestant towns as Geneva, Basel, Strasbourg, Zurich and quite a few towns of Lutheran Germany such as Nuremberg, Frankfurt am Main, Leipzig, Rostock, etc. There is also the Holy Script published in the GDL – the famous Brest (or Radvila) Bible (issued in 1563). The wide geography of the publications’ origin as well as the miscellaneous (from the point of view of confessions) cast of Bibles’ editors, commentators, translators or publishers raises certain questions about the existence of ecclesiastical discipline in the GDL, for in accordance with various Indices librorum prohibitorum (Indexes of Prohibited Books), which were obligatory for Catholics, almost 46% of the 16th-century Holy Scriptures in the present Vilnius University Library were forbidden to be used at one time. On the other hand, the markings of ownership (provenances) in these books show that of all the 16th-century Bibles kept at the Vilnius University Library, which have such markings (91 copies), even over ¾ for some time belonged to monasteries, Catholic churches and colleges. Furthermore, more than half of private owners consisted of Catholic clergy and monkery. Talking of separate monasteries, the provenances also indicate that the majority of the 16th-century Bibles found their way to the Vilnius University Library from the Grodno Dominicans; the most affluent “donors”among monkhood were Franciscans (including both Observants and Conventuals). These findings, though indirectly, indicate the influence of Western and Central Europe on the religious life of the 16th-century GDL through the Holy Script – the fundamental writing for Christians.
36
Sikora, Adam Ryszard. "Five Centuries of Bible Translations into Kashubian." Verbum Vitae 39, no. 4 (December 17, 2021): 1175–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vv.12659.
Full textAbstract:
This paper discusses translations of biblical passages into Kashubian, which originated in the Lutheran circles between the 16th and the 19th centuries, followed by translations made in the Catholic circles in the 20th and the 21st centuries. The history of these translations has been divided into two periods: “old translations” and “contemporary translations.” The former comprise various bibli[1]cal texts preserved in manuscripts and printed monuments, which came into being between 1586 and the second half of the 19th century. The fundamental texts of this period include the works by Szymon Krofey (1586), Michał Pontanus (1643), and Perykopy smołdzińskie (1699–1701). The old translations were done from German in the Protestant circles in West Pomerania. In turn, the “contemporary trans[1]lations” of biblical texts into Kashubian embrace translations from the second half of the 20th century, which were produced in the Catholic environment of Gdańsk Pomerania: from Latin (Mk 4:3-20) by Alojzy Nagel (1973), from Latin (four Gospels) by Rev. Franciszek Grucza (1992), from Polish (the New Testament and the Psalms) by Eugeniusz Gołąbek (1993–2007) and my own translations from Hebrew and Greek (the Four Gospels, the Pentateuch, Ecclesiastes) prepared in 2001–2020.
37
Stayer, James M. "The Contours of the Non-Lutheran Reformation in Germany, 1522–1546." Church History and Religious Culture 101, no. 2-3 (July 21, 2021): 167–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-bja10025.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Among the common ways of portraying Reformation divides are the following categories: Magisterial vs Radical Reformations; or a “church type” vs a “sect type” of reform. This essay offers an alternative view. It underscores the differences between Lutherans and Anglicans on one side; and the Reformed, Anabaptists, and Schwenckfelders on the other. The Lutherans, like the Anglicans under Henry VIII, worshipped in altar-centered churches which were Roman Catholic in appearance. They presented themselves as reformers of Catholic errors of the late Middle Ages. By contrast, when the Reformed, Anabaptists, and Schwenckfelders met for worship, it was in unadorned Bible-centered meeting houses. The Anabaptists were targeted for martyrdom by the decree of the Holy Roman Empire of 1529 against Wiedertäufer (“rebaptists”). Contrary to the later memory that they practiced a theology of martyrdom, the preference of apprehended Anabaptists was to recant.
38
EBERHARTER-AKSU, MARGIT, and JOLANTA HINC. "Übersetzungsstrategien von Grimms Rotkäppchen am Beispiel polnischer Übersetzungen." Glottodidactica. An International Journal of Applied Linguistics 46, no. 2 (January 8, 2020): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/gl.2019.46.2.03.
Full textAbstract:
The fairy tales of the Brothers Grimm belong to the best-known literary works of Germany, besides the Luther Bible. They are currently published in 160 languages and have been part of the World Documentary Heritage since June 2005. In Poland, they are known in countless translations, adaptations and retellings, some of which have been greatly modified and adapted for teaching purposes and others are literally based on the original texts. The empirical part of the article refers to an experiment in which 19 subjects were presented with a translation task: to transfer selected passages of Little Red Riding Hood into Polish. In the runup to the study, it was hypothesized that the information about the status of the work as part of the World Document Heritage given to study participants should have an effect on the literal translation. The results of the experiment do not confirm the assumed hypothesis, but clearly show that the translation variants above all have to be seen as a continuation of the individual’s experiences with the fairy tale, which strongly influences that individual’s translation
39
Ēce, Kristīna. "Leipcigas un Lībencellas misijas: Hildegardes Procelas un Lilijas Otīlijas Grīviņas kalpošana." Ceļš 73 (December 2022): 24–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/cl.73.02.
Full textAbstract:
Until the 19th century, women were not considered suitable for mission work. However, when Leipzig mission started its work in India, it came to the realization that to reach Indian women with the Gospel, women missionaries were needed. Soon, other German mission societies that sent missionaries to China, Indonesia and Africa also came to the same conclusion, opening the doors for ministry for the first women from Vidzeme (Livland). Baltic-German Hildegard Prozell, from Jaunmārupe, was sent in 1896 through Leipzig to India and Lilija Otilija Grīviņa, (in German Grihwin, Griwing, Griewing) from Riga, were sent in 1913 through Liebenzell to China. Each of these societies had different theological understandings about mission. Leipzig was based on the traditional Lutheran understanding of ministry and tried to create a universal Lutheran church worldwide, including in the mission fields. Liebenzell was the German branch of China Inland Mission, which was considered a “faith” mission that was more open to co-working with others. This impacted the way the mission societies selected their candidates, prepared them (a few months for Leipzig, 3–4 years for Liebenzell with male and female candidates training together), and sent them on the missions (solid salary for Prozell, not so with Grīviņa). Both missionaries had to learn the local languages and pass language exams. They both served as teachers, did evangelism with local women, and had to be administrators and local health care specialists. Prozell was the first to establish women’s work in Mayavaram, while Grīviņa was the first to take Chinese women to a local evangelism outreach (together with other teaching staff of the Hunan Bible Institute). Prozell, being a Baltic-German, received extensive support from her home church. Since her ministry took place before World War I, there are plenty of publications about her ministry in both Latvian and German newspapers in Riga. Grīviņa came from a humble background, going with almost no support, and as her ministry in China happened during WWI, there were almost no publications about her work. Both women have been equally forgotten in Latvian church history and deserve to be remembered.
40
Lee, Kyu-Young. "Martin Luther’s Bible Translation and Its Impact on the Advancement of the Standard German Language : A Sociolinguistic Viewpoint." World History and Culture 45 (December 31, 2017): 39–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.32961/jwhc.2017.12.45.39.
Full text
41
Nielsen, Helge Baden. "Et skabelsesteologisk perspektiv på Danne-Virke." Grundtvig-Studier 40, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 44–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v40i1.16003.
Full textAbstract:
The “Danne-Virke” Viewed in the Perspective of “Creation” TheologyBy Helge Baden Nielsenis a paper read to the Annual Conference of the GS on 14. January 1988. Its theme is Grundtvig’s alternative to the transcendental idealism of German philosophy that prevailed in Denmark during the better part of Grundtvig’s lifetime. The first part of the paper is devoted to other angles on the “Danne-Virke” in the literature on Grundtvig, be it a literary approach as with Flemming Lundgreen-Nielsen, or one in terms of the history of Grundtvig’s personal development as with Kaj Thaning in Grundtvig-Studier 1953. In this context Baden Nielsen thinks it vital to emphasize that any dividing-up of Grundtvig’s work into periods tend to obscure an implicit continuity in Grundtvig’s thinking that stems from his position as a theologian. The Bible was the very air he breathed, and here his thinking began in the opinion of Baden Nielsen. That also holds true of Nordens Mytologi 1808. According to his almanac for 1813 he read the New Testament five times during that year. In the last instance he was a Christian thinker who fought to get his message through, whether he worked as a priest, a historian, or a philosopher, or for that matter as a budding poet, inspired by the poetics of Romanticism. His development means that his theological insights are deepened so as to illuminate still wider areas of experience. What has been described as conversions and spiritual breaks are often something external: changes in his method of working or in the way he faces the world and the contemporary age. An example is his sermon for Saint Stephen’s Day 1815. Now he wants to implicate faith in a new way, in human affairs as well as in his thinking. With reference to everyday speech and elementary human experience he wishes to establish the Judaeo-Christian doctrine of revelation as irrefutably true. But in essence his position is as before. His basic assumption is the idea of man as created in God’s image. Consequently he holds by the anthropology of Creation theology as did Luther. He wanted to expose as untenable the school of philosophy that had influenced the intellectual elite. If one gets “wed” to a particular way of philosophizing, the result may be that the very scope and independence of theology will be undermined. As Maker God is not remote, but near at hand, speaking to man through creation and history. Concurring with Henning Høirup Baden Nielsen thinks Grundtvig’s assessment of philosophical idealism highly accurate, whether man exist by virtue o/himself (being independent) or, at least, in his own right (being free in the strictest sense of the word), for that is what it is all about, as Grundtvig puts it in the Danne-Virke I, p. 114.According to Baden Nielsen Thaning’s contention that in the Danne-Virke Grundtvig gets stuck or runs out of energy is not strictly correct. It would be truer to say, according to Baden Nielsen, that he took his work of enlightenment and clarification as far as it was beneficial to himself. Any true philosophy about man Grundtvig holds to be historical. In the view of Baden Nielsen, such a historical philosophy (“vidskab”) reflects man’s struggle to understand himself as one who exists. The following quote by Grundtvig contains the gist of his anthropology:“...when man exists, neither by virtue of himself or in his own right, when he is a creature, ... then all activity within him and all works by him presuppose an impact made on his constituent parts, all spiritual activity and all spiritual works an impulse from the Spirit upon the body and consciousness. Physical activity presupposes a physical impulse, and a spiritual one conditions spiritual action, and all that is required in man is an aptitude for receiving impulses, which, on its side, cannot possibly exist by virtue of itself or in its own right, but presupposes a processing of any received impact.” (Danne-Virke II, p. 183 f.).Man’s identity is external to himself. It is Luther’s idea of “justitia aliena” expressed in terms of phenomenology in Baden Nielsen’s view. With my hand I feel that I have a body. There is an established relationship between an ego and a body. I have become aware of myself. This “clear idea” Grundtvig holds to be “exactly the rational self-consciousness, without which all self-contemplation and all clear ideas about things in their relation to each other and to us were impossible.” (Danne-Virke II p. 154). Thanks to this primary insight man has conceived of himself as dependent on time and space, “as temporary and dependent, being aware of the fact that he could not call himself independent without contradicting himself. ” (Ibid. p. 158) But according to Baden Nielsen this way of thinking rests entirely on one particular theological presumption that man was created in God’s image, that God made the world through His Word and made an image of Himself in man. (The reality of Creation and the reality of Incarnation). This theological presumption is not proved, but is confirmed by the very structure of human existence. Perception he sees as the condition making it possible for God to produce His own image, in which He may reveal himself to man.Perception is also fundamental to Grundtvig’s idea of Revelation: “Seeing is no act on the part of the seer, but perception. Not the mirror, but the object, or rather the progenitor of them both and their relationship produce the spectacle (or vision), and a spiritual vision that shows itself in a physical speculum is a revelation.” (D anne-Virke III, p. 282). This spiritual vision is communicated to man by the Word, which is registered by hearing, while being Spirit as well.Baden Nielsen detects a circular structure in Grundtvig’s reasoning: his initial assumption is faith in the reality of Creation, which is confirmed by experience and the very structure of human existence. And conversely: It is impossible for Grundtvig to proceed from temporal, physical human life without the problem of spirit and eternity being brought up by the antithesis of Truth and Untruth.According to Baden Nielsen Grundtvig’s main aim was to lay down the irrefutability of an understanding of life in terms of the idea of Creation. By illuminating the unseverable connection he found between Christianity and human life, he would be armed in a new way when he would again be called upon to vindicate Christianity in the pulpit. The insights he attained in the Danne- Virke were to prove fruitful for his sermons, while later on bringing about his discovery of his spiritual affinity with Irenaeus.
42
Dreeva, Dzhanetta M., and Anastasia I. Otroshenko. "GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES OF TIME AND MODALITY IN EARLY MODERN ENGLISH AND EARLY HIGH GERMAN (EXEMPLIFIED BY THE TEXTS OF THE GOSPEL OF MATTHEW IN WYCLIFFE, TYNDALE AND LUTHER BIBLES)." Bulletin of the Moscow State Regional University (Linguistics), no. 6 (2020): 46–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.18384/2310-712x-2020-6-46-55.
Full text
43
Boettcher, Susan R. "Cornelia Niekus Moore. Patterned Lives: The Lutheran Funeral Biography in Early Modern Germany. Wolfenbütteler Forschungen 3. Wiesbaden : Harrassowitz Verlag, 2006. 404 pp. index. illus. bibl. €79. ISBN: 3-447-05429-8." Renaissance Quarterly 60, no. 3 (2007): 935–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ren.2007.0243.
Full text
44
Kregždys, Rolandas. "The Authorship Guestion of The Yotvingian Book." Knygotyra 72 (July 9, 2019): 255–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/knygotyra.2019.72.28.
Full textAbstract:
In this article, one of the most important sources of Baltic mythology of the 16th century – The Yotvingian Book – is analyzed: the possible circumstances of its creation, purpose, dating, and the problems of authorship are described.The written source, also called by its original title Der vnglaubigen // Sudauen ihrer bockheiligung mit sambt andern Ceremonien, so sie tzu brauchen gepflegeth, is a conventional, probably the most exhaustive, and the most important description of the ethnocultural tradition of the tribe that spoke Yotvingian, one of the two languages of Western Balts, recorded during the Reformation period. It is based on the source of information disseminated in several variants of manuscripts, and later in small printed books (reprints).The Yotvingian Book has been repeatedly discussed by many art workers of different epochs and branches of science. The dating and its possible authorship were differently interpreted. The most valuable analysis was carried out by W. Mannhardt. It was very essentially supplemented by the Lithuanian scientist I. Lukšaitė. Based on the hypotheses advanced by her, it is possible, and necessary, to once again reconsider the known facts, the actual material, and the structural typology of the source. Therefore, the purpose of this article was a study of the above issues.In this article, the question of the meaning of the latent acrostics is addressed anew. They are found in the Bible, in extrabiblical sources, and in ancient Eastern literature. There are various explanations for the phenomenon, and in each case, the function of the acrostic should be determined through a comprehensive analysis of the composition itself.It is highly believable that the author of The Yotvingian Book concealed the latent message. It is to be assumed that his personal name of Semitic origin is encoded in the catalogue of theonyms of The Yotvingian Book. The name is composed using the numerological system of Gematria in accordance with the alphanumeric code of M.-Hebr. mispār heḵǝraẖi combining it with the AvGag alphabetic sequences (i.e., partly replacing each letter with the next one): Ishmǝrai Sābā bēn Āḏām, i.e., Ishmerai Saba, Adam’s son. The surname M.-Hebr. Sābā (“an old man; a man with grey hair”) is a synonym to the G. Graumann “ditto” and Gr. Πολιανδρος “ditto.” These surnames indicate the author of The Yotvingian Book – Johannes Poliander, or Johann Graumann. He was a German pastor, theologian, teacher, humanist, reformer, and Lutheran leader.Based on the results of the analysis (cf. the list of theonyms of The Yotvingian Book which presupposes a reconstruction of the demonological order of the mythonyms), it is possible to make the statement that The Yotvingian Book should not be regarded as a material of the Episcopal inspection (therefore, it should not be related with Agenda Ecclesiastica or its authors) or an odd fragment of a more extensive source written adhering to the stylistics of the Renaissance, but as an example of a juristic document. Therefore, it cannot be characterized as an authentic source of the religious practices and beliefs of Western Balts.
45
Blair, Ann, and Kaspar von Greyerz. "Physico-Theology: Religion and Science in Europe, 1650-1750." Perspectives on Science and Christian Faith 73, no. 3 (September 2021): 171–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.56315/pscf9-21blair.
Full textAbstract:
PHYSICO-THEOLOGY: Religion and Science in Europe, 1650-1750 by Ann Blair and Kaspar von Greyerz, eds. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2020. 274 pages, including bibliography and index. Hardcover; $54.95. ISBN: 9781421438467. *What is physico-theology? Is it merely a peculiar term for what is more generally known as natural theology? Physico-theology makes its clearest first appearances in John Ray's Wisdom of God Manifested in the Works of Creation (1691), Miscellaneous Discourses (1692), and Three Physico-Theological Discourses (1713). It also appears in William Derham's Physico-Theology (1713) and Astro-Theology (1715). Historically, these works set the standard for what the authors of Blair and Greyerz's edited collection of papers include within "physico-theology." Using these titles as a guide makes it possible to judge that, while Walter Charleton's earlier book The Darkness of Atheism Dispelled by the Light of Nature: A Physico-Theologicall Treatise (1652) uses the expression, it is not found consistently within the genre; many other books that do not employ the technical term still belong within the tradition. If Ray had any predecessor, it is likely Robert Boyle, as Katherine Calloway argues from Boyle's Disquistion about Final Causes (1688). Her emphasis on this book, rather than Boyle's other earlier "physico-" titled books, is appropriate because it emphasizes not only the teleological aspect of physico-theology, but more importantly the empirical drive. *It is a small oversight in this collection that there was no chapter devoted entirely to Boyle, given how well he fits within the physico-theological genre. Henry More's Antidote against Atheism (1653) is frequently discussed in the collection as a possible forerunner of physico-theology. Calloway even shows that Ray follows him in the order of his arguments. However, she is right to say that More's Platonism is antithetical to the empirical impulse of physico-theological writers. Peter Harrison sets the term physico-theology etymologically in the company of similar words such as "physico-medical," "astro-theology," and "insecto-theology," all current through the period examined. These novel terms signal disciplinary boundary crossing where "physico-" is the catch-all for the many specialized "theologies" from nature. They explore the liminal zone of the questions of creation, generation, and eschatology in their most developed forms of those theologies. *Kaspar von Greyerz explains that by 1728 physico-theology was now firmly established, as evidenced by the editorial work of Johann Fabricius in his translation of Derham's Astro-Theology. Added to the translation was a bibliography of related works that Fabricius used to establish physico-theology within an older and more robust pedigree. In numerous new editions up until 1765, he increased this bibliography to seventy-five pages. Fabricius can include so many related works because he had a broader notion of physico-theology that reinforced "recognition of, as well as love and respect for, the creator." This seems to be a continuation of the theme in the German context as shown by Kathleen Crowther in the work of Jakob Horst, a seventeenth-century German Lutheran. *So, is there a difference between physico-theology and natural theology? Scott Mandelbrote suggests that while both are concerned with divine design and purpose, physico-theology tends to emphasize special providence or care. Several of the contributors to this volume also emphasize the apologetic role this played either against the bare mechanism that was attributed to Descartes or atheism more generally. Rienk Vermij holds that physico-theology was more about nature, whereas natural theology about theology, supported, in part, by the fact that it was primarily natural philosophers and naturalists who wrote on the subject, not theologians. In his examination of two physicians who wrote on physico-theology, the Dutch Bernard Nieuwentijt and the German Johann Jakob Scheuchzer, Vermij argues that physico-theology seeks to inform the interpretation of nature through the Bible. In contrast, in natural theology, it is nature informing one's knowledge of God. *In reality, many writers in the physico-theology genre are skeptical of the possibility of natural theology. Some of the most insightful chapters in this book were those in which theology was understood as a motivation and foundation for studying nature. Anne-Charlott Trepp noted that the Lutheran ubiquity of Christ in the sacrament of the Lord's Supper was no less a ubiquity of Christ in nature, grounding the possibility of physico-theology. Further, the Pietist emphasis on experience in religious life was conducive to empirical study. "For, as God revealed himself through the materialized word in every individual creature, individual things immanent to the world, even the lowest in nature's hierarchy, gained a new dignity and transcendence not least in their bodily presence and materiality" (p. 133). *Martine Pécharman's treatment of Blaise Pascal's rejection of natural theology shows that the Jansenist Pascal proved more Calvinist than many of the English authors innate to the physico-theological project. Pécharman reveals how the early editors of Pascal's Pensées obscured both his skepticism about the sinful human's ability to rightly read the divine in nature, and also obscured Pascal's remark that the creation was insufficient to bring one to salvation. Instead, as Pascal said, nature alone will lead one to atheism or deism. This is, in fact, what happened not long after, as John Brooke notes, among the English Latitudinarians. Nöel-Antoine Pluche, another Jansenist, also avoids teleological arguments, as Nicolas Brucker explains. Pluche's survey work, The Spectacle of Nature, was aimed at an elite French audience. "The question is rather how to know more about Creation, and therefore how to better revere the Creator" (p. 189). This theme of wonder leading to reverence permeates all physico-theological writers. *Physico-theology, even when not named as such, was also an active part of defenses against the early stages of biblical criticism (e.g., Spinoza and La Peyrère). Eric Jorink describes the detailed work of the Dutch author Willem Goeree, who used math and engineering to reconstruct a plausible Noah's Ark. Jorink briefly mentions Kircher's earlier attempt, but it would have been interesting to compare the two authors on that subject: a Dutch Calvinist and a German Jesuit. Did physico-theology join them or divide them? Antonio Vallisneri, a naturalist at the University of Padua, struggled to reconcile fossils, geological formations, and the Flood. Brendan Dooley shows that, at least in Vallisneri's work, physico-theology was not always, even if predominantly, adulatory toward divine providence. Vallisneri was comfortable with unresolved questions of fossils and the Flood. *John Brooke, in his chapter "Was Physico-Theology Bad Theology and Bad Science?," succumbs to the presentism he seeks to undermine with that provocative title. Regarding "bad science," he judges that while the proponents of physico-theology were all leaders in their fields, they were unduly "anthropocentric" in their reading of nature. Yet, when he comes to answer the question of "bad theology," he says it is a question that cannot be answered, since it is contingent on one's theological stripe. Why, one may ask, did he not rate science by the same standard, admitting his own scientific prejudice against the "anthropocentrism" of divine design, as if it somehow reduced the quality of the science? Despite this bias, Brooke adds an important theological insight in that design arguments that highlight divine care tend to pass too quickly over sin and natural evil. Pascal, as noted above, was an exception to this rule. *Brian Ogilvie, looking at several authors doing "insecto-theology," does not see the design theme as anthropocentrism, but rather that the attention of physico-theologians to function and design in insect morphology and behavior fostered genuine contributions to the field. Aesthetic values can be as much a part of what one brings to and takes away from physico-theology. Simona Boscani Leoni shows this happening as the perception of the Swiss Alps went from jagged and ugly to praiseworthy--a physico-theology of mountains moving in parallel with that trajectory. A deeper look into a connection between physico-theology of the mountains and Albrecht von Haller's poem Die Alpen (1732) would have been interesting here, especially given Haller's Swiss Calvinism and active role in questions of natural philosophy and religion. In botany, as "form" comes to serve the interests of beauty more than function, physico-theology can become unnecessary, as Jonathan Sheehan shows in an investigation of studies of flowers during this time. *This volume presents the subject with excellent variety, yet editorially holds together well, serving as an introduction to the intellectual phenomenon of physico-theology. Chapters sometimes overlap in their discussion of key works of the period, but this happily serves to connect them together. Like the disciplinary boundary crossing which is physico-theology, this collection of papers, handling authors mostly writing in the period 1690-1740--neither really "Scientific Revolution" or "Enlightenment" in our usual historical categories--gives insight into a generation that might otherwise be undervalued because it does not easily fit into either. It is a liminal zone where interesting natural experiments can happen. *Reviewed by Jason M. Rampelt, PhD from the University of Cambridge, Edgeworth, PA 15143.
46
VAITKEVIČIŪTĖ, VIKTORIJA. "LIETUVOS NACIONALINĖS MARTYNO MAŽVYDO BIBLIOTEKOS RETŲ KNYGŲ IR RANKRAŠČIŲ SKYRIAUS PALEOTIPŲ RINKINYS." Knygotyra 56 (January 1, 2011): 135–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/kn.v56i0.1507.
Full textAbstract:
Lietuvos nacionalinė Martyno Mažvydo bibliotekaGedimino pr. 51, LT-01504 Vilnius, LietuvaEl. paštas: viktorija.vait@gmail.comStraipsnyje nagrinėjami Lietuvos nacionalinės Martyno Mažvydo bibliotekos Retų knygų ir rankraščių skyriaus paleotipai: jų leidimo vieta, spaustuvininkai, tematika bei proveniencijos, dėmesį telkiant į retesnius, Lietuvos knygos kultūrai svarbesnius leidinius. Iš šiame skyriuje saugomų daugiau kaip 800 paleotipų analizuojama tik dalis jų, nes daugiau negu 200 knygų teturi kortelinį bibliografinį aprašą ir išsamiai juos ištirti šiuo metu neįmanoma. Dalies šių paleotipų analizė papildo jau esamus tyrimus, praplečia senosios knygos kultūros vaizdą.Reikšminiai žodžiai: knygotyra, paleotipai, retos knygos, spaustuvininkai, proveniencijos.THE COLLECTION OF POST-INCUNABULA IN THE MARTYNAS MAŽVYDAS NATIONAL LIBRARY OF LITHUANIAViktorija VAITKEVIČIŪTĖ AbstractPost-incunabula or the books printed in the first half of the 16th century (from January 1, 1501 to January 1, 1551), along with incunabula, are considered to be the oldest and most valuable publications in the world. Due to their likeness to incunabula and publishing specifics, post-incunabula are considered to be historical treasures and monuments of culture. The Rare Book and Manuscript Department of the National Library of Lithuania has in its holdings more than 800 post-incunabula, not including the ones kept at the Department of the National Archival Fund of Published Documents. The exact number is still unknown, since not all the books have been included into the electronic catalogue: more than 200 of them have only a card catalogue description and are awaiting a more detailed study. This article analyses specific features of part of the post-incunabula collection in the NLL Rare Book and Manuscript Department: their place of publication, publishers, thematics and provenances. Principal attention is accorded to the books that are rarer, more interesting and more important for Lithuania’s culture and book culture in general.The most of the post-incunabula kept in the Rare Book and Manuscript Department were published in Germany, many in Switzerland, France and Italy. There also is a small number of post-incunabula published in Poland (Cracow). Of the publications produced by Cracow’s printers, the article discusses those by Jan Haller (ca. 1467–1525), Hieronim Wietor (ca. 1480–1546) and Florian Ungler (d. 1536). It is necessary to mention Aldines – the publications by one of themost famous European printers, Aldo Manuzio (Lat. Aldus Manutius; ca. 1450–1515) and by his descendants. The article also touches upon the work of such acclaimed French publishers as Henri Estienne (lat. Henricus Stephanus, ca. 1460–1520), founder of the famous dinasty of printers, and the Lyonese printer Sébastien Gryphius (ca. 1493–1556). The Rare Book and Manuscript Department also keeps quite a few post-incunabula published by Johannes Frobenof Basel (1460–1537).As to the content aspect, the collection of post-incunabula in the department is versatile. For the most part, it is made up by religious literature: sermons, bibles, theological treatises, Church Fathers’ writings. There are many works by and commentaries on classical authors, of whom Cicero, at the time of the Renaissance viewed as the greatest authority on rhetoric, is the most famous one. The post-incunabula collection illuminates the emergence of the Reformations and the related spread of new ideas in the first half of the XVIth century. The Rare Book and Manuscript Department boasts a number of works by the founder of Protestantism, Martin Luther (1483–1546) and by the most acclaimed humanist of the times, Desiderius Erasmus (1469–1536).The provenances in the post-incunabula (manuscript inscriptions, stamps, bookplates) provide much interesting information. Most often found are ownership marks of the establishments that since the olden times had been preserving books: various monasteries, churches and priest seminaries,. The notable representative of the post-incunabulum culture is the Bernardine Order. According to the electronic catalogue, the Rare Book and Manuscript Departmenthas in its holdings 21 post-incunabula formerly kept by the library of the Tytuvėnai Bernardine Monastery. Most provenance inscriptions are from Kaunas Priest Seminary, the library of the Samogitian Priest Seminary, the library of the Vilnius Seminary and Kražiai College. Of the XIXth century personal libraries,particularly noteworthy are the collections of Jonas Krizostomas Gintila (1788–1857), XIXth-century bibliophile, hebraist and administrator of the Samogitian Diocese, and of Friedrich August Gotthold (1778–1858), educator and music theorist. A separate, rather abundant group of provenance inscriptions consists of the books that formerly belonged to Königsberg University. An in-depth study of all the post-incunabula kept in the NLL would significantly add to the existing research and broaden the understanding of old book culture.
47
"The role of Martin Luther translations in modern German." Journal of V. N. Karazin Kharkiv National University Series: Foreign Philology. Methods of Foreign Language Teaching, no. 91 (2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2227-8877-2020-91-12.
Full textAbstract:
The article considers the peculiarities of the development of the German language in the Middle Upper German period of the 16th century during the Reformation on the example of Martin Luther's translations of the Bible from Latin into the national German language, which later became the basis of the main characteristics of the modern German language. This scholarly legacy has reviewed Martin Luther's translations of the Bible from Latin into its modern German language and formulated a list of the main features of Luther's translations. The work is done in line with historical linguistics, allows for comparison of facts and papers, considering real documents and works, in this case - the translation of the Bible, as well as to predict the further development of modern German language, based on the experience of linguists. The tasks in this work have been formulated in such a way as to examine and describe the object of research as accurately as possible, namely to get acquainted with the texts of Martin Luther's translations of the Bible, to analyze the main linguistic features of his translations (phonetic/spelling, grammatical, lexical) and to formulate conclusions and further prospects of research provided this opportunity. The theoretical method of research provides this article with a comprehensive and substantiated view of the facts in their diachronic study. With the help of the comparative method in the study of Martin Luther's translations, characteristic features of the modern German language were established and recorded. As you know, Luther has greatly simplified the language and systematized it in his translations to successfully convey the essence of the Bible and its laws to every resident of those times. Comparative historical research has found that the most important changes in Luther's language are fixed in the pronunciation, examples of lexical units from the Middle Upper German language and the language in translations. It was found that these simplifications and features tend to become more relevant in the future and will simplify the German language. Besides language characteristics, the article describes facts from the life of Martin Luther, which cannot be bypassed from the historical point of view.
48
Fischer, Roman, and Jourden Travis Moger. "Johannes Dietenberger and his Counter-Reformation German Bible." Journal of the Bible and its Reception 3, no. 2 (January 1, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbr-2016-2005.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractJohannes Dietenberger (ca. 1475–1537), native of Frankfurt am Main, university-trained Doctor of Theology, and Dominican friar, served as prior in Frankfurt and Koblenz during the 1525 Urban Revolt of the German Peasants’ War and the early Protestant Reformation, respectively. Like Martin Luther, Dietenberger translated the Bible into the vernacular German after consulting recently published Greek and Hebrew biblical texts; however, unlike Luther he produced a translation that remained true to the Latin Vulgate and the traditional teachings of the Catholic Church. Dietenberger aimed to counter those parts of Luther’s translation which contradicted Catholic tradition, and at the same time to provide a translation whose language was less coarse and offensive. Still, there were more commonalities between the translations of Luther and Dietenberger than earlier research in controversial theology assumed. Overshadowed by the famous Wittenberg reformer and slandered by polemical Protestant scholarship of previous centuries, Dietenberger and his Bible translation have never received the scholarly attention they deserve. This article represents an attempt to correct the oversight.
49
Van Wyk, I. W. C. "Martin Luther en teologiebeoefening in die toekoms." HTS Teologiese Studies / Theological Studies 71, no. 3 (March 11, 2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/hts.v71i3.3070.
Full textAbstract:
Martin Luther and doing theology in the future. The Netherdutch Reformed Church of Africa prides itself for the fact that she has always appreciated the German-Lutheran tradition. The Reformed Theological College has for 15 years contributed to the appreciation of this tradition. This article wants to encourage the new leadership to keep this legacy alive. The main aspects of Luther’s theology are explained. These aspects are: prayer (oratio), meditation (meditatio), constitation (tentatio), grace of the Spirit (gratia Spiritus), exegesis (sedulalectio), and the use of other sciences in understanding the Bible (bonarum atrium cognitia). Attention is also given to the subject-matter of Theology as well as the notion of humbleness.
50
Geck, Albrecht. "„Luther als Persönlichkeit“. Die Lutherbildnisse Karl Bauers (1868 –1942) und das Selbstverständnis des Protestantismus in der ersten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts." Journal for the History of Modern Theology / Zeitschrift für Neuere Theologiegeschichte 18, no. 2 (January 1, 2011). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/znth.2011.012.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe article explores for the first time the theological relevance of the work of the artist Karl Bauer (1868–1942), who specialized in portraits of those he called „Great Men“. Influenced by the pseudo-science of phrenology, he believed that „greatness“ manifested itself in certain features of the skull. Luther, for example, he painted with a prominent forehead as a sign of strong will and Germanic defiance, presenting him as a national hero whose translation of the bible into German had laid the foundation of Bismarck's Empire of 1870. Bauer's Luther-portraits became a trademark of national Protestantism until well into the 20