To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Åkesson, Malin, and Isak Prytz-Sund. "Järnvägstransporter från Asien : En utforskande studie om hur svenska företag kan använda Belt and Road Initiative." Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Industriell ekonomi, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-36427.
Full textAbstract:
Att företag använder sig av global sourcing och har leverantörer i lågkostnadsländer har blivit allt vanligare. Detta för att arbetskraftskostnaden i dessa länder är låg. Men en kostnad som i stället ökar i och med detta är transportkostnaden. Godset behöver transporteras längre sträckor vilket även gör att transportledtiden ökar. Samtidigt ställer kunder allt högre krav på snabba leveranser och de företag som valt global sourcing måste därför många gånger ha stora lager för att kunna möta kundernas krav. De företag som har leverantörer i Asien väljer oftast att transportera godset med sjötransporter då det är det billigaste transportsättet. Dock är det också det transportsätt som har längst transportledtid. Kinas nya infrastrukturprojekt Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) bidrar till att järnvägstransporter kan användas i större utsträckning, men många svenska företag vet inte vilka möjligheter det finns med BRI och järnvägen. Syftet med denna studie är därför att ge svenska företag en ökad förståelse om vad BRI kan bidra med för de företag som använder global sourcing. Studien har uppfyllt sitt syfte genom att göra en fallstudie hos ett svenskt företag som har leverantörer i Asien och visade ett intresse för BRI och järnvägstransporter. Syftet uppfylldes även genom att göra en litteraturstudie där relevant information om studiens ämne inhämtades som grund för studiens teori. Det resultat som framkommer av studien visar vilka motiv och riskfaktorer svenska företag kan ta i beaktning vid användandet av BRI och järnvägstransporter. Utifrån dessa har en modell med riktlinjer utformats för att hjälpa företag att göra valet om de bör använda järnvägen som transportsätt eller inte. Fallföretaget skulle dra nytta av järnvägstransporter på grund av den minskade transportledtiden, den ökade flexibiliteten samt att leverantörer inte behöver vara lokaliserade nära en hamn. Genom denna studie ska fallföretaget och andra svenska företag förstå vad BRI är för något och vilka motiv det kan finnas med att byta transportsätt och fyller därför det kunskaps- och informationsgap som finns gällande detta.
2
Grönström, Alfons. ""Thank you, brother Xi" : En studie i hur Kinas Belt and Road Initiative påverkar EU:s möjlighet att tillämpa sin utvidgningsstrategi." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-418161.
Full text
3
Turesson, Christina. "Kinas nya sidenväg : En teorikonsumerande fallstudie utifrån realism och liberalism." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-100078.
Full textAbstract:
This essay consists of a case study which examines China’s Belt and Road Initiative from two theoretical perspectives: realism and liberalism. The essay aims to enhance the comprehension of the Belt and Road Initiative by providing a realistic as well as a liberal interpretation of the project, and then comparing them to point out similarities and differences between these views. The essay concludes that the theoretical perspectives here work complementary rather than contradictory, and that what is hard to explain with one theory, often can be explained by the other. A liberal perspective sees more opportunities with the project, whereas a realistic one sees more risks but also necessities. The important aspects of the project from a liberal perspective concludes to be increased trade, international cooperation and interdependence, which are considered as risks from a realistic perspective. The main advantage is to increase power and security and legitimize the rule of the Chinese communist party, realistically speaking. Realism and liberalism interpret the goal with the project differently as well. Whereas realism sees BRI as a bold foreign policy project which aims to help China gain power to become a superpower and defeat poverty in China, liberalism view BRI as a foreign policy infrastructure project, built on trade, international cooperation and linking the world together.
4
Angestav, Oscar. "Belt and Road Initiative - Den Nutida Marshallplanen?" Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-385642.
Full text
5
Zhang, Yizhi Jing Jing. "One Belt One Road| China's Nation-Building Initiative." Thesis, The George Washington University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10244494.
Full textAbstract:
Millennia ago, a vital trade route connected the thriving civilizations of ancient Greece, Persia, and China. Through the ancient Silk Road, China was able to influence societies far beyond its national borders. And now, in the twenty-first century, it seeks to do the same. This paper will attempt to develop a new paradigm that more fully explains the rationale and objectives of the One Belt One Road initiative. It argues that nation-building is the most comprehensive way to understand the Chinese government's intentions with OBOR. The following chapters will also demonstrate how OBOR fits into the CCP's larger ethno-nationalist "China Dream" campaign, which crafts a narrative of a unified and rejuvenated China predicated on a single identity.
6
‘Mokose, ‘Manapo. "The Belt and Road Initiative: Implications for Economic Development in Africa." Master's thesis, Faculty of Humanities, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/32869.
Full textAbstract:
This study examines the possible impact of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on economic development in Africa. Launched in October of 2013, the initiative was established to alleviate trade and investment bottlenecks between the more than 65 countries that are signed on to it as member states. In 2017, it became the centrepiece of China's foreign economic policy and the filter through which all of its commercial ties with external actors would be pursued, framed, or determined. It is expected that when fully operationalized, the initiative will restructure China's ties with other countries. The study analyses the possible repercussions of that restructuring, focusing on its relationship with Africa. Since consolidating their commercial relationship in the early 1990s, China has played a vital role in developing Africa's economy. With the operationalisation of the BRI, its capacity or interest to maintain that role will be modified. Depending on the changes that emerge, and given its deep economic reliance on Beijing, Africa must prepare for both positive and negative implications for its economies. The study examines these implications. It notes, among others, the upgrades Africa stands to gain to its industrial structure and business environment. It also highlights potential losses, including the hit that Africa's revenue earnings might take and the heightened competition that local industries will be exposed to because of the liberalisation that the BRI pursues. Ultimately, the study advises that what outcomes arise – be they positive or negative – will depend on how well or sufficiently the continent positions itself to moderate the negative impact of the BRI on its economies. In the concluding chapter, the study makes recommendations on how Africa might facilitate or magnify projected benefits stemming from the BRI.
7
Kässlin, Tony. "Kinas väg till dominans? : En fallstudie om Belt and Road Initiative som utrikespolitisk strategi." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-104329.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this essay is to explore China's foreign policy through Joseph S. Nye's theory of power applied on the Belt and Road Initiative. It aims to answer whether or not China's foreign policy has changed during Xi Jinping's presidency and in what way Belt and Road Initiative can be explained in terms of power behaviour and power resources. The method used in this essay is that of a case study. The empirical evidence shows that China's foreign policy has changed in a direction that is meant to strengthen Xi Jinping's influence and that Belt and Road Initiative is a project with the intention to accumulate economic resources. It also shows that China's government and domestic policies weakens its "soft power" resources due to restraints in its civil society. The essayc concludes that the Belt and Road Initiative is China and Xi Jinping's expansion strategy whose main objective is to create incentives for Chinese domestic, economic growth. It also concludes that Chinese "soft power" would increase if the domestic policies would aim for a more democratic course.
8
Gaspar, Rui Manuel Leal. "Portugal e o Porto de Sines na grande estratégia geoeconómica chinesa:a Belt and Road Initiative." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/16481.
Full textAbstract:
Dissertação de Mestrado em EstratégiaEm 1978, com as reformas implementadas por Deng Xiaoping, a República Popular da China iniciou uma Grande Estratégia Geoeconómica que fez com que se encontre, em menos de quatro décadas, a disputar a liderança mundial com os EUA. A sua reemergência, num mundo pautado pela globalização, depende cada vez mais das relações comerciais internacionais. A Belt and Road Initiative é, assim, um meio desta projectar globalmente o seu poder económico, de modo a conseguir exportar o excesso da sua capacidade produtiva, ao mesmo tempo que garante o fornecimento dos recursos que necessita para a sustentabilidade da sua economia e consequentemente da manutenção do seu sistema político. Neste contexto, a presente dissertação visa compreender o potencial que a integração de Portugal terá na interconectividade desta Iniciativa chinesa a nível mundial. Em particular, pretende averiguar como a localização do Porto de Sines no ponto mais ocidental da Eurásia, a par com a excepcionalidade das suas características técnicas aumentam a possibilidade de Portugal vir ser incluído nos documentos oficiais chineses como parte da Belt and Road Initiative.
In 1978, with the reforms implemented by Deng Xiaoping, the People's Republic of China began a new cycle focused on economic development that made it compete for world leadership with the United States of America in less than four decades. Its reemergence, in a world dominated by globalization, depends more and more on international trade relations. The Belt and Road Initiative is, in a way, a means of projecting its economic power globally, so as to be able to export the excess of its productive capacity, while guaranteeing the supply of resources that it needs for the sustainability of its economy and consequently the maintenance of its political system. In this context, the present dissertation aims to understand the potential that the integration of Portugal will have in the interconnectivity of this Chinese initiative worldwide. In particular, it seeks to ascertain how the location of the Port of Sines at the westernmost point of Eurasia, along with the exceptional technical characteristics of the port increases the possibility of Portugal being included in the Chinese official documents as part of the Belt and Road Initiative.
N/A
9
Peña, Alejandra. "China’s assertive turn: China’s grand strategy and foreign policy adjustment through the belt and road initiative." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/669352.
Full textAbstract:
En los años posteriores a la crisis económica global del 2008, el auge de las
potencias emergentes entre las que se encuentra China ha contribuido a un
cambio en el equilibrio de poder global desde el Oeste hacia el Este y continúa
engendrando transformaciones importantes en el sistema internacional y la
economía global. En este escenario, China es percibida como un actor cada vez
más esencial en el mundo y en gran medida se le otorga un creciente interés a su
proyección externa, así como a su política exterior y al alcance y papel de su gran
estrategia. Los recientes debates al respecto de la naturaleza y el impacto de la
política exterior de China han suscitado preguntas sobre las formas en las que China
está desarrollando un perfil internacional más proactivo y aumentando sus
capacidades para alcanzar sus objetivos diplomáticos y de política exterior.
El argumento principal de esta tesis es que la implicación de China en el
mundo a través de su gran estrategia y su política exterior ha sido objeto de un
proceso de reajuste estratégico con el objetivo de, en primer lugar dar respuesta a
las aspiraciones de China como un actor con cada vez más poder, en segundo
lugar de proyectar un perfil internacional más proactivo y de liderazgo, en tercer
lugar de aumentar la influencia global que ostenta Pekín, y por último de gestionar
los retos que surgen del propio auge de China. Esta tesis propone la hipótesis de la
existencia de factores domésticos y sistémicos que influyen y orientan la gran
estrategia china, así como el reajuste de su política exterior en la era de Xi Jinping.
La contribución empírica de esta tesis explora la existencia de tres períodos en la
evolución de la política exterior china: un período dogmático, un período
pragmático y un período asertivo. Asimismo, analiza y da cuenta de las
motivaciones y la razón de ser de la Iniciativa de la Ruta y la Seda en su función de
herramienta de política exterior bajo el mandato de Xi Jinping.
Las contribuciones académicas han tendido en su mayoría a estudiar el
auge de China desde un nivel de análisis u otro, bien sistémico o bien doméstico,
en ocasiones focalizándose incluso en el nivel regional. Asimismo, la tendencia ha
sido también la adopción de una aproximación teórica limitada a una de las
principales teorías de Relaciones Internacionales. Esto, a su vez, genera estudios o
análisis de cariz parcial o sesgados sobre el auge de China, que, si bien son de un valor añadido para el debate, sufren de la falta de una perspectiva más exhaustiva
que trascienda los tradicionales niveles de análisis y estudie múltiples
conceptualizaciones. Esta tesis busca rellenar ese hueco en la literatura
presentando un marco de análisis multinivel y multiteórico que identifica una serie
de factores observables y los categoriza en dos niveles de análisis diferentes
(sistémico y doméstico) para dar cuenta de los ejes impulsores y la razón de ser del
ajuste de la política exterior china y su gran estrategia.
Esta investigación busca explorar la razón de ser y las motivaciones que
sustentan el giro asertivo de la política exterior china. Para ello establece una
pregunta general y una pregunta específica enfocada al caso de estudio: en
primer lugar, ¿cómo han los factores domésticos y sistémicos guiado la gran
estrategia de China y alumbrado el reajuste de su política exterior bajo el mandato
de Xi Jinping? Y en segundo lugar, ¿cómo ha contribuido la Iniciativa de la Ruta y
la Seda a dicho ajuste? El caso de estudio seleccionado es la Iniciativa pues
responde al diseño de crucial-case. A través del estudio de la Iniciativa de la Ruta y
la Seda, esta investigación es capaz de obtener un mayor número de
observaciones que atestigüen con el ajuste y la transformación de la política exterior
de China.
En resumen, esta investigación entabla el análisis del ajuste reciente de la
política exterior de China, así como el estudio de su gran estrategia en un contexto
de interdependencia y con la presencia de factores sistémicos y domésticos que
interactúan. En este análisis, esta tesis argumenta que China está llevando a cabo
un proceso de reajuste de su política exterior que se ve impulsado por la interacción
de, por un lado, factores sistémicos tales como los cambios en la economía global
y las fluctuaciones en la estructura de poder internacional, y por el otro, factores
domésticos como son la preservación del régimen, el agotamiento del modelo de
desarrollo y la restructuración de las élites. Por último, esta investigación sostiene que
la Iniciativa de la Ruta y la Seda es una herramienta central mediante la cual se da
forma y se implementa la política exterior de China de acuerdo con su gran
estrategia.In the aftermath of the 2008 global economic crisis, the rise of emerging powers such as China has contributed to the shifting balance of global power from the West to East and continue prompting significant transformations to the international system and the global economy. In this scenario, China is seen as an increasingly pivotal player in the world arena and much interest is dedicated to its external projection and foreign policy and to the scope and role of its grand strategy. Recent debates on the nature and impact on China’s foreign policy have raised the question of the ways in which China is developing a more proactive international profile and becoming more capable of accomplishing its foreign policy objectives through its global economic and diplomatic engagement. The central argument of this dissertation is that China’s engagement in the world through its grand strategy and foreign policy have undergone strategic adjustments to meet China’s growing power aspirations, project a more proactive and leading international profile, increasing Beijing’s worldwide influence, and to cope with the complex challenges that the rise of China has brought in. This dissertation hypothesizes the existence of domestic and systemic factors driving China’s grand strategy and foreign policy adjustment in Xi Jinping era. The empirical contribution of this dissertation explores the existence of three periods in the evolution of China’s foreign policy: the dogmatic, the pragmatic and the assertive periods, and it accounts for the rationale and motivations of the Belt and Road Initiative as a foreign policy tool under Xi Jinping’s era. Most scholarly contributions tend to study the rise of China from a particular level of analysis, either systemic or domestic, some including regional perspectives, and they also tend to adopt a single theory-based approach. This generates partial or focalized studies or insights about China’s rise which add great value to the debate yet lack a more comprehensive perspective that cuts across levels of analysis and studies multiple conceptualizations. This dissertation aims to fill that gap in the literature by presenting a multi-level and multi-theoretical framework for analysis which identifies a series of observable factors categorized into two different levels (systemic and domestic) to account for the drivers and rationale of the adjustment in China’s foreign policy and grand strategy. 8 This research aims to explore the rationale and motivations behind China’s assertive turn in its foreign policy. To do so, it poses one overarching question and one specific case-oriented question: Firstly, how have domestic and systemic factors driven China’s grand strategy and foreign policy adjustment in the Xi Jinping Era? And secondly, how has the Belt and Road Initiative contributed to such adjustment? The case study selected is the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) following a single crucialcase rationale. By focusing on the BRI as the most-likely case, this research is able to obtain more observations of the adjustment and transformation of China’s foreign policy. To summarize, this research tackles the analysis of China’s recent foreign policy adjustment as well as the study of its grand strategy in a context of interdependent and mutually reinforcing systemic and domestic factors. In doing so, it argues that China is undergoing a process of adjustment in its foreign policy that is driven by the interaction of systemic factors such as the changes in the global economy and the fluctuations in the international power structure, and of domestic factors such as regime preservation, the exhaustion of the development model and elite restructuring. Moreover, it sustains that the BRI is a central tool for the shaping and implementing of China’s foreign policy in accordance with its grand strategy.
10
Wu, Lunting. "China and Global Governance under Xi Jinping Problematizing China’s Leadership through the Belt and Road Initiative." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/16357.
Full textAbstract:
Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações InternacionaisO atual sistema internacional, no qual a China ascende sem precedente em termos económicos, é altamente institucionalizado, fragmentado e específico em áreas de assunto, e encontra-se predominado pelos Estados Unidos e os seus aliados. Neste contexto, Pequim está a perseguir maior pro-atividade na global governance, crescentemente acompanhado de narrativas assertivas e uma abordagem mais pragmática que contrastam com as das presidências anteriores. Enquanto política externa primordial do Presidente Xi Jinping, a Iniciativa Faixa e Rota (abreviada como a BRI, sigla em inglês) tem como objetivo promover a conectividade de infra-estrutura, a liberalização do comércio, bem como a integração financeira na dimensão global. Neste contexto, recorrendo às teorias principais de Relações Internacionais, a presente dissertação visa analisar a eficácia da BRI em cumprir o desejo de Pequim ascender à liderança da global governance. Segundo o paradigma neo-realista, dada a natureza revisionista da ascensão da China num sistema internacional estabelecido sob a influência pervasiva dos E.U.A, argumenta-se que as instituições recém-criadas em apoio da BRI, juntamente com as normas e práticas inovadoras, vêm, em geral, a exercer efeitos de desconcentração e deslegitimação sobre algumas das disposições internacionais centradas no Ocidente, uma etapa necessária antes que os poderes dominantes ascendentes assumam a liderança global. Através do prisma neoliberal, a complementaridade da BRI com compromissos internacionais fomenta o papel da China como um poder responsável, e confere-lhe mais alavanca face a um Washington mais introspectivo. Da perspetiva dos países destinatários, o apoio primariamente oriundo das elites dos Estados relacionados com a BRI tem galvanizado este projeto e alargado a adesão, ao passo que a resistência do grande público ensombra as prospectivas do mesmo, conforme a doutrina realista neoclássica. Conclui-se, assim, que a BRI se apresenta como um instrumento eficaz para Pequim na sua longa busca da liderança na global governance, mas esforços adicionais serão essenciais para ultrapassar os desafios e riscos associados
The current international system in which China is rising unprecedentedly in economic terms is highly-institutionalized, fragmented, issue-area specific, and is predominated by the US and its allies. In this context, Beijing is pursuing increased proactivity in global governance, with more assertive narratives and a more pragmatic and dualistic approach compared with the preceding presidencies. As an overarching foreign policy under President Xi Jinping, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) primarily aims to improve infrastructure connectivity, trade liberalization, and financial integration in the global dimension. This dissertation seeks to analyze the BRI’s effectiveness in fulfilling Beijing’s desire of global governance leadership by resorting to principal International Relations theories. Drawing upon neorealist paradigm, due to the revisionist nature of China’s ascendance in an established international system under pervasive US influence, it is argued that the newlyestablished institutions in support of the BRI, together with innovative norms and practices, by and large cast de-concentrating and de-legitimating effects on some of the Westerncentered global governance arrangements, a necessary stage before rising dominant powers actually come to assume global leadership. Through the neoliberal prism, the complementarity of the BRI with international commitments foments China’s role as a responsible power, and confers it greater leverage in the evolving global governance pattern against the backdrop of a more inward-looking Washington. From a recipient perspective, endorsements from elites of BRI-related states have generally emboldened the BRI and enlarged its membership, while resistance derived from the general public overshadows the future prospects of the project, pursuant to the neoclassical realist doctrine. It is therefore concluded that overall the BRI has been by now an effective instrument in Beijing’s long quest for leadership in global governance, but additional efforts are needed to tackle associated challenges and risks.
N/A
11
Aste, Sofie. "Alla vägar bär till Peking : Om Belt and Road Initiative och dess förutsättningar att utvecklas till en säkerhetsgemenskap." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-8359.
Full textAbstract:
This essay deals with the Chinese mega-project Belt and Road Initiative and investigates whether itis possible that it could have a positive impact on regional peace. Previous research, as well as thetwo major IR-theories realism and liberalism, have assumed the project will lead to more tensionand even increase the likelihood of war in the future. According to the constructivist securitycommunity theory this does not have to be the case. By applying Adler and Barnett's rendition ofDeutsch classical theory to the case of BRI through a literary analysis the possibility of a peacefuloutcome is investigated. The analysis concludes that at the moment of writing BRI does not live upto the criteria necessary to be classified as a nascent security community. However, three of the fourindicators, establishing of multinational institutions, coordination of inter-state relationships and acore power leading the integration are fulfilled. Only when it comes to expression of sameness inpolitical, cultural, ideological or social areas is BRI lacking. If more focus is placed on cultivating acommon identity, the possibility of BRI developing into a security community can not be ruled out.
12
Chan, Seng In. "The discursive engineering of Chinese foreign policy in Xi Jinping's era :the case of the "One belt, one road" initiative." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3953861.
Full text
13
Stockmann, Ann-Sophia. "The Effects of Chinese FDI and Infrastructure on Economic Growth across the Belt and Road." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Nationalekonomiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-388930.
Full textAbstract:
China has gone through a phase of rapid economic development in the last four decades. The country is the world’s biggest economy, measured in GDP purchasing power parity terms, and the largest trading nation in terms of the total sum of exports and imports of merchandise trade. With the launch of the century’s largest infrastructure project – the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) – by Xi Jinping in 2013, China is planning to revive the Ancient Silk Roads in order to gain geopolitical power beyond Asia. Thus far, huge flows of FDI have already made their way from China to countries along the Belt and Road, especially the ones in need of additional infrastructure provision. In this paper, the effect of Chinese outward FDI on economic growth in the BRI economies through infrastructure development is examined, thereby conducting a cross-country analysis with panel data for 34 and 27 countries, respectively, over the period 2005–2017. The direct effect of Chinese FDI on economic growth in BRI countries is ambiguous, supporting previous literature on FDI and economic growth. When adding infrastructure indicators to the regressions and accounting for the endogeneity problem, the effect of Chinese FDI on economic growth changes but remains insignificant, nevertheless. This is most likely due to the reduced sample sizes, on the one hand, and the fact that Chinese construction contracts play a bigger role than actual FDI in the BRI.
14
Li, Shengyue. "China Buys Up the World? Analyzing the Impact of the One Belt One Road Initiative on China's Outward Foreign Direct Investment." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1782.
Full textAbstract:
Announced in 2013, the One Belt One Road(OBOR) Initiative is considered the most important geopolitical development strategy of the 21st-century in the country. The Chinese government aims to promote trade and investment with more than 63 OBOR countries. In this paper, I analyze the impact of One Belt One Road Initiative on China’s foreign direct investment for a period of 2003-2015 with a country level panel data. Other determinants frequently used in the FDI literature such as market size, geographical distance, resources, trading effects and political risks are also considered in the model. The empirical results show that OBOR policy is positively associated with China’s outward FDI flow. I believe the research result indicates a policy related trend for Chinese firms’ overseas investments.
15
Wahlberg, Scott Andrea. "Promoting digital authoritarianism : A study of China’s Digital Silk Road." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-37656.
Full textAbstract:
China’s influence is increasing steadily in all corners of the world. One of China’s foreign policy goals is to become a technological superpower by 2025. An important part of that goal is the Digital Silk Road (DSR), a sub-project to China’s massive infrastructure project, the Belt and Road Initiative. The DSR is on one hand contributing to positive technological developments, especially in developing countries. But on the other hand, it has gotten substantial criticism for being a front for spreading China’s digital authoritarian model and for giving authoritarian regimes the tools to effectively repress citizens and violate human rights. The aim of this study is twofold. The first aim is to examine and map out how China might be promoting autocracy through the DSR, this will contribute to a deeper empirical understanding. The second aim is to give a theoretical contribution by categorizing autocracy promotion and testing the value of active and passive autocracy promotion in relation to China and the DSR. To conduct the analysis, I will draw on literature about autocracy promotion and digital authoritarianism. The existing literature is divided on whether or not China is promoting autocracy, and I will thus be arguing that technological advances, and the DSR, makes it problematic to claim that China is not engaged in autocracy promotion. Therefore, I seek to contribute to the existing literature. The results show that China is in fact involved in autocracy promotion through the different DSR projects. It also shows that China’s support, in some cases, have been crucial in providing authoritarian regimes with repressive technologies. The results also indicate that promoting autocracy might not be an outspoken goal or strategy from China, but rather an unintended consequence when trying to reach domestic political and economic goals.
16
Bosma, Laura. "All Roads Lead To China : A case study on Nigeria’s HIV epidemic and the effect of One Belt One Road:How does China’s One Belt One Road Initiative affect Nigeria’s HIV epidemic?" Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-453702.
Full textAbstract:
Nigeria is home to the second-largest HIV epidemic in the world. Due to its neglected healthcare system, dwindling economy and persistent cultural beliefs, and stigmatization of people with HIV, the virus has been transmitted relatively freely for decades. This long-running crisis has recently transformed due to China's One Belt, One Road Initiative. This initiative has led to large and unintended consequences through infrastructure projects on healthcare in general and the HIV epidemic in particular. This research focuses on the effects of BRI on the HIV epidemic through the theoretical framework of the 5 A's, availability, accommodation, financial accessibility, acceptability, and geographical accessibility (Otu, 2018), that reflect the individual needs and the factors that need to be realized before the access to healthcare is satisfied. The importance of geographical accessibility (Williams & Wilkins, 2012) and cultural, political, and economic factors that play a significant role in the epidemic are discussed in the case study. The research uses a qualitative approach. A literature review and a case study analyze BRI and Nigeria's HIV epidemic based on primary and secondary data. The case study is complemented by in-depth unstructured interviews with experts of BRI or Nigeria's HIV epidemic. The results acknowledge that BRI is both an opportunity and a challenge for Nigeria's HIV epidemic. BRI is an opportunity to cope with Nigeria's socio-economic and political causes and consequences. Nigeria's economy is boosted by constructing roads, railways, and airports. Due to this, Nigeria will be more accessible for people, goods, and services, and since the economy and health are connected, their healthcare system will be improved. A challenge of BRI is the lack of transparency and vagueness of the Chinese government to fully understand their intentions for the country and the danger of falling into a debt-trap. Nonetheless, Nigeria is highly in need of funding and BRI can be seen as a step in the right direction regarding Nigeria's HIV epidemic through long-term funding and information sharing. This research touches upon humanitarian and scientific values. Only by fully understanding the effects of BRI on the HIV epidemic can transmissions be efficiently and effectively contained. As there is little academia written about the effects of BRI on public health and since China's role as a humanitarian actor and world power is increasing, it will be interesting to learn more about tomorrow's humanitarian aid.
17
Голов, С. В., and S. V. Golov. "Участие России в проекте «Один пояс, один путь» : магистерская диссертация." Master's thesis, б. и, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10995/100773.
Full textAbstract:
Работа посвящена анализу развития экономического сотрудничества между РФ и КНР в контексте реализации китайской глобальной инициативы «Один пояс, один путь» (ОПОП). На основе широкого круга источников и литературы определяются основные направления взаимодействия, особенности и результаты сотрудничества в рамках ОПОП. Также анализируются позиции обеих стран и оценки взаимодействия, транслируемые международным экспертным сообществом. Автор приходит к выводу, что РФ и КНР не являются равноправными партнерами в проекте ОПОП, однако их сотрудничество, в целом, имеет положительную динамику.The work analyses the development of economic relations between Russia and China in the context of the implementation of the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). On the basis of a wide range of primary and secondary sources, the interaction, features and results of cooperation within the framework of BRI are determined. The official positions of the two countries are analyzed, as well as the assessment of interaction by the international expert community. The author comes to the conclusion that the RF and the PRC are not equal partners in the BRI project, however, their cooperation, in general, has positive dynamics.
18
Garcia, Zenel. "China's Eurasian Foreign Policy: Region-Building Through State-Building Since 1991." FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3750.
Full textAbstract:
Since the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, its leaders have been preoccupied with efforts to increase state capacity in order to exercise more effective control over their western frontier by controlling their minority population and generating the conditions for economic development in the area. Although these state-building initiatives have always incorporated an international component, the collapse of the USSR, the transnational characteristics of development, and China’s concern around the challenges of terrorism, separatism, and extremism have necessitated an accompanying region-building project in Eurasia. Using a synthesis of the region-building approach and the concept of regionalization, this study traces how Chinese domestic elite-led narratives about security and development generate domestic state-building initiatives which in turn produce region-building projects. Furthermore, this study assesses how region-building projects are promoted through narratives embedded in foreign policies that establish the historicity of China’s engagement in Eurasian affairs and norms of non-interference and co-development. Finally, it traces the empirical construction of regions through integrative infrastructure.
By revealing the three symbiotic phases of Chinese domestic state-building and region-building, this study demonstrates how region-building projects have facilitated China’s ability to increase state capacity, control, and development in its western frontier. Furthermore, China’s region-building projects have gradually transformed Eurasia in a manner that has resulted in its eastward orientation through the usage of connective infrastructure and co-development projects that place China at the center of Eurasia. This project demonstrates how China has emerged as a dominant power in Eurasian affairs that not only exercises significant political and economic power, but more importantly, ideational power.
19
Bakkouri, Mohamed Omar, and Tianshu Lyu. "Trading with North Africa: The challenges perceived by China based traders : Based on the Background of B&R." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Företagsekonomiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-414803.
Full textAbstract:
This study investigates China's international trade with North Africa from a small-sized tradersperspective, while referring to the Belt and Road Initiative’s (B&R) practical influence.Further, the research focuses on how the traders perceive the challenges related to trade withNorth African countries like Egypt, Tunisia, Morocco, etc. Moreover, the study explores thedifferent challenges related to international trade, international business, and at last, psychicand cultural distance with consideration to prior research. A qualitative approach was adoptedin order to answer the research question for this study. The approach consisted of a series of indepth interviews that were conducted with traders within different industries. The data collection process focused on gaining insights related to the trade challenges in an attempt to distinguish between their nature. The findings point out that the challenges perceived are four-fold: Trade Incentives, Business Development, Government Intervention and Culture’s Influence. Meanwhile, the impact of B&R is comprehended as a catalyst for bilateral economic development.
20
Leitão, Inês Raquel da Cruz Couto Pires. "Estratégias de investimento direto estrangeiro : o caso da China." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/20403.
Full textAbstract:
Mestrado em Economia Internacional e Estudos EuropeusO Investimento Direto Estrangeiro (IDE) consiste na transferência de recursos de um país para outro, supostamente com o objetivo de criar riqueza no país de acolhimento. Para muitos países, o IDE pode representar um importante motor para facilitar a integração económica internacional, pois com um quadro político adequado, ele pode proporcionar estabilidade financeira, promover o desenvolvimento económico e melhorar o bem-estar da sociedade. Nos últimos anos, os fluxos do IDE têm tido um papel significativo para o crescimento da economia de vários países, sobretudo para aqueles que apresentam maiores fragilidades económicas, dado que proporcionam uma importante fonte de financiamento que lhes permite aumentar o nível da tecnologia e do know-how das suas empresas, e subsequentemente induzir o aumento da produtividade. Recentemente têm-se verificado o aumento do interesse, por parte da China, no IDE em Portugal e noutros países, com os setores da energia, da banca e dos seguros no topo das preferências dos investidores chineses no caso português. Nesta dissertação propomo-nos analisar o IDE chinês. Pretende-se analisar os principais investimentos realizados por investidores chineses em Portugal, com vista a tentar perceber se por detrás dos mesmos existe uma eventual estratégica política e/ou se os mesmos fazem parte de um modelo estratégico mais amplo que consubstancie uma tentativa de domínio económico chinês do Sul da Europa.
Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is the transfer of resources from one country to another, supposedly for the purpose of creating wealth in the host country. For many countries, FDI can be an important driver for facilitating international economic integration, as with an appropriate policy framework, it can provide financial stability, promote economic development and improve the well-being of society. In recent years FDI inflows have played a significant role in economy growth of several countries, especially those with the greatest economic weaknesses, as it provides an important source of finance that enables to increase the level of technology and knowhow of its companies, and subsequently induce increased productivity. Recently there has been an increase in China's interest in FDI in Portugal and elsewhere, with the energy, banking and insurance sectors topping Chinese investor preferences in the Portuguese case. In this dissertation we propose to analyze the Chinese FDI. It is intended to analyze the main investments made by Chinese investors in Portugal, aiming to try to understand if behind those investments there a potential political strategy is and / or if those are part of a broader strategic model that embodies an attempt of Chinese economic dominance of southern Europe.
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
21
Irún, Molina Beatriz. "Análisis del riesgo para la inversión extranjera en China en proyectos de participación público privada (PPP) en el marco de la ruta de la seda (Belt Road Initiative). Un estudio integral en torno a las dimensiones del riesgo y el papel antecedente de la confianza interempresarial." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Jaume I, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/668412.
Full textAbstract:
Se analiza el constructo riesgo bajo un enfoque integral y multidimensional con tal de determinar
la forma en que es percibido por parte de las empresas internacionales con decisión sobre las
inversiones destinadas al mercado chino en la forma de proyectos PPP en el marco de la Ruta de la
Seda.
Sobre una muestra de 156 profesionales del sector público y privado, primeramente, se lleva a
cabo un análisis descriptivo del riesgo en cada dimensión, así como un análisis comparativo
mediante técnicas no paramétricas considerando diferentes factores de clasificación (género, perfil
público o privado, edad y años de experiencia profesional o en proyectos PPP). En segundo lugar, y
utilizando modelos de ecuaciones estructurales, se analiza el papel antecedente de la confianza
interempresarial sobre la mejor percepción sobre los factores de riesgo. Por último, y mediante la
misma técnica, se estudia el efecto interrelación existente entre los propios factores de riesgo
considerados.The risk construct is analyzed under a comprehensive and multidimensional approach in order to determine how it is perceived by international companies with a decision on investments destined for the Chinese market in the form of PPP projects within the framework of the Silk Road. Based on a sample of 156 professionals from the public and private sector, firstly, a descriptive analysis of the risk in each dimension is carried out, as well as a comparative analysis using nonparametric techniques considering different classification factors (gender, public or private profile, age and years of professional experience or PPP projects). Secondly, and using models of structural equations, the antecedent role of business-to-business trust on the best perception of risk factors is analyzed. Finally, and using the prior techniques, the interrelation effect between the risk factors considered is studied.
22
Souza, Carolina Lessa Correia de. "Enfraquecimento ou fortalecimento da ajuda CAD/OCDE e da China no pós-covid-19?" Bachelor's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/21025.
Full textAbstract:
Mestrado em Desenvolvimento e Cooperação InternacionalEsta dissertação debate o impacto da pandemia do Covid-19 nos programas e projetos de ajuda dos países CAD/OCDE e da China, no que tange o montante e setores prioritários a curto e médio prazo. É esperado que a crise atual corrobore tendências na afetação de doadores oficiais como: empréstimos menos concessionais, financiamento misto, investimento em cadeias de valor em África e adesão do conceito de benefício mútuo. Já para a cooperação chinesa, a pandemia se coloca como uma oportunidade para reivindicar o seu status de superpotência. Pequim continuará estreitando a sua relação com países parceiros no setor da saúde, fornecendo equipamentos médicos e investindo em centros de pesquisa e, uma vez contida as consequêncas imediatas da crise, os investimentos em infraestrutura da Iniciativa da Nova Rota da Seda continuarão a todo vapor. Parte-se do pressuposto de que ambos os atores devem ajustar princípios e práticas a fim de melhor atender os interesses dos países em desenvolvimento no que tange a superação da crise conjuntural do Covid-19 e estrutural do capitalismo globalizado.
This dissertation discusses the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on aid programs and projects of the CAD/ OECD countries and China, as regards to aid budget and priority sectors in the short and medium term. The current crisis is expected to corroborate trends in the allocation of official donors, notably less concessional loans, blended finance, investment on value chains in Africa and adherence to the concept of mutual benefit. As for Chinese cooperation, the pandemic is an opportunity to claim its status as a superpower. Beijing will continue to strengthen its relationship with partner countries in the health sector, providing medical equipment and investing in research centers and, once the immediate consequences of the crisis are contained, investments on infrastructure around the One Belt One Road Initiative will continue to consolidate. It is also assumed that both donors must adjust principles and practices in order to better serve the interests of developing countries in terms of overcoming the Covid-19 crisis and the structural crisis of the globalized capitalism
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
23
Mathias, Diego Santana. "The Belt and Road Initiative the People's Republic of China's new assertive foreign policy." Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/19212.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis investigates the motivations and rationale underlying the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). It starts from a contextualisation of the project, scope and objectives, then presents an overview of the institutions and infrastructure created to promote, finance, and implement it, as well as of its main developments from 2013 to the present. In order to examine the key drivers for the BRI, it discusses the main (geo)political and (geo)economic challenges China faces after four decades of extraordinary economic growth following the politico-economic reforms and opening-up measures initiated by Deng Xiaoping, its accession to the World Trade Organisation (WTO), ‘Go Out’ policy, and recent economic slowdown. It argues China’s foreign policy has become more assertive since the 2008 international financial crisis, especially after Xi Jinping came into power, and that, in this context, the BRI besides being a response to China’s domestic needs and international challenges, it also fits its medium to long-term strategy to reshape the world order. The last part of the thesis delves into whether or not the BRI constitutes a strategy to materialise an alternative model of globalisation through soft power or a mechanism to expand China’s spheres of influence, as it is commonly suggested by the literature. It concludes that none of these arguments capture the logic of the BRI, as the strategy relies mostly on hard rather than soft power, and the concept of spheres of influence reflects a Western-centric view of the international system.Esta tese investiga as motivações e racionalidade subjacentes à ‘Iniciativa Cinturão e Rota' da República Popular da China (RPC). Parte da contextualização do projeto, escopo e objetivos, em seguida, apresenta uma análise geral das instituições e infraestrutura criadas para o promover, financiar e implementar, assim como de seus principais desenvolvimentos de 2013 até o presente. Para examinar os impulsionadores-chave da iniciativa, discute os principais desafios (geo)políticos e (geo)económicos que a China encontra após quatro décadas de crescimento económico extraordinário a partir das reformas político-económicas e medidas de abertura iniciadas por Deng Xiaoping, de sua adesão à Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC), "Go Out Policy", e recente desaceleração económica. Argumenta-se que a política externa chinesa tornou-se mais assertiva desde a crise financeira internacional de 2008, especialmente após Xi Jinping assumir o poder e que, nesse contexto, a iniciativa, além de ser uma resposta às necessidades domésticas e aos desafios internacionais da China, também visa sua estratégia de médio e longo prazo de reformar a ordem mundial. A última parte da tese investiga se a iniciativa constitui uma estratégia para materializar um modelo alternativo de globalização através de "soft power" ou um mecanismo para expandir as esferas de influência da China, tal como comumente sugerido pela literatura. Conclui-se que ambos os argumentos são incapazes de capturar a lógica que sustenta a iniciativa, uma vez que a estratégia se alicerça sobretudo em "hard" ao invés de "soft power", e o conceito de esferas de influência reflete uma visão ocidental do sistema internacional.
24
Geppert, Alena, and 蓋蓮娜. "Impact of belt and road initiative on visegrad group." Thesis, 2017. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/549dz4.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立政治大學
國際經營管理英語碩士學位學程(IMBA)
106
This qualitative study provides conclusions on Impact of Belt and Road Initiative for Visegrad countries – the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. It analyses trade indicators and foreign direct investments between Visegrad countries and China for years 2012-2016. It compares results and status of relations based on Belt and Road Initiative on economical, geopolitical and political level. In the end, this study provides suggestions for Visegrad countries to be more attractive for Chinese investors or to benefit more from cooperation.
25
Chang, Chen-Hao, and 張宸豪. "Geopolitical Risk Analysis of the Belt and Road Initiative." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/p3685z.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立政治大學
國家安全與大陸研究碩士在職專班
106
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is one of the most important economic strategies of Mainland China in the twenty first century. Facing globalization, the current strategy of pursuing high economic growth rate is challenged by transformation, over production, increased energy demand and the imbalance of regional development, etc. Therefore, there is an urgent demand for structural reform in China's economy. For the purpose of maintaining the momentum of economic growth, BRI has advantages of being more open and increased interconnection with countries and regions along the route, which can promote economic development and expand the geopolitical influence of China. However, the expectation of bringing economic and geopolitical benefits may result in relative degree of geopolitical risks to the highly complicated BRI. The current study analyzed the risks in terms of governance, terrorism, the Great Power Game and legal issues along the route. All of which are bottlenecks that are extremely difficult to overcome. Among them, terrorism and the Great Power Game have cross-domain spillover effect, which has highest impact that China alone cannot cope with.
26
LIN, JUI-HSIANG, and 林瑞祥. "Exploring Taiwan’s Industrial Competitiveness from One Belt One Road Initiative." Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/wmak2u.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國防大學
財務管理學系
107
This study focuses on the evaluation of the operational performance of relevant listed companies in Taiwan under the China Belt and Road Initiative. This study has a total of 38 companies in 10 industries, using DuPont analysis combined with data envelopment analysis, and using public information between 2013 and 2017. Input variables (operating costs, operating expenses, non-operating expenses and net fixed assets) and output variables (net operating income, non-operating income, ending market capitalization and number of final issues). I hope that we can understand the current development status of Taiwanese manufacturers affected by China's “One Belt, One Road” policy. By analyzing the results, decision-making unit operators can understand how to adjust the distribution of industrial assets, and further compare the operating performance of various industries across the year, hoping to make decision-making units more Effective, as a reference for subsequent development.
27
Cheng, Chun-Ming, and 鄭俊銘. "China’s Belt and Road Initiative and Kazakhstan: A Rational Choice Perspective." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/25q9nz.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立中興大學
國際政治研究所
107
In the history of the world''s four major ancient civilizations, namely, ancient Egypt, Mesopotamia, ancient India and China, China is the only existing power, was one of the five permanent United Nations, although in modern China has and ups and downs and decline, as the history of five thousands of years of ups and downs, extremely will tide, after a storm comes a calm, 40 years after the reform and opening up, now is obviously dragon jumped, but China will exert its influence in what way?And change the world?Or even regain the status it once had?The "One Belt And One Road" launched by China in 2013 is China''s response to the world. However, the sudden birth of "One Belt And One Road" is by no means an instant effect. Since the launch of "One Belt And One Road" in China, the ensuing criticism and doubts have been heard endlessly. For China, is the current priority really "One Belt And One Road"?Can "One Belt And One Road" really solve China''s current problems?Or is "One Belt And One Road" itself a problem? Kazakhstan, the largest country in central Asia and the largest landlocked country in the world, occupies a key position in China''s "One Belt And One Road".Cause China to try to woo it?Kazakhstan was one of its republics before the collapse of the Soviet union. In 1991, kazakhstan gained its independent status. However, Russia''s influence can still be seen everywhere.Is it an alternative for kazakhstan to implement One Belt And One Road? Kazakhstan now has a lot of Russian background in many aspects, such as the Eurasian economic union (eeu) and the collective security treaty organization (csto). But will the "One Belt And One Road" and the "Shanghai cooperation organization" brought about by China''s rise change all this? Key words: One Belt And One Road, Shanghai cooperation organization, Eurasian economic union, collective security treaty organization, path of light
28
Ren, Haoxiang. "The Belt and Road Initiative: Chinese plan of global economic governance." Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/19254.
Full textAbstract:
After World War II, traditional powers declined, the United States became the only
superpower in the world. Based on its judgments and considerations of the international
economic situation at that time, the United States promoted the establishment of the UN, IMF,
WB, GATT, WTO and other organizations. In this context, international economic and
political rules and systems centering on the interests of the West and the United States have
been gradually established. It is undeniable that this governance system has played a certain
role, which has contributed greatly to the overall peace, stability and sustainable development
of the world after World War II. However, after more than 60 years of development and
evolution, especially after the impact of the end of the cold war, the global governance system
formed at the end of World War II is increasingly difficult to adapt to the development of the
world, and even gradually become the shackles of world development. In a sense, the
international financial crisis triggered by the United States in 2008 can also be regarded as the
outbreak of the contradictions caused by the old international economic and political order. It
has been more than ten years since the outbreak of the international financial crisis, but the
deep shock of the global economy caused by it has not yet completely faded.
At present, global economic governance faces many difficulties. On the one hand, the United
States has withdrawn from the Paris Agreement and the TPP, promoted the US priority policy.
The EU has also been riddled with many internal events such as the BREXIT and the refugee
crisis. In this context, the global economic recovery is full of uncertainties. On the other hand,
the economic growth of emerging countries and developing countries is obvious, and
gradually become a new focus for leading the global economic development. In the process,
China has also become an important active force in economic globalization and plays an
increasingly important role in global economic governance. In this context, the construction
of the BRI has effectively promoted the economic development of China and the countries
along the route. The principle of “extensive consultation, joint contribution and Shared
benefits” advocated by the BRI is profoundly changing the global economic order. As a
Chinese scheme of global economic governance, it has become an innovative measure for
China to participate in global economic governance.Após a Segunda Guerra Mundial, as até então potências caíram e os Estados Unidos da América tornaram-se na única superpotência à escala mundial. Baseando-se nas suas opiniões e considerações acerca da situação económica internacional daquele tempo, os Estados Unidos promoveram a fundação da ONU, FMI, BM, GATT, OMC, entre outras organizações. Neste contexto, as regras e sistemas económico-políticos centrados nos interesses do Ocidente e dos Estados Unidos foram sendo gradualmente estabelecidos. É inegável que este sistema de governação desempenhou um certo papel, contribuindo para a paz geral, estabilidade e desenvolvimento sustentável global no pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial. Contudo, depois de mais de 60 anos de desenvolvimento e evolução, especialmente após o impacto do fim da Guerra Fria, o sistema de governação global formado no final da Segunda Guerra Mundial demonstra ser cada vez mais difícil de se adaptar ao desenvolvimento do mundo, tornando-se até, gradualmente, num estorvo para o desenvolvimento global. De certa maneira, a crise financeira internacional desencadeada pelos Estados Unidos em 2008 pode ser vista como o eclodir das contradições causadas pela antiga ordem económica e política. Passaram já mais de dez anos desde da explosão da crise económica financeira, mas o abalo da economia global causado pela mesma ainda não desvaneceu completamente. Atualmente, o governo económico global enfrenta muitas dificuldades. Por um lado, os Estados Unidos retiraram-se do Acordo de Paris e do TPP, promovido pela política de prioridades norte-americana. A União Europeia encontra-se repleta de eventos a nível interno, tais como o BREXIT e a crise dos refugiados. Neste contexto, a recuperação da economia global está cheia de incertezas. Por outro lado, o crescimento económico de países emergentes e em desenvolvimento é óbvio, tornando-se gradualmente num novo foco de liderança do desenvolvimento económico global. Neste processo, a China também se tornou numa força ativa bastante importante na globalização económica e desempenha um papel cada vez mais importante no governo económico global. Neste contexto, a construção do BRI promoveu, de forma efetiva, o desenvolvimento económico da China e dos países ao longo do caminho. O princípio da “consulta extensiva, contribuição conjunta e benefícios partilhados” defendido pelo BRI está a mudar, profundamente, a ordem económica global. Sendo um esquema chinês de administração económica global, tornou-se numa medida inovadora para que a China participe no governo económico global.
29
Tsai, Sheng-Hsun, and 蔡昇勳. "Business Model comparison between IT companies in the Belt and Road Initiative." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/59pd5r.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立雲林科技大學
企業管理系
106
Since The Belt and Road Initiative (B&R) put forward by China in 2013, more and more countries and international organizations have joined in support of the "Belt and Road Initiative." The "One Belt and One Road" region is rich in various unexploited natural resources, markets and business opportunities. According to the information from this study collected, because of the lack of infrastructure in the B&R region, it is also a major problem of the B&R. Although B&R advocates information exchange and sharing, but this requires adequate infrastructure development, so IT industry has become one of B&R's important industries. This study explores the differences in the business model of the information industry within and outside the B&R regions and how they come? This study will explore the issues in the information industry in order to help achieve economies of scale and competitive advantage in the future B&R market. This study obtained the literature review and in-depth interview to collect business model about Tencent enterprise and Widesoon enterprise, research results are as follows: 1. Due to the lack of infrastructure, the information industry is restricted to use the previous business model to make a profit. It can only be adjusted. 2. Due to lack of local talents and cooperation experience, companies are less effective in reducing risks by cooperating with local people or hiring local talents. 3. Since the B&R regions involves more than 70 countries, the development status of all countries is different, so the relevant laws and regulations are also inconsistent and vague, leading to the need for continuous adjustment of the business model, the cost will increase. 4. There is a highly complex social and cultural structure in the B&R regions, some areas still conflicting now. Enterprises need to invest a lot of resources in security facilities and make sure personal security threats can be improved. After that, their business models can be executed correctly. 5. The reasons for the adjustment of the business model are mostly caused by changes in the external environment in B&R regions. According to the research results, this study provides business model suggestions to IT enterprises, and hope to become a reference for companies that can help reduce their investment risks and achieve long-term competitive advantages.
30
Chang, Yu-Wei, and 張郁崴. "China’s Belt and Road Initiative: An Analysis of Susan Strange’s Structural Power." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/2c9yr9.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立臺灣大學
政治學研究所
106
Since the 1979 reform, China’s rapid economic growth has stunned the world, which provokes intense and multifaceted discussion on “rising China”. Additionally, China has received more attention when Chinese President Xi Jinping first proposed the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013. Researchers are using theories from various perspectives as approaches to understand BRI such as International Relations, International political economy, Geo-politics and Geo-economics. Hardly any theories which are mentioned above conceptualize power as power setting the agenda rather understand power as state capabilities or a given concept. Hence, the thesis will examine BRI with Susan Strange’s four structural power, which is rare to be seen as an approach to analyze China’s BRI. The four structural power approach can provide a critical and macro level views supplementing the shortcomings of traditional IR or IPE theory. The thesis conducts a series of analysis according to the four structural power which are emphasized by Strange, including security, production, finance and knowledge. The following literature will first explain how BRI alter the existing international security structure by tightening the bilateral relations with the BRI-targeted countries and consolidating China’s role in Central Asia through Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO). Then, how China enhance its structural power in production sector by investing infrastructure projects subsume under BRI. Thirdly, AIIB will be provided as an example of how China could change the existing financial structure of Bretton Wood System. Lastly, by implanting BRI, China Model is going to be seen or practiced among BRI countries, which could bring certain change to the existing knowledge structure dominated by the western idea. Additionally, I will further explain how the four structural power intertwine. In a nutshell, the thesis attempt to examine and understand changes of China’s structural power under BRI and how the structural power alters the well-established western international framework.
31
Zhou, Jing Wei. "The rising impact on China-EU relations: the belt and road initiative." Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1822/64725.
Full textAbstract:
Dissertação de mestrado em International RelationsCurrently the global situation is grim and complex, and most States are facing development problems. In response to this situation, Xi Jinping’s Chinese government officially announced the B&R Initiative in 2013. Rising influence of the B&R for international economic development is an increasing concern for countries along the route, as well within the European region. The purpose of the present research study is to explore what promotion can be made in order to achieve mutually beneficial results for China EU cooperation under the B&R? By conducting an in depth analysis, namely to studies on relevant EU policies, documents, statements, news reports, and China’s own policy papers on the EU, one gets a comprehensive understanding of the development of the recent history of China EU relations. By analysing the existing problems in China EU relations and the respective influential factors, we can help both sides formulate more accurate policies and adjust their strategic positioning. As stated in our, there are several countries in a political situation of unrest along the route, therefore, there are geopolitical and investment risks faced by China EU cooperation that need to be seriously considered by both sides. For China, to keep improving its level of economic reforms, optimizing the environment for foreign investment, regulating unfair competition, improving the related implementation mechanisms, laws, and regulations, in order to provide a reliable institutional guarantee for EU corporations to invest in China and to attach importance to cooperation with important stakeholders has become an inevitable choice. EU member states have diverse requirements for national development, therefore it is difficult to speak in a single voice towards the B&R. Moreover, both sides lack relevant, qualified expert professionals.
32
謝采彤. "The Belt and Road Initiative :How Xi jin-ping Realizes his"Chinese Dream"." Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/ra7q8u.
Full text
33
HU, YEN-TING, and 胡妍庭. "Under the Belt and Road Initiative, challenges to Taiwan’s development and its response." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/whazfb.
Full textAbstract:
碩士實踐大學
企業管理學系碩士在職專班
106
Since Xi Jinping became the national leader in 2013, he proposed the highest guiding principle of the "Chinese Dream", and the "Chinese Dream" aims to achieve "two hundred years" to bring the Chinese mainland into a well-off society. At the end of 2013, when Xi Jinping visited Kazakh and Indonesia, he proposed two important national strategies: the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. The latter two were collectively called the “Belt All the way." As the most important national strategy of Xi Jinping, the “Belt and Road” is aimed at diversity, not only against the external pressure brought about by the US “Asia-Pacific rebalancing”, but also trying to solve the current economic slowdown in mainland China. The "new normal" is an important strategy to comprehensively enhance the international status of mainland China. The purpose of this paper is to explore the challenges of China's “One Belt, One Road” policy to Taiwan's development. The foundation and implementation of this strategy is influenced by international factors, economic globalization and regional integration, and foreign and domestic factors. China's “One Belt, One Road” implementation strategy cites the “Silk Road Economic Belt” and the “Maritime Silk Road” as countries along the border, making China a strong exporter of trade. China has become the world's second largest economy, with direct influence to Europe, Asia and Africa, and will eventually change the regional economic map of the world free trade and its political influence in the international arena. Taiwan’s economic and trade role has been affected, and gradually Taiwan has been marginalized by regional economic and trade cooperation. In the face of the reversal of the main axis of the world economy, The Taiwan government should be more open to land and Taiwanese companies should also strengthen the industrial value chain to respond to countermeasures and identify opportunities for economic and trade creation to avoid losses. Keywords: Cross-strait relations,Chinese Dream , One Belt and One Road,Silk Road Economic Belt,Maritime Silk Road。
34
CHIU, CHUAN-HSUN, and 邱傳勳. "A Geo-Economics Analysis of Britain's Engagement with China's Belt and Road Initiative." Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/5468uu.
Full textAbstract:
碩士南華大學
國際事務與企業學系歐洲研究碩士班
107
China's international influence has increased sharply after 40 years of "Reform and Opening" and has caught the international attention to its development. Since September 2013, Xi Jinping, the leader of China's fifth-generation state, has proposed the "Belt and Road Initiative" to carry out economic diplomacy through economic and trade cooperation with other countries. As one of the top three traditional European companies, the UK has been striving for a position in global development after the internal Scottish independence incident and the Brexit. The engagement with China has become one of top priority of British foreign policy. This thesis evaluates the development of China's economic diplomacy in UK's China foreign policy, exploring the results and achievements of geo-economic cooperation through of cases: China Railway Express, nuclear energy cooperation, China-Pakistan Economic Corridor and the UK participated in the AIIB the four projects in the "Belt and Road Initiative, "Besides, the thesis explores Britain's challenges and response to the international suspicions of the transparency, environmental protection and debt traps in the "Belt and Road initiative".
35
Jinming, Zhang. "China's belt and road initiative in Portuguese speaking countries: Portuguese and Angolan perspectives." Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/18953.
Full textAbstract:
The rapid economic growth in China has always been one of the most controversial issues in the world economy, where the role of the Belt and Road Initiative has been highlighted as strategic. This study aims at knowing and analyzing the implementation and motivation of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) strategy in Portuguese speaking countries, with Portuguese and Angolan perspectives. The focus of this research is to understand the mutual motivations and interests between China and Portuguese speaking countries (Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa, CPLP in short) in the BRI. It is further aimed at examining the BRI impact on China-Portuguese speaking countries relations and exploring whether a win-win cooperation in these countries.
This study used both a second hand data from existing publication and database and first hand data collected through interviews of five Portuguese and five Angolan.
The key findings study suggests the followings. First of all, BRI as a global strategy of China is both market-driven and resource-driven. Second, BRI not only plays a vital role in China’s integration into the global economy, but also help boosting both economic and social development between China and Portuguese-speaking countries in the BRI framework. Lastly, although BRI so far leads to win-win results in Portugal and Angola, it’s difficult to judge the long-term effects.O rápido crescimento económico na China foi sempre uma das questões mais controversas na economia mundial, onde o papel da Iniciativa do Cinturão e Rota foi destacado como estratégico. Este estudo visa conhecer e analisar a implementação e motivação da estratégia da China Iniciativa do Cinturão e Rota (BRI) nos países lusófonos, com perspetivas portuguesas e angolanas. O foco desta pesquisa é compreender as motivações e interesses mútuos entre a China e os países de língua portuguesa (a Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa, em resumo, a CPLP) no BRI. Pretende-se ainda examinar o impacto da BRI nas relações entre os países da CPLP e a China e explorar a possibilidade de uma cooperação em que todos saiam ganhando. Este estudo utilizou dados de segunda mão de publicações e bases de dados existentes e dados em primeira mão recolhidos através das entrevistas a cinco portugueses e cinco angolanos. O estudo das principais descobertas sugere os seguintes. Em primeiro lugar, a BRI como estratégia global da China é impulsionada pelo mercado e pelos recursos. Em segundo lugar, o BRI não apenas desempenha um papel vital na integração da China à economia global, mas também ajuda a impulsionar o desenvolvimento económico e social entre a China e os países de língua portuguesa na estrutura da BRI. Por último, embora o BRI até agora conduza a resultados ganha-ganha em Portugal e Angola, é difícil avaliar os efeitos a longo prazo.
36
Cardoso, Diogo Filipe. "Belt and Road Initiative e as Implicações para o Poder no Mar de Portugal." Master's thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.26/33728.
Full textAbstract:
A Iniciativa Faixa e Rota é uma iniciativa socioeconómica chinesa, apresentada em
2013, com o objetivo de criar uma rede multilateral de cooperação e de benefício mútuo
entre países. É composta pela Faixa Económica e pela Rota da Seda Marítima componentes terrestre e marítima, respetivamente -, as quais interligam inúmeros
países nas regiões da Eurásia e de África, através de acordos bilaterais com a China; a
qual tem vindo a investir, principalmente, em projetos de infraestruturas, com o intuito
de melhorar a eficiência das rotas comerciais. A China nega qualquer tipo de interesse
geopolítico ou militar, contudo, é importante avaliar as suas ações para melhor
compreender as suas intenções.
Neste contexto, a presente dissertação pretende analisar a potencialidade que o mar
português poderá representar para a iniciativa chinesa e para a inter-conectividade da
mesma a nível mundial. E, em particular, compreender o panorama atual da relação
entre Portugal e China, com foco na vertente marítima.The Belt and Road Initiative is a Chinese socioeconomic initiative, introduced in 2013, with the purpose of creating a multilateral network of cooperation and mutual benefit between countries. It is composed by the Economic Belt and by the Maritime Silk Road – land and maritime components, respectively - from which numerous countries interconnect in the regions of Eurasia and Africa, through bilateral agreements with China; which has been investing mainly in infrastructure projects, with the purpose of improving the efficiency of commercial routes. China denies any type of geopolitical or military interest; however, it is important to evaluate their actions to better understand their intentions. In this context, this dissertation intends to analyze the potential that the Portuguese sea may represent for the Belt and Road Initiative and its worldwide interconnectivity. In particular, to understand the current panorama of relations between Portugal and China, with focus on the maritime component.
37
Lin, Yi-Yan, and 林奕延. "Research on Cross-Strait Ocean-Rail Trade Routes in the Belt and Road Initiative." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/a6g2m5.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立臺灣大學
國家發展研究所
107
“The Belt and Road” is a cross-border economic belt initiated and led by Mainland China in 2013. Its main purpose is establishing a transportation network along the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road to closely link the economic relations between Mainland China and other countries. By the two sides of Taiwan Strait agree Three Direct Links, and the water ports that the Chinese Mainland agreed with direct shipping are originally located within the railway network of Mainland China, the cross-strait water transport can be connected to the Silk Road economic belt and thus connected to the geo-economic zones of East Asia, Central Asia and South Asia. Therefore, this paper focuses on the cross-strait ocean-rail trade routes under the Belt and Road Initiative in the view of the network formed by the cross-strait ocean-rail transport and the cross-border international economic belt. Because the object is researching trade routes, this paper uses the definition of Trade route, which is “A trade route is a logistical network identified as a of pathways and stoppages used for the commercial transport of cargo”, to explore the cross-strait ocean-rail trade routes under the Belt and Road Initiative. The “stoppages” in this paper means the geographical features of Mainland China''s railway crossing points or highway crossing points open to Taiwan merchants, Customs Special Supervision Areas ( within national territory but outside Customs territory ), the railway freight stations for Mainland China Railway Express, and the direct shipping water ports. And the geopolitical features about business interests are the most economically developed and densely populated areas of Mainland China''s land-based neighboring countries, including “ecumenes” and “effective regional territory (ERT)”. Finally, all the above spatial and non-spatial data are collected into GIS software, and connectivity of network analysis will be carried out to find the trade routes or trade networks. Then relevant suggestions will be made according to the results, such as the trade route strain when the situation on the Korean Peninsula is tense or even worse, the trade strategy of Taiwanese businessmen deepening the New Asia-Europe Continental Bridge Silk Road, or the three border trade routes from Kunming to Vietnam, Laos and Myanmar. In the 1st research findings, the author observes the shipping lines of these trade routes, staggered between the Taiwan Strait as a continuous and route-intensive area. After excluding territorial sea, contiguous zones and economic sea with sovereign disputes, a sea area with intensive cross-strait shipping lines and without sovereign disputes is formed. This sea area, named as " the peaceful seas of cross-strait trade" to emphasize the peace and business orientation of this study, could be used as a reference for signing cross-strait peace agreements . In the 2nd research findings, the idea of Taiwanese businessmen establishing the Belt and Road Operations Center in the important hub of the trade route is proposed. It is expected that these centers will help Taiwanese businessmen on both sides of the Taiwan Strait to adapt to political risks, to find the cross-strait business opportunities, and to promote the cross-strait certificate of origin unity against other countries. In addition, in order to promote cross-strait trade and academic research, this paper not only explains how to collect and organize data with EXCEL-VBA-coded robot, but also shares the source, you can also use or modify the space maps and non-spatial data that the author draws or assembles on his own, so that more research on peace and commercial use can be conducted on both sides of the Taiwan Strait.
38
Peng, Hsu-Yang, and 彭旭陽. "An analysis on Legal and Policy of the One Belt and One Road Initiative." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/597z3z.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立臺灣海洋大學
海洋法律研究所
106
Abstract The "One Belt and One Road" initiative is an important engine in China's 13th Five-Year Plan, in response to a new round of reform and opening up in China and balancing regional development, creating an important engine for the economic take-off of the central and western regions, and promoting industrial upgrading in China. strategy. Under the huge financial support of the “Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank”, the Asia-Europe regional linkage will be further promoted, and the existing cross-strait economic and trade relations will be affected, which will also impact the external development of Taiwanese enterprises. This study uses discourse analysis, comparative analysis and comprehensive induction to discuss the emergence of the “One Belt and One Road Initiative” and the formation of policies, the implementation of policy programs, the review of the Communist Party Congress and the People’s Congress, the policy design and implementation of the State Council of China, and the assessment. The realization of the Chinese Dream has made it possible for investors who are willing to invest in countries along the “One Belt and One Road” to understand the environment, processes, policies, the need for amendments to relevant laws and the implementation of the “One Belt and One Road＂ Initiative. The AIIB and the Silk Road Fund are strategic platforms for mainland China to export capital to all of Asia. However, the investment targets are mainly concentrated on those market mechanisms that have not yet been fully established, the political system is still unstable, and the laws and regulations are not perfect. The investment risk have already high countries. What’s Taiwan for the countermeasures, Taiwan can use the “31 projects on Taiwan” policy to generate considerable business opportunities through the constructions of “One Belt and One Road”, thereby reducing the risk of development investment. Keywords: 13th Five-Year Plan, Asian Investment Bank, Infrastructure, Investment Risk, Silk Road Fund
39
Pi, Jie-Si, and 皮杰思. "The Belt and Road Initiative and Sino-Russian competition and cooperation in Central Asia." Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/s6bnb9.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立政治大學
東亞研究所
107
More than two thousand years ago, Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty broke the barriers of the Huns forces and established economic and trade relations between China and the West, though this the greatest trade route in world history- “Silk Road” was born. The reign of Emperor Wu-Zhang Wei, personally leaded numerous diplomatic tours to Central Asia and its neighboring countries and achieved unprecedented diplomatic success. The surrounding small countries of Central Asia agreed to let the trade route pass through its territory, since that time the “Silk Road” became most popular land route of the millennium. In the new millennium, the concept of “Silk Road” is extremely important again! Facing the maritime encirclement by United States and its allies, Xi Jinping announced “One Belt and Road” initiative, which aimed to break through the maritime blockade, but also reestablish ancient trade route across Eurasia and Middle East reaching Western Europe and to restore China’s status of world economic power. The main goal of the “One Belt, One Road” initiative is to promote development of infrastructure will connect two of the world's three greatest economic centers: Western Europe and China. Another goal of Chinese initiative is to provide technological and investment resources to countries that joined the initiative boost economic development and integration with China. Central Asia takes its key role in “One Belt One Road” initiative again. Not to mention that Xi Jinping and other Chinese officials publicly emphasized that the Central Asian region holds the key role for the success of “One Belt One Road”. Therefore, how to develop close and comprehensive economic cooperation with Central Asia is of the utmost importance for China in recent years. Focusing of “One Belt One Road” as greatest economic and diplomatic initiative of China in the new millennium, China must first face the reaction of Central Asian countries and Russia. Therefore, the goal of this paper in to undercover tendency for competition and cooperation between them and also the reaction of the outside world.
40
Yung, Yu-Cheng, and 楊祐誠. "The study of the Sino-India Relation under the One Belt One Road Initiative." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/hfycw5.
Full textAbstract:
碩士淡江大學
國際事務與戰略研究所碩士在職專班
106
In November 2012, Xi Jinping appointed the General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee and the Chairman of the Central Military Commission of the Communist Party of China, and immediately proposed a "Chinese Dream" on the "Great Rejuvenation of the Chinese Nation". It is also the ruling idea of the fifth generation of the Central Leading Group of the Communist Party of China. . After being elected as the President of the People’s Republic of China and the Chairman of the Central Military Commission of the People’s Republic of China at the First Session of the 12th National People’s Congress in March 2013, he gave a speech at the University of Kazakhstan’s Nazarbayev and in Jakarta in September and October of the same year. At the time of the talks with Indonesian President Susilo, the "Silk Road Economic Belt" and the "21st Century Maritime Silk Road" initiative were introduced, referred to as the Belt and Road. The “One Belt, One Road” initiative develops economic cooperation between China and Southeast Asia, South Asia, the Middle East, North Africa and Europe along the Silk Road and Maritime Silk Road on the basis of the principles of mutual cooperation, co-construction and sharing. In order to strengthen the infrastructure along the line, to improve the convenience of investment and trade, and to establish a high-quality free trade network, the economy of the countries along the line will be enhanced, and the political interactions of neighboring countries will be more stable and stable, and cultural exchanges will be more. However, the current world economy is affected by the international financial crisis, resulting in slow economic recovery and various economic construction and development. Although the international investment and trade pattern and multilateral investment and trade are still changing, it is still difficult to improve, and the problems faced are still grim. Xi Jinping sees that overcapacity in China has caused great problems in China''s overall domestic economy, and the exporting countries are also single and narrow. In contrast, the United States, Europe and Japan all occupy important positions in exports, so that China can increase the space more. In order to reduce the situation, it is difficult to break through the situation of domestic consumption. Through the “Belt and Road” to open up new export markets, and use accumulated foreign exchange reserves as the capital to stimulate global growth, and at the same time drive excess capacity through capital output. In addition, China''s main material resources are highly dependent on foreign countries. These resources mainly enter China through coastal sea routes, and the pipelines are relatively simple. However, cooperation with other important resource countries is not deep, and economic and trade cooperation is not effective. The promotion of resources has made the cooperation in resources unstable and consolidated. The “Belt and Road” has brought a large number of effective land resources, which is particularly important for the diversification of resource acquisition. The “One Belt, One Road” initiative is China’s first global strategic initiative. With the promulgation of the “Vision and Action for Promoting the Construction of the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road” in March 2015, The construction of the road has been promoted to the implementation stage. Under the existing Sino-Indian relationship mechanism, China and India have made some progress, but problems such as insufficient strategic mutual trust, economic security concerns and border disputes still affect the further development of Sino-Indian relations. Based on the strategic concept of “One Belt, One Road”, this paper examines India''s policy assessment of the Belt and Road Initiative, and then analyzes the interaction between China and India under the Belt and Road Strategy, including the current conflicts and interactions between China and India, and China-India politics. The development of relations, the development of China-India economic exchanges, and the development of Sino-Indian military affairs, then analyzed the future opportunities and challenges of China-India relations and the prospects for Sino-Indian relations.
41
Song, Jia-Shiuan, and 宋嘉瑄. "The Development of the Sino-Kazakhstan Relationship: A Case Study of “Silk Road Economic Belt” and “Bright Road Initiative”." Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/sv4qp2.
Full text
42
Chiu, Yi-Ting, and 邱怡婷. "US Response to China’s Belt and Road Initiative: The Analytical Perspective Of Hegemonic Stability Theory." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/cvfx52.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立中正大學
戰略暨國際事務研究所
106
China's “Belt and Road” initiative is widely interpreted as a competition for the leadership with American hegemony in the international system. Meanwhile, the two leaders of the United States have different opinion on whether the United States should continue to play the role of “stabilizer” in world system The Obama administration chose to maintain US hegemony by leading international institutions. On the contrary, the Trump administration is reducing the United States’ efforts to maintain international institutions, and even tend to embracing "isolationism." The Obama administration wanted to share the burden of China's rise with allies in the way of participating in multilateral organizations, and offered “TPP” in the region as an alternative choice to China's “Belt and Road” initiative. In contrast, The Trump administration took preemptive action to deal a blow to China’s economy. The thesis try to analyze the policy of two US presidents which responded to China's “Belt and Road” initiative. And discuss the relation of hegemony, regime and power from the perspective of hegemonic stability theory. Eventually find out there will have a knock-on effort on the rise and fall of American leadership in the global power structure when China seek the power of discourse in the international order by proposed the "Belt and Road.
43
Kehmova, Sona, and 柯宋雅. "China’s Belt and Road Initiative in Central Europe: A Case Study of the Czech Republic." Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/2tbtf5.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立政治大學
國際研究英語碩士學位學程(IMPIS)
107
This thesis deals with the implementation of the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in Central Europe, specifically with the case of Chinese activities in the Czech Republic. The thesis designed as a qualitative research describes the development of Czech-Chinese relations from 2012 to the present in a broader European context. The factors influencing the Czech-Chinese re-alignment are described together with the importance of this foreign policy change for the Czech Republic. The work also focuses on the possibility of Chinese use of economic factors to gain political influence and soft-power, when the thesis concludes that China has significantly strengthened its influence over Czech political circles. Despite the increase in mutual contacts and the improvement of the Czech-Chinese renewed relationship, in the eyes of the Czech public it remains perceived as very negative phenomenon, and the Chinese issue is subject to significant securitization in the Czech media. Therefore, this thesis concludes that the Czech Republic, newly applying economic diplomacy to its foreign relations, has significantly changed its attitude towards China, which moved from a very cold approach to a significantly less critical, and more open approach, however the mutual relationship continues to show considerable asymmetry and the BRI is in the Czech Republic implemented rather in the form of promises and agreements than in the form of real results.
44
HAUNG, JUI-CHING, and 黃瑞青. "The Opportunities and Challenges of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor in China's One Belt One Road Initiative." Thesis, 2017. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/nb8524.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立中正大學
戰略暨國家安全碩士在職專班
106
China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, the flagship program in One Belt One Road, connecting Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st - century Maritime Silk Road has been pour $62 billion investment by China. CPEC is bound to have geopolitical implications for linking western China and Arabian sea. CPEC could strengthen China’s oil and gas supply line in Central and South Asia to avoid ‘Malacca Dilemma’, as well as balance U.S. and India’s influence in South China Sea and South Asia subsequently. However there are challenges, such as Pakistan political turmoil, armed extremist’s violence and Kashmir dispute between India and Pakistan, creating uncertain factors for ongoing infrastructure projects and its future development. This thesis focuses on the opportunities and challenge of CPEC and tries to figure out the risk hiding behind the great development blueprint from China, Pakistan and international perspective.
45
Wu, Shao-Hsin, and 伍紹鑫. "The financial cooperation between Taiwan and southern Fujian region under the“One Belt, One Road” initiative." Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/91043188294765331124.
Full textAbstract:
碩士元智大學
管理碩士在職專班
104
Through the analysis and comparisons of various researches, we explore the financial cooperation between Taiwan and southern Fujian region under the “One Belt One Road” initiative. Our research results are as follows: First, the way Fujian is integrated into “One Belt One Road” initiative; second, the financial evolution of Fujian associated with The Maritime Silk Road; third, the trade and economic cooperation between Taiwan and southern Fujian; and fourth, Xiamen area act as a model of financial cooperation with Taiwan. we suggest that Taiwan and Fujian establish a Pilot Free Trade Zone, optimize the mechanism of financial cooperation, and to establish supportive policies for the financial service sector. We expecting that Taiwan can create more alternatives for the financial industry in the future by cooperating with Fujian in participating in the “One Belt One Road” initiative.
46
Díaz, Romero Roger António Fretes. "China-Portugal economic relations: analysis and prospects in the context of the Belt and Road Initiative." Master's thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/15075.
Full textAbstract:
In 2013, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) launched a new initiative that is currently referred to as the “Belt and Road” (B&R) initiative. It aims to establish new physical, political, commercial and cultural links across Eurasia. The “Belt” refers to the “Silk Road Economic Belt” a recreation of the land-based trade connections from China throughout Eurasia. The “Road” refers to the “21st Century Maritime Silk Road”, a set or maritime routes that initially aims to extend over the South China Sea, the Strait of Malacca, the Arabic Sea and the Mediterranean Sea. Portugal is within the countries of reach of the project, although B&R is still in a very early stage for Portugal, with few explicit projects to link it with. This thesis aims to use three schools of IR theory (Realism, Liberalism and Constructivism) as its theoretical basis with the objective to link it with China-Portugal economic relations in the context of the B&R initiative. For that, we propose a research with quantitative data on Chinese trade, foreign investment and enterprise investment in Portugal. We also offer qualitative data in the form of interviews to have relevant insights in the prospects of China-Portugal relations. At the end, the goal is to link theoretical insights and the panorama of China-Portugal economic relations with the context of the overall B&R project.
47
Zhen, Li. "A procurement adjustment strategy for FDI enterprises: A case study under the Belt and Road Initiative." Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/18724.
Full textAbstract:
This study combines international trade theories, purchase management theories and SWOT analysis together. Based on these theories, this study firstly finds the problems in multinational procurement management and then studies how multinational enterprises (MNEs) select their procurement strategy for the procurement of raw materials under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Also, this study takes Group A as a case company to perform a detailed analysis on. Contributions of this study are as follows. Firstly, from the macro level, the current research is mainly about the purchasing behaviours and procurement management in MNEs especially the procurement management in MNEs. However, this study conducts a micro level analysis of a specific enterprise, taking Group A as a case study. Secondly, combined with the MNEs location choice and procurement management, this study analysed, in particular, the localised purchase management models. Thirdly, by taking Group A as an example, the author constructed a dynamic mechanism of its procurement management selection mode combined with corresponding data of raw material procurement costs. Fourthly, the study analysed the motivation of procurement management shifts and discusses the possible new growth engine of Chinese MNEs and the localisation selection of MNEs.Este estudo combina teorias referentes ao comércio internacional com as teorias de gestão de compras e a análise SWOT. Com base nessas teorias, este estudo investiga primeiramente os problemas na gestão de aquisições das empresas multinacionais e, em seguida, estuda como as EMNs selecionam a sua estratégia de aquisição para a compra de matérias primas tendo em consideração a Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Além disso, esta tese toma o Grupo A como um exemplo para realizar uma análise detalhada. As contribuições deste estudo são as seguintes. Em primeiro lugar, as pesquisas existentes preocupam se, a um nível macro, com os comportamentos de compra e gestão de aquisições em empresas multinacionais. No entanto, este estudo conduz uma análise mais ao nível micro de uma empresa específica, tomando o Grupo A como um estudo de caso. Em segundo lugar, combinando a escolha da localização das EMs e a gestão de aquisições, este estudo analisa o modelo de gestão de compras. Em terceiro lugar, tomando o Grupo A como exemplo, o autor constrói um modelo dinâmico de seleção e gestão de compras combinando os dados correspondentes aos custos de aquisição de matéria prima. Em terceiro lugar, o estudo analisa a motivação das mudanças na gestão de compras e discute o possível motor novo de crescimento das empresas multinacionais chinesas e a seleção da localização das empresas multinacionais.
48
Jhao, Li-Ying, and 趙麗英. "The KSF Analysis of Taiwanese Enterprise to Policies "the Belt and Road Initiative" and "the Thirteen Five Planning"." Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/5a3c46.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立臺北科技大學
工業工程與管理系EMBA班
104
After the Financial Crisis, all countries started finding a new increasing power, " The Belt and Road Initiative" and "The thirteen-five planning" which are the polices of prime importance for mainland authorities, this paper points the policies and regulations, tax, financial trends and the overall economic environment, personnel training and other five aspects; the goal is help Taiwanese enterprise transform and level up from mainland policy and find out the Blue Ocean Strategy. The paper pretend a the AHP weight analysis and expert interview to study the key factor of enterprise managing which relates to long-time managing From the empirical analysis, the first level indicator which discusses the key factor of "The Belt and Road Initiative" and "The thirteen-five planning" , absolutely, the preferential vector value of pretty ecological homestead is the highest which is attach at 0.3215, the second place is modern basic facility website(0.2988), and the other two results are building a new opening pattern and digging reform profits whose the preferential vector value are 0.2603 and 0.1194 respectively. For a number of the second level indicator the preferential vector value multiply by the first level indicator the preferential vector value, is overall the preferential vector value, in order that we find out improve the environment pollutions is the first place, the intelligent website and the traffic website are the second place and the third place respectively, the research also reveals that the ecological civilization and the modern basic facility network which take hold two place in the first four place so that they play significant parts in the research. If we take a consistency inspection(C.I), it can be seen that the results of calculation λ max，the number of the first level and the second level C.I both are lower than 0.1 which indicates the degree of consistency of visual satisfaction. I has engaged in financial work for more than 20 years and has lived in mainland for 17 years, I also pay attention to both sides (Taiwan and mainland) policies and the evolutions of Taiwanese enterprise who is managing in mainland, wishing I can make a contribution by my skills and try my best to help mainland Taiwanese enterprise.
49
TSAI, KAI-CHUN, and 蔡凱淳. "Research of Xi Jingpin government “One Belt One Road” initiative (2013-2016)：Pathway of level-of-Analysis Research." Thesis, 2017. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/2q2849.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立中正大學
戰略暨國際事務研究所
105
Since 2013 as Xi Jinping become of the president of China, who proposes "China Dream", the highest guiding principle, and "China Dream" aims to achieve "Two Centenaries," the Chinese mainland Enter the company well-off. At the end of 2013, Xi Jinping visited Kazakhstan and Indonesia at the time, made two major national strategies, " The Silk Road Economic Belt " and "21st-Century Maritime Silk Road ", the two Following are collectively referred to as "The Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road(One Belt One Road)" . " One Belt One Road "is Xi Jinping’s major national strategy whose purpose is diversity. It is not only against the external pressure on the "Asia-Pacific rebalancing of the United States, but trying to solve the current internal China face to put the economy slow down, "New normality". Additionly, improve the international status of China. "One Belt One Road" is the most important strategy of China. Based on the level-of-Analysis combin with Power transition theory, respectively on the concept of individual level, domestic level, system level to dicuss the background of "One Belt One Road", ended in a Power transition theory examines whether the transfer of power will happen in East Asia.
50
張仲勛. "Studies of Cooperation between China and Central and Eastern European Countries under China's One Belt One Road Initiative." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/4xq3ku.
Full text