Academic literature on the topic 'Belgium – Politics and government – 1814-1830'
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Journal articles on the topic "Belgium – Politics and government – 1814-1830"
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Müßig, Ulrike. "Constitutional developments after 1830: towards a balance between monarchical and popular sovereignty." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis / Revue d'Histoire du Droit / The Legal History Review 79, no. 3-4 (2011): 489–519. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181911x596402.
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AbstractThe constitutional developments and debates during the first half of the 19th century, in particular following the French and Belgian revolutions of 1830 and the introduction of new written constitutions (the French Charte of 1830 and the Belgian constitution of 1831) show the dynamics between the Executive, still largely controlled by the monarch, and the parliamentary representation. Although the balance of power differed from one political system to another, the dual system established during the July Monarchy, which increasingly called for a government and government policies which were acceptable to both the monarch and a majority in Parliament, affected the developments throughout Europe.
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Ermakova, E. V. ""LETTER TO THE KING" BY JULES DESTRY: FROM SEPARATISM TO UNITARISM IN BELGIUM." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(48) (June 28, 2016): 102–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-3-48-102-111.
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Contradictions between the regions of Belgium - Wallonia and Flanders - have a long history associated with uneven political, economic and cultural development of the territories, which in 1830 became parts of an independent state, the Kingdom of Belgium. The "Letter to the King", written by eminent Belgian politician and writer, socialist Jules Destree (1863 - 1936 gg.), is one of the most interesting sources on the history of Belgium of this period, It became a kind of manifesto of balance between the ideas of separatism and unitarianism. This article includes excerpts from the "Letter to the King", which were given for the first time in the author's Russian translation and conducted historical criticism of the source. The study is based on a set of scientific methods and approaches, including the principle of scientific objectivity and systematic approach, used in historical research. The main methods are problematic and historical-comparative analysis, classification and comparison of political and historical concepts. An external source of criticism included information about the place and the time of the creation of document, the biography of the author studies; internal critic source recreates the idea of the letter and the background of historical events. Prominent Belgian politician and writer, socialist Jules Destree (1863 - 1936), highly appreciated the personal qualities of King Albert I, appealed to his experience and political vision, describing all the problems Walloons faced in their opposition to the Flemish. Destree in his letter opposed the unequal development of the regions of Belgium and the protectionist policies of the central government in respect to the detriment of Flanders Wallonia. He summarized and formulated the factors that, in his opinion, interfere with the full development of his country. Destree pays great attention to linguistic differences, which were at the heart of conflicts between Walloons and Flemings, and are still shaken by Belgium. He reflects on the fact that the central government should be doing to reduce the national tensions that unites two people, and that the shares, which should be a system of education that future generations were able to overcome the historical alienation of such geographically close and ideologically distant peoples. Although Jules Destree firmly defends separatism idea for Wallonia as the only solution to the problem, however, by the end of his letter, reasoning it takes a more balanced position. The idea of a unitary state was not denied completely, but Destree emphasizes the importance of a balanced central government policy in relation to the regions in order to reduce internal tensions between the two nations. The ideas embodied in his "Letter to the King", formed the basis of the principles of peaceful co-existence of further autonomous regions as part of the union, which was manifested in the future during the First World War, when the Walloons and Flemings alongside confronted a common enemy.
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Monballyu, J. "The political responsibility for Royal pardons in Belgium during the 19th century (1830–1900)." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis / Revue d'Histoire du Droit / The Legal History Review 75, no. 2 (2007): 153–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181907781352582.
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AbstractIn Belgium, the Royal Prerogative of pardoning convicted criminals was legally embedded in the Constitution of 14th February, 1831. It allowed the King to reduce a sentence or to grant a discharge of a sentence given by a court. Any Royal decision to pardon had, however, to be countersigned by a member of the Government, who took on the political responsibility of the decision towards Parliament. In most cases, the task fell upon the Minister of Justice. During the 19th century, in both Houses of the Belgian Parliament, the Minister of Justice was repeatedly questioned about the way the prerogative of pardoning was exercised. This usually occurred when a death sentence had been commuted to a lesser sentence. In such cases, members of the Chamber of Representatives or of the Senate would ask for an explicit justification of a particular pardon. Only exceptionally would a Government Minister be challenged about the legality of a decision either granting or refusing a pardon. Because of the constitutional convention which prevents exposing directly the political position of the King, Jules d'Anethan (Minister of Justice 1843–1847) defended the Minister's right to refuse to give any reasons for a decision regarding a pardon. He only acknowledged Parliament's right to question a Minister about his general policy on pardons. In his view, it was not within Parliament's powers to ask a Minister of Justice why a pardon had been granted or refused in a specific case. That view tended to limit considerably a Minister's responsibility for Royal pardons: it became no more than an empty shell. Another Minister of Justice, Théophile De Lantsheere (1871–1878), took an opposite view. He refused to state his general policy on pardons, but he accepted to explain the specific reasons why a Royal decision granting or refusing a pardon had been made. In his view, a pardon was in the first place a matter for the Minister's conscience. Parliament was therefore entitled to assess his particular actions. However, in the line of his predecessors' and successors' view, he believed that the reasons why the King had insisted on a pardon or refused to grant a pardon should not be mentioned to Parliament. Pardon was an issue between King and Government, not between King and Parliament. As the saying goes in Belgian constitutional law: The Crown should never be laid 'bare'.
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Vandeweyer, Luc. "De emancipatie van de ministerraad onder druk van de Tweede Wereldoorlog." Res Publica 38, no. 1 (March 31, 1996): 159–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v38i1.18656.
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Since the creation of the Belgian state in 1830, the kings, head of state, always tried to expand their political influence. Part of this strategy was the treatment of the ministers as individuals, not as a council. The process of democratisation and the development of political parties pushed back this royal influence. In the meantime, as a result of the fact that coalitions were necessary to establish a government, the Council of Ministers was developping more and more as an institution. That was necessary to gain some governmental stability. Thispermanent Council was not stated in the constitution of 1830. King Leopold III did the same during the thirties as his predecessors and tried to block this evolution. The Second World War established the circumstances to expand his power. The Council ofM inisters choosed for the western democracies. Leopold III did not. Nevertheless the dynasty was not treathened but Leopold, who was not able to adapt, had to forsake the throne. After the war, the Council of Ministers was acknowledged as one of the most important institutions of the Belgian political system.
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Witte, Els. "De Belgische orangistische adel I. De zuidelijke adel in het Verenigd Koninkrijk der Nederlanden (1815-1830)." Virtus | Journal of Nobility Studies 25 (December 31, 2018): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/5c07c4a31ceae.
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When William I of Orange-Nassau became King of the Netherlands (1814-1815), he was fully aware of the influence of the rich, landowning aristocracy in the southern part of the Netherlands and tried hard to have this group on his side. A minority was opposed to the King’s politics, that favoured a more secular society. The majority appreciated that he privileged the aristocracy at his court and gave it considerable influence in the political and administrative elite. Whereas noble opponents joined the Belgian revolution of 1830, loyalists remained faithful to the King and became members of the counter-revolutionary Orangist movement. Some only sympathized, but others were very active members as leaders of brigades or belonging to the core of the movement. In 1839 the Treaty of the 24 Articles was signed by Belgium and the Netherlands. A number of Orangist aristocrats, then, left the movement. Others persisted and waited until the end of the 1840s, when the political movement was neutralized and only a nostalgic cult in remembrance of the lost kingdom survived in some aristocratic families.
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Witte, Els. "De Belgische orangistische adel, deel II. De rol van de adel in het Belgisch orangisme (1830-1850)." Virtus | Journal of Nobility Studies 26 (December 31, 2019): 93–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/5e021047bb2b0.
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When William I of Orange-Nassau became King of the Netherlands (1814-1815), he was fully aware of the influence of the rich, landowning aristocracy in the southern part of the Netherlands and tried hard to have this group on his side. A minority was opposed to the King’s politics, which favoured a more secular society. The majority appreciated that he privileged the aristocracy at his court and gave it considerable influence in the political and administrative elite. Whereas noble opponents joined the Belgian revolution of 1830, loyalists remained faithful to the King and became members of the counter-revolutionary Orangist movement. Some only sympathized, but others were very active members as leaders of brigades or belonging to the core of the movement. In 1839 the Treaty of the 24 Articles was signed by Belgium and the Netherlands. A number of Orangist aristocrats, then, left the movement. Others persisted and waited until the end of the 1840s, when the political movement was neutralized and only a nostalgic cult in remembrance of the lost kingdom survived in some aristocratic families.
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Wils, Lode. "1830: van de Belgische protonatie naar de natiestaat (deel 2)." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 66, no. 4 (January 1, 2007): 303–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v66i4.12568.
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In het tweede deel van zijn bijdrage 1830: van de Belgische protonatie naar de natiestaat, over de gebeurtenissen van 1830-1831 als slotfase van een passage van de Belgische protonatie doorheen de grote politiek-maatschappelijke en culturele mutaties na de Franse Revolutie, ontwikkelt Lode Wils de stelling dat de periode 1829-1830 de "terminale crisis" vormde van het Koninkrijk der Verenigde Nederlanden. Terwijl koning Willem I definitief had laten verstaan dat hij de ministeriële verantwoordelijkheid definitief afwees en elke kritiek op het regime beschouwde als kritiek op de dynastie, groeide in het Zuiden de synergie in het verzet tussen klerikalen, liberalen en radicale anti-autoritaire groepen. In de vervreemding tussen het Noorden en het Zuiden en de uiteindelijke revolutionaire nationaal-liberale oppositie vanuit het Zuiden, speelde de taalproblematiek een minder belangrijke rol dan het klerikale element en de liberale aversie tegen het vorstelijk absolutisme van Willem I en de aangevoelde uitsluiting van de Belgen uit het openbaar ambt en vooral uit de leiding van de staat.________1830: from the Belgian pre-nation to the nation stateIn the second part of his contribution 1830: from the Belgian pre-nation to the nation state, dealing with the events from 1830-1831 as the concluding phase of a transition of the Belgian pre-nation through the major socio-political and cultural mutations after the French Revolution, Lode Wils develops the thesis that the period of 1829-1830 constituted the "terminal crisis" of the Kingdom of the United Netherlands. Whilst King William I had clearly given to understand that he definitively rejected ministerial responsibility and that he considered any criticism of the regime as a criticism of the dynasty, the synergy of resistance increased between the clericalists, liberals and radical anti-authoritarian groups in the South. In the alienation between the North and the South and the ultimate revolutionary national-liberal opposition from the South the language issue played a less important role than the clericalist element and the liberal aversion against the royal absolutism of William I and the sense of exclusion of the Belgians from public office and particularly from the government of the state.
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Gerard, Emmanuel. "Les partis politiques." Res Publica 27, no. 4 (December 31, 1985): 457–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v27i4.19201.
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The Belgian scientific literature dealing with political parties has four main characteristics. First it pays great attention to party doctrines and to parliamentary struggle. Indeed, in the nineteenth century political parties do not strike by their organization, which is still undeveloped, nor by their functions, which are still limited, but by the public debate they are stimulating in Parliament and in the press. Only from the end of the century, when the suffrage is extended, the organization of the parties wilt get more articulated and their functions more complicated. Secondly the literature pays great attention to the legitimation of the political parties, which are still controversial particularly because they should threaten the national union. The authors exert oneselves to prove that parliamentary government is by definition a party government. They distinguish parties from factions in order to make the first acceptable. Thirdly the literature deals with the party system.The Belgian authors take the two party system which exists in Great Britain as example and try to prove that the alternation of two parties, the party of conservation and the party of progress, is necessary for the good working of the institutions. Fourthly, the literature, particularly the historica!, is rather descriptive and is characterized by a lack of comparisons, generalizations and hypothesis.Two periods can be distinguished in the literature. In the first period, 1830-1894, the suffrage is limited and the political scene is dominated by two parties (the liberal and the conservative or catholic parties) .This period is marked by the publications of Emile de Laveleye (1822-1892), one of the most prolific writers of the second half of the nineteenth century. In the second period, 1894-1914, the advent of the socialist party disturbs the working of the classical party government. Maurice Vauthier (1860-1931) is the main author of this period. He tries to establish the characteristics of the party government and its chances in the future.
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Rerup, Lorenz. "Grundtvigs indflydelse på den tidlige danske nationalisme." Grundtvig-Studier 43, no. 1 (January 1, 1992): 20–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v43i1.16073.
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Grundtvig’s Position in Early Danish NationalismBy Lorenz RerupThe article deals with Grundtvig’s important position in Early Danish nationalism, i.e., in the decades from about 1800 to 1830. The background is the Danish Monarchy from the prosperous years at the turn of the century to the disastrous war 1807-1814, the loss of Norway in 1814, and the following needy postwar time. After 1814 the Danish Monarchy consisted of the Kingdom of Denmark, the Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein, the North-Atlantic Islands (the Faeroes and Greenland) and some minor colonies. The ideology which integrated the higher ranks of these heterogeneous ethnic groups of the Monarchy into one society was a patriotism underlining peace and order in the realm, the importance of just government and - before 1807 - the protection provided by the Danish navy.The patriotism of the Monarchy was compatible with various feelings of identity which bred in different parts of it from about 1750. The Danes, living in an old kingdom, equipped with a written language, with a complete educational system, and with a history of their own, of course, had a feeling of a Danish identiy, as the German speaking population of the Duchies had a corresponding feeling of an identity of their own. Clashes of these different identities might happen but were not connected with political ideas. The state was run by the king, not by the people, and a public opinion about politics was not allowed - and was almost non-existent - before the announcement of the Advisory Estates Assemblies in 1831. Now nationalism spread and soon undermined the supranational Monarchy, which finally disintegrated in 1864.However, in the first decades of the 18th century and influenced by the ideas of Romanticism a few poets, first of all Grundtvig, developed a literary national movement without political aims. In the writings of these poets the Danes - the whole people - have a real chance to make history if they abandon their superficial life and revive the virtues and piety of the great periods in Danish history. Like political nationalists these poets propagate this kind of revival. Their attempt failed. People were still divided into a ’high’ and a ’broad’ culture and some decades had to pass until the latter one felt the need of an ideology in order to be integrated into society. Nevertheless, Grundtvig seems to be a kind of link between the patriotic ideology of the 18th and the political nationalism of the 19th century.
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Witte, Els. "Hoe oranjegezind waren de taalminnaren?" WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 73, no. 2 (June 19, 2014): 105–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v73i2.12158.
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Naar de Oranjegezinde grondleggers van de Vlaamse beweging is in de literatuur al heel wat aandacht gegaan. Maar wegens het gebrek aan een monografie over het orangisme, kon deze groep niet in een breder kader worden geplaatst. Dank zij de publicatie van een dergelijke studie is dat nu wel mogelijk. Er blijkt uit dat de taalminnaren maar het zwakke broertje zijn van een beweging die ettelijke duizenden opposanten telt. Numeriek en politiek stellen ze niet veel voor en noch aan de contrarevoluties noch aan de harde oppositiebeweging in de pers dragen ze veel bij. Als literair bedrijvigen zitten ze gekneld tussen hun loyaliteit aan koning Willem I en het regime waarvan ze tot de revolutie van 1830 veel steun kregen, hun bekommernis om ook na 1830 hun baan te behouden en hun wens om in het Nederlands te blijven publiceren, ook nu die taal niet langer een officieel statuut heeft. Deze spagaat leidt bij de meesten tot een pragmatisch binnenkamersorangisme, waarna ze, met Jan Frans Willems op kop, de Belgische regering van Leopold I opzoeken, met interne conflicten, verzet vanwege de orangistische beweging maar ook met een heropbloei van de literaire bedrijvigheid tot gevolg. Pas als het aftakelingsproces van het politieke orangisme zich na 1839 heeft ingezet, worden de contacten met de orangisten weer opgenomen en ondersteunen de onverzettelijken onder hen de oppositiebeweging van de flaminganten. Dat gebeurt zowel in Gent als in Antwerpen. Samen evolueren ze vervolgens in de richting van een heimweecultus. De orangistische taalminnaren doen echter al van voor 1839 inspanningen om de banden met het noorden aan te halen. Ze blijven er in de jaren 1840 voor ijveren en de eerste Congressen van 1849-1850 zetten de kroon op hun werk, waardoor ze in grote mate bijdragen aan de taalculturele samenwerking die zich sindsdiens en tot op de dag van vandaag tussen Vlaanderen en Nederland ontwikkelde.________How Orangist were the (Dutch) ‘language lovers’?The literature has already paid a lot of attention to the Orangist founding fathers of the Flemish movement. Because no monograph was available about Orangism, this group could not be placed in a wider context. However, this is now possible due to the publication of such a study. The study demonstrates that the ‘language lovers’ were only the poor relatives of a movement, which consisted of several thousands of opponents. They did not amount to much in numbers nor in politics and neither did they contribute much to counterrevolutions or a strong opposition movement in the press. As people active in literature they were caught between their loyalty to King William I and the regime from which they received a lot of support until the revolution of 1830 on the one hand and their concern to keep their jobs also after 1830 and their wish to be able to continue to publish in Dutch, even when this language now longer had an official status, on the other hand. This yawning gap induced most of them to a pragmatic private Orangism that led them under the leadership of Jan Frans Willems to look to the Belgian government of Leopold I to deal with internal conflicts and resistance from the Orangist movement, but which also led to a revival of literary activities. It was only after the decline of the political Orangist movement had begun after 1839 that they renewed their contacts with the Orangists and then the most intransigent amongst them supported the Flemish opposition movement. This occurred both in Ghent and in Antwerp. Together they then evolved into a nostalgia cult. The Orangist ‘language lovers’, however, had already attempted before 1839 to develop closer ties to the North. They continued to fight for this during the 1840’s and the first Congresses of 1849-1850 became their crowning glory, allowing them to make a major contribution to the lingo-cultural cooperation, which has developed since then between Flanders and the Netherlands.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Belgium – Politics and government – 1814-1830"
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Mounzinaha, Nzila Eric. "Monarchie et gouvernement parlementaire en Belgique (1830-1920)." Thesis, Paris 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA020105.
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Le royaume de la Belgique a pendant longtemps été considéré en Europe continentale, comme l’un des principaux pays à avoir adopté et réussi la pratique du régime parlementaire. L’analyse du système de gouvernement envisagé ici, dans tous ses aspects historiques, juridiques et politiques, vise à reconstituer la façon dont s’est parlementarisé sans heurts notoires, la monarchie constitutionnelle représentative des origines vers une pratique parlementaire dualiste. Cette étude propose une réflexion d’ensemble sur l’architecture des pouvoirs, sous les règnes de Léopold Ier, Léopold II et Albert Ier, notamment sur la formation du gouvernement de cabinet, la naissance des partis politiques, le déclin de l’autorité politique du Roi, tout en faisant au passage une prosopographie du personnel politique de l’époqueThe Kingdom of Belgium has long been considered in continental Europe as one of the main countries to have adopted and succeeded in the practice of a parliamentary system. The analysis of the government system presented here in all its historical, legal and political aspects aims at reconstituting the way the initial constitutional monarchy progressed towards a dual parliamentary system without any significant incidents. Thus, in the reigns of Leopold I, Leopold II and Albert I, this study offers an overarching consideration of the architecture of powers, the formation of cabinet government, the creation of political parties, the decline of Royal political authority, while conducting a prosopography of the political figures of the period
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MARTEEL, Stefaan. "Inventing the Belgian revolution': politics and political thought in the United Kingdom of the Netherlands (1814-1830)." Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/12007.
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Defence Date: 02/02/2009Examining Board: Prof. Martin van Gelderen (EUI, Florence, Supervisor); Prof. Els Witte (Free University of Brussels, External supervisor); Prof. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt (EUI, Florence); Prof. Niek van Sas (University of Amsterdam)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
In Belgian national historiography the Belgian Revolution of 1830 is the subject that has been strongly appropriated for ‘nationalist’ purposes (either in support or against Belgian national identity). Furthermore it is also the subject over which different ‘schools’ in the study of history have come to fight over the most. In a similar way as the Revolution of 1789 does in French historiography, the Belgian Revolution invites the Belgian historian, even the most impartial one, to identify him or herself with it (or to reject it). The reason is that the very notion of a modern ‘history of Belgium’, no matter how far it is traced back in history, would not have been thinkable had the Belgian Revolution not occurred. Regardless whether a Belgian identity existed before 1830, a question which has been debated for some time, the existence of Belgium as a modern nation and the Belgian Revolution are wrapped up with each other. It could be argued, from this perspective, that every new study of the Belgian Revolution, to the extent that it has the ambition of being impartial, is a further exercise in detachment from the event. At the same time the political language of a revolution is always, to a larger extent than at any other moment in history, selfinventive, and with much more difficulty to place within either political, intellectual or social contexts (especially when it was ‘successful’), and this is why it does not let itself be reconstructed in an objective way without a strong methodology that draws on the previous developments in the historiography of the event. This study reconstructs the advent of the Belgian Revolution within its intellectual context, within the history of political thought and political languages of the period (the ‘Age of Revolutions’). In this introduction this approach will be followed in the light of the general development of the historiography on the subject and the recent theoretical developments in the history of politics and political thought.
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TIMMERMANS, Arco I. "High politics in the Low Countries : functions and effects of coalition policy agreements in Belgium and the Netherlands." Doctoral thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5406.
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Defence date: 19 January 1996Examining Board: Prof. Rudy B. Andeweg (Rijksuniversiteit Leiden) ; Prof. Stefano Bartolini (EUI) ; Prof. Jean Blondel (EUI, supervisor) ; Prof. Kris Deschouwer (Vrije Universiteit Brussel) ; Prof. Ernst ten Heuvelhof (Technische Universiteit Delft)
First made available online on 15 December 2016
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DE, WINTER Lieven. "The Belgian legislator." Doctoral thesis, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5437.
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Defence date: 26 October 1992Examining board: Prof. Ian Budge (University of Essex, supervisor) ; Prof. Jean Blondel (European University Institute, co-supervisor) ; Prof. André-Paul Frognier (Université Catholique de Louvain) ; Prof. Ferdinand Müller-Rommel (Universität Lüneburg) ; Prof. Maurizio Cotta (Università di Siena)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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DE, RYNCK Stefaan. "The politics of policy change : education and environmental policy in the Belgian communities and regions." Doctoral thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5166.
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Defence date: 4 July 2000Examining Board: Prof. Dr. Yves Mény (EUI, Florence, Supervisor) ; Prof. Dr. Michael Keating (EUI, Florence, Co-supervisor) ; Prof. Dr. Lieven De Winter (Université Catholique de Louvain-La-Neuve) ; Prof. Dr. Liesbet Hooghe (University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
Regional government has become a fashionable topic of analysis, but the impact of regional autonomy on public policy has so far received little attention. In this book, Stefaan De Rynck examines how the creation of regional government has affected the substance of public policies in Belgium. He explains the observed pattern of policy change by referring to shifts in regional power structures. His publication offers a political analysis of policy change, and warns against concluding that public policy is responsive to social problems or cultural differences between regional societies. The book demonstrates the importance of political action for understanding the link between political institutions and policy change. In its case-studies, Changing Public Policy: The Role of the Regions focuses on the development of education and agri-environmental policy in Flanders and Wallonia since 1988, the year in which competence for these sectors was transferred from the national to the regional level. The research material on the policy cases covers a twelve-year period. It is based on a wide range o interviews and extensive documentary analysis.
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PETERS-GODTS, Sabine S. "La politique européenne du gouvernement belge, septembre 1944-mai 1950." Doctoral thesis, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5937.
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Defence date: 26 October 1987Examining board: Prof. Herman Van der Wee, Université de Louvain ; Prof. Richard Griffiths, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam ; Prof. Peter Hertner, IUE ; Prof. Alan Milward, IUE
First made available online: 18 September 2015
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SCHWARZENBACH, Alexis. "Portraits of the Nation : stamps, coins and banknotes in Belgium and Switzerland, 1880-1945." Doctoral thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5974.
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Defence date: 13 December 1997Examining Board: Prof. Urs Altermatt, Université de Fribourg ; Prof. John Brewer, EUI (supervisor) ; Prof. Martin Conway, Balliol College, Oxford (ext. supervisor) ; Prof. Luisa Passerini, EUI
First made available online on 7 January 2020
Portraits of the Nation offers a fascinating insight into the construction and development of national identity in two multilingual countries—Belgium and Switzerland. This book not only shows that multilingualism was no obstacle for the development of national identity—in both countries it was used as a positive means of collective identification —it also demonstrates that other means of identification were much more important. These were found on a national and supra-linguistic level—in Belgium the Royal Family and in Switzerland the Alps—and on a local and sublinguistic level—in Belgium mainly the provinces and in Switzerland the cantons. This study also shows that, contrary to what might be expected, Belgium was often more successful than Switzerland in constructing and adapting its national identity, especially in the inter-war years. Combining written and iconographic sources found in the archives of the national banks, mints and Post Offices in Berne and Brussels this book furthermore fills in an important historiographical gap using stamps, coins and banknotes as historical sources for the first time. Often neglected by historians, Alexis Schwarzenbach successfully argues that these sources have to be seen as important lieux de mernoire and that they are ideally suited for the study of the interrelated topics of memory and identity.
-- 1. Introduction -- 2. Decision-making 1880-1913 -- 3. Portraits 1880-1913 -- 4. The First World War -- 5. Inter-war decision-making -- 6. Portraits 1919-1933/34 -- 7. Portraits 1933/34-1939/40 -- 8. The Second World War
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JANS, Jasper. "The politics of history education : teaching national history, identity and citizenship in Belgium and the Netherlands, 1830-1880." Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/32120.
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Defence date: 28 March 2014Examining Board: Professor dr. Pavel Kolář, (European University Institute); Professor dr. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt, (European University Institute); Professor dr. Joep Leerssen, (University of Amsterdam); Professor dr. Tom Verschaffel, (KU Leuven)
This dissertation has studied the discourses around national history education in Belgium and the Netherlands in the middle of the nineteenth century. The literature on nation building and cultural nationalism often observes the importance of education as an instrument of nation building. Expanding school networks were one of the important conduits through which national awareness was spread among the populace. They helped to disseminate knowledge of the national language, culture and history, thus teaching the future generations about their 'home' and 'nation'. At the same time, historians often note the significance of narratives, often historical narratives, in fostering a sense of pride and attachment to the fatherland. Nevertheless, studies of the contents of and controversies surrounding history education are sparse. In this study, I hope to show that the field of (history) education is an important locus of nation building and therefore worthy of scholarly attention. Following Jörn Rüsen, I argue that history education knows a specific configuration of epistemological, aesthetic and political dimensions that makes it unique. It prioritises the political dimension over the two other dimensions, thus setting it apart from scholarly or literary and artistic forms of history-writing. Due to its pedagogical objective, furthermore, it is also different from other political forms of history-writing. History education addresses the future citizen directly and presents them visions of the good citizen. I argue that the civic virtues are an indispensable part of national identity. The education thereof should consequently be studied more in-depth. This dissertation therefore analyses notions of good citizenship present in the debates and contents of history education. Furthermore, it dissects ideas of national identity along the lines of nation and religion, nation and language, the national territory, nation and dynasty and the nation in the world.
Books on the topic "Belgium – Politics and government – 1814-1830"
1
Jan, Craeybeckx, and Meynen Alain, eds. Political history of Belgium: From 1830 onwards. 2nd ed. Brussels: ASP, 2009.
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2
Masculinity and nationhood, 1830-1910: Constructions of identity and citizenship in Belgium. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014.
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3
Ferrari, Marco. La Restauration: Ideologia e linguaggio : 1814-1830. Firenze: Centro editoriale toscano, 2000.
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4
La Restauration: Ideologia e linguaggio (1814-1830). Firenze: Centro editoriale toscano, 2000.
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5
Witte, Els. Politieke geschiedenis van België: Van 1830 tot heden. 5th ed. Antwerpen: Standaard Uitgeverij, 1990.
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6
Coolsaet, R. België en zijn buitenlandse politiek: 1830-1990. Leuven: Van Halewyck, 1998.
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7
Platel, Marc. Communautaire geschiedenis van België: Van 1830 tot vandaag. Leuven: Davidsfonds, 2004.
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8
Delwit, Pascal. La vie politique en Belgique de 1830 à nos jours. 2nd ed. Bruxelles: Editions de l'Université de Bruxelles, 2010.
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9
La vie politique en Belgique de 1830 à nos jours. Bruxelles, Belgique: Éditions de l'Université de Bruxelles, 2009.
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10
La droite française: Aux origines de ses divisions (1814-1830). [Paris]: Éditions du Comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques, 2013.
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