Academic literature on the topic 'Belgium – Ethnic relations'
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Journal articles on the topic "Belgium – Ethnic relations"
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Dewinter, Hanne, Hanne Dehertog, and Lucia De Haene. "Negotiating two worlds:." DiGeSt - Journal of Diversity and Gender Studies 8, no. 2 (October 20, 2021): 40–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/digest.v8i2.17368.
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This article explores the lived experiences of Muslim youth in Belgium regarding their gender identity. Based on a qualitative study with focus groups among Moroccan Belgian youths, we examine the usefulness of studying gender identity as a dynamic construct. Gender identity is not only shaped within and through different contexts, the state of Moroccan Belgian youths negotiating between two worlds also highly complicates this construction. Gender acts as a mobilising force to legitimate borders and to differentiate from another ethnic or religious group that does not share the same practices or perceptions. Finally, processes of stereotyping, which are mainly gender-based, evoke a diversity of reactions among these youths. The aim of this article is to contribute to an understanding of the construction of gender identity as a continuous process that acquires meaning in relation to minority/majority relations in society. Directions for future research are suggested.
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Zvereva, T. "Belgium on the Road to Confederation: Problems and Prospects." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 7 (2021): 80–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-7-80-88.
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The article is about the Belgian federal system transformation, as well as the factors that aggravate or, on the contrary, restrain the centrifugal trends in the country. The specific nature of Belgian federalism determines its evolution from federation to confederation, but the answer to the question about the prospects of this transformation remains open. On the one hand, the Belgian Kingdom history, its geographical location, as well as economic and cultural-linguistic features predetermined the existence and deepening of dividing lines between the two main ethnic communities in the country – the Walloons and the Flemings. Decentralization, as a response to the aggravation of interethnic contradictions, allows political elites to partially control the process and minimize, as far as possible, the costs of this conflict of interest for the economy and the population, but at the same time, it feeds centrifugal tendencies. Reforms do not remove the problem of separatism from the agenda, but, vice versa, give the regions and communities all the necessary resources, reducing the central authorities’ competences. Each reform creates the basis for the next redistribution of power. The logic of the decentralization process predefines the dual, asymmetric, dissociative and improvisational nature of the federal system of Belgium, and contributes to its extreme complication. The main drivers of centrifugal tendencies remain Flemish nationalists when the institutions and mechanisms designed to unite the country do not function effectively enough. On the other hand, the scenario of a complete collapse of the Belgian federation is not something predetermined and inevitable. There are still internal and external factors unifying Belgians (the Senate, the King, the absence of a provision for a national referendum in the constitution, a special place in the federation of the Brussels-Capital region, the country’s membership in the EU), but their influence on the entire system is gradually decreasing. Belgium’s active participation in the European integration contributing to creation of a highly developed modern economic system and high living standards, as well as stable GDP growth (with exception of crisis periods), play an important role in stabilizing the Belgian federation. So, the European Union prevents a rapid development of separation process, but does not change its main trends. The EU accompanies the Belgian federal system transformation, in order to reduce its costs for society and the European integration, but does not set the task of inversing its evolution. At the same time, the unstable political situation in the country has a certain negative impact on the European integration, exacerbating the complexity of the decision-making process within the EU. The coronavirus pandemic became a catalyst for controversial political processes in Belgium, brought renewal of the social and environmental contract and a new view of European solidarity. However, the pandemic highlighted the main shortcomings of the existing federal system. The dissociation of the federation and its drift to a confederation is a peaceful and slow process, but the country’s unifying factors are gradually eroding. It is not yet clear whether and when a full-fledged confederate system will be created and the separation will be stopped, or whether the confederation will become the next stage on the Belgium’s way to the final division. It is impossible to completely exclude a rollback scenario of the strong federation restoration while reducing competencies of regions and communities, but it is obvious that its probability is extremely small.
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Alanya, Ahu, Marc Swyngedouw, Veronique Vandezande, and Karen Phalet. "Close Encounters: Minority and Majority Perceptions of Discrimination and Intergroup Relations in Antwerp, Belgium." International Migration Review 51, no. 1 (March 2017): 191–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/imre.12203.
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Increasing numbers of second-generation Muslims are highly qualified and locally embedded in today's European cities. This does not protect them, however, from experiencing discrimination in intergroup encounters in school, at work, or in the street. Taking an approach from local intergroup relations between ethnic minorities and the majority society, we draw on the TIES (The Integration of the European Second Generation) surveys to compare Turkish and Moroccan minorities and majority Belgians in Antwerp, Belgium. Our research aims (1) to establish minority and majority perspectives on (reverse) personal discrimination (2) in different life domains, and (3) to differentiate internally between gender, socioeconomic attainments, and local climates. Structural equation models show minority and majority group perspectives on discrimination as gendered and situated inter-group encounters in socioeconomic and civic domains of life.
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Van Kerckem, Klaartje, Bart Van de Putte, and Peter Stevens. "On Becoming “Too Belgian”: A Comparative Study of Ethnic Conformity Pressure through the City–as–Context Approach." City & Community 12, no. 4 (December 2013): 335–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/cico.12041.
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While considerable research has shown that coethnic communities exercise pressure on their members to conform to certain normative patterns, there is little research that explains variability within coethnic groups regarding ethnic conformity pressure. Drawing on fieldwork and semistructured interviews with children and grandchildren of Turkish immigrants living in Ghent and five mining towns in Belgium, we explain differences in ethnic conformity pressure through a comparative examination of how macrostructural characteristics of cities shape community–level ethnic conformity pressure. We demonstrate that a city's migration history and social geography are related to the degree of social closure and normative consensus within an ethnic community, and that its ethnic heterogeneity and interethnic relations impact how much people depend on their coethnic community for social support. These in turn shape the internal sanctioning capacity of the community and its power to enforce normative patterns, especially of gender roles. The study shows that locality matters in the integration, assimilation, and acculturation of migrants, even disadvantaged ones who share the same national background.
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Newman, Saul. "Does Modernization Breed Ethnic Political Conflict?" World Politics 43, no. 3 (April 1991): 451–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010402.
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Until the early 1970s many scholars believed that the process of economic modernization would result in the decline of ethnic political activity throughout the world. This melting pot modernization perspective failed on both theoretical and empirical grounds. After its collapse, scholars promoted a new conflictual modernization approach, which argued that modernization brought previously isolated ethnic groups into conflict. Although this approach accounted for the origins of ethnic conflict, it relied too heavily on elite motivations and could not account for the behavior of ethnic political movements. In the last five years, scholars have tried to develop a psychological approach to ethnic conflict. These scholars see conflict as stemming from stereotyped perceptions of differences among ethnic groups. This approach fails to analyze the tangible group disparities that reinforce these identifications and that may serve as the actual catalysts for ethnic political conflict. The conflictual modernization approach is reinvigorated by applying it to the cases of ethnic conflict in Canada and Belgium. In both of these countries the twin processes of economic modernization and political centralization intensified ethnic conflict while stripping ethnic movements of the romantic cultural ideologies and institutional frameworks that could provide these movements with some long-term stability. Thus, by integrating the modernization approach with a resource mobilization perspective we can develop theories that can account for ethnic conflict throughout the world.
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Dhont, Kristof, Gordon Hodson, and Ana C. Leite. "Common Ideological Roots of Speciesism and Generalized Ethnic Prejudice: The Social Dominance Human–Animal Relations Model (SD–HARM)." European Journal of Personality 30, no. 6 (November 2016): 507–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/per.2069.
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Recent research and theorizing suggest that desires for group–based dominance underpin biases towards both human outgroups and (non–human) animals. A systematic study of the common ideological roots of human–human and human–animal biases is, however, lacking. Three studies (in Belgium, UK, and USA) tested the Social Dominance Human–Animal Relations Model (SD–HARM) proposing that Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) is a key factor responsible for the significant positive association between ethnic outgroup attitudes and speciesist attitudes towards animals, even after accounting for other ideological variables (that possibly confound previous findings). Confirming our hypotheses, the results consistently demonstrated that SDO, more than right–wing authoritarianism (RWA), is a key factor connecting ethnic prejudice and speciesist attitudes. Furthermore, Studies 2 and 3 showed that both SDO and RWA are significantly related to perceived threat posed by vegetarianism (i.e. ideologies and diets minimizing harm to animals), but with SDO playing a focal role in explaining the positive association between threat perceptions and ethnic prejudice. Study 3 replicated this pattern, additionally including political conservatism in the model, itself a significant correlate of speciesism. Finally, a meta–analytic integration across studies provided robust support for SD–HARM and offers important insights into the psychological parallels between human intergroup and human–animal relations. Copyright © 2016 European Association of Personality Psychology
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Zhytariuk, Mar’yan. "Ukraine-Czechoslovakian and Ukraine-Romanian Relations in the Interpretation of the Magazine “Dilo” (Lviv)." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 37-38 (December 20, 2018): 198–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2018.37-38.198-207.
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The Lviv daily “Dilo”, as well as the Ukrainian press in Galicia, Bukovina, Volyn and Transcarpathia in the interwar period, could not keep a way from the numerous and systematic facts of Ukrainophobia and immediately responded to the form available to it, mainly as digest and translations of foreign publications about Ukrainians and Ukrainian ethnic land.
Thirties of the Twentieth century entered the Ukrainian history under the sign of Polish “pacification” in Eastern Galicia (there were also the petitions of Ukrainian and British representations to the League of Nations), artificially created famine and genocide in Soviet Ukraine, the Bolshevik terror (not only against the national Ukrainian intellectuals, but also against the Ukrainian leadership of the Communist Party of the Bolsheviks), the German propaganda concerning the prospects of independent Ukraine and other significant phenomena, which formed together the basis of the "Ukrainian problem". All this in general was reflected by the European press (Great Britain, Germany, France, Switzerland, Belgium, Austria, Italy) and the US press, Canada, Japan. At the same time, from the standpoint of advocacy and sympathy, there was hardly any publication in the press of Czechoslovakia, Poland, Romania (except for Ukrainian-language editions), in the Soviet periodicals, however the governments of these countries were interested in further weakening and leveling of Ukrainian ethnic, mental, religious, historical and other factors that could cement Ukrainians nationally.
Keywords: magazine “Dilo” (Lviv), interethnic relations, Bukovyna, Galychyna, interwar period
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Vitale, Alessandro. "Ethnopolitics as Co‑operation and Coexistence: The Case‑Study of the Jewish Autonomous Region in Siberia." Politeja 12, no. 8 (31/2) (December 31, 2015): 123–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.12.2015.31_2.09.
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It would be a mistake to assume that ethnopolitics is only a matter of confrontation between different ethnic groups. On the contrary, there is a range of examples where it is pursued in a spirit of compromise and co‑operation. One of them is the case of the Jewish Autonomous Region of Birobidzhan, in Post‑Soviet Russia. Often ethnic groups realize that co‑operation and cultural coexistence are more profitable than conflict. Beginning in 1928 the Soviet Union set aside a territory the size of Belgium for Jewish settlement, located some five thousands miles east of Moscow along the Soviet‑Chinese border. Believing that Soviet Jewish people, like other national minorities, deserved a territorial homeland, the regime decided to settle an enclave that would become the Jewish Autonomous Region in 1934. In fact, the establishment of the JAR was the first instance of an officially acknowledged Jewish national territory since ancient times. But the history of the Region was tragic and the experiment failed dismally. Nevertheless, Birobidzhan’s renewed existence of today is not only a curious legacy of Soviet national policy, but after the break‑up of the Soviet Union and the definite religious rebirth, represents an interesting case‑study in respect to interethnic relations.
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Husbands, Christopher T. "Het "continentaal model" volgen ? : Implicaties voor het electoraal gedrag van de British National Party." Res Publica 37, no. 2 (June 30, 1995): 207–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v37i2.18683.
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Both in the pre-war and the post-war period right-wing extremism was not very strong in Britain. Historians, political scientist and politicians have suggested a whole range of elements to explain this failure. In the light of this limited success the victory of the British National Party in an election of the Millwall district in the London Bourough of Tower Hamlets was indeed a surprise. lt raised the question whether this was the beginning of something similar to what happened earlier in France, Germany, Belgium and the Netherlands. The very specific characteristics of the London East End and ofthe Millwall district in particular make the BNP victory however quite exceptional, and do not enable a generalization of the phenomenon. This is supported by the electoral results for the London Borough and District Council of May 5 1994. Yet one can still argue that the specific danger of the BNP is not its electoral potential, but the impact of its local activities on the relations between the ethnic groups in the neighbourhoods where it is present.
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Vitale, Alessandro. "The Jewish Autonomous Region of Birobidzhan in Siberia." European Spatial Research and Policy 28, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 161–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1231-1952.28.1.08.
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The Jewish Autonomous Region (JAR) of Birobidzhan in Siberia is still alive. The once famous “Siberian Zion”, at the confluence of the Bira and Bidzhan rivers, a stone’s throw away from China and a day from the Pacific Ocean, 9,000 km and six days by train from Moscow, is still a geographical reality. The political class of the Soviet Union decided to create a territory the size of Belgium for a settlement for Jews, choosing a region on the border between China and the Soviet Union. It believed that Soviet Jews needed, like other national minorities, a homeland with a territory. The Soviet regime thus opted to establish an enclave that would become the JAR in 1934. We should note that the creation of the JAR was the first historically fulfilled case of building an officially recognised Jewish national territory since antiquity and well before Israel. Nevertheless, many historians declared this experiment a failure and the history of the Region only tragic. It is interesting to note, however, that the survival of the JAR in post-Soviet Russia has been not only a historical curiosity, a legacy of Soviet national policy, but today – after the collapse of the Soviet Union – it represents a very interesting case study. It is also a topic useful for the analysis and understanding of inter-ethnic relations, cooperation, and coexistence and it is a unique case of geographic resettlement that produced a special case of “local patriotism”, as an example also for different ethnic groups living in the JAR, based on Jewish and Yiddish roots.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Belgium – Ethnic relations"
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MARTINIELLO, Marco. "Elites, leadership et pouvoir dans les communautés éthniques d'origine immigrée : le cas des Italiens en Belgique francophone." Doctoral thesis, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5278.
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Defence date: 29 October 1990Supervisor: S. Lukes (supervisor) ; K. Eder (co-supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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Poitras, Dave. "Une sociologie du nationalisme vécu en Flandre." Thèse, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/10648.
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nationalisme vécu, Flandre, Belgique, mémoire familiale,
appartenance nationale, nationContrairement à la plupart des études portant sur la nation et les divers phénomènes s’y rattachant, ce mémoire ne porte pas sur l’émergence de cette forme de représentation communautaire ou sur les effets du nationalisme sur nos institutions politiques. Il a plutôt pour objet le sens vécu, les sentiments d’appartenance nationaux et la façon dont ils peuvent être exprimés et expérimentés. En se penchant sur la façon dont les individus vivent et présentent leur affiliation nationale, cette recherche s’est donnée pour but de comprendre la manière dont les citoyens d’une communauté se représentent et se construisent en tant que sujets nationaux. En explorant la mémoire familiale des informateurs et informatrices à l’aide d’entretiens semi-dirigés, il a été possible d’observer et de comprendre le nationalisme vécu en Flandre. Cette forme de nationalisme n’est pas nécessairement revendicatrice ni même immédiatement perceptible, puisque partie intégrante de la vie des individus et de leur identité. L’étude de ce nationalisme vise à identifier et à comprendre la manière dont les citoyens de la communauté flamande donnent un sens aux soi-disant éléments nationaux intégrés à leur quotidien. Il permet, de plus, d’entrevoir en quoi l’imaginaire national consiste dans le vécu d’une population spécifique et comment il peut être projeté par les porteurs de cette identité. En étudiant l’appartenance nationale dans cette perspective, il a été possible de dresser un portrait des représentations de la nation d’une façon qui a été jusqu’à maintenant peu explorée. C’est ainsi qu’une forme de socialisation à la nation des plus inusitée a été mise à jour en Flandre : une socialisation à un discours de victimisation et d’oppression. C’est en effet en s’inscrivant délibérément dans une lignée où ils sont les descendants d’un peuple dominé et méprisé que les Flamands et les Flamandes arrivent à s’expliquer les qualités et les spécificités qu’ils identifient comme proprement flamandes, mais surtout de s’identifier comme étant aujourd’hui les « meilleures Belges ».
This master thesis, in contrast to most studies concerning the nation and its various phenomena, does not focus on the emergence of a form of community or the effects of nationalism on our political institutions. It rather studies the experienced meanings, the feelings of national belonging and how they can be expressed and experienced. By focusing on how people live and talk about their national affiliation, the aim of this research is to understand how citizens of a given community represent their national belonging and build themselves as national subjects. Using semi-structured interviews and exploring family memory, it has been possible to observe and understand everyday nationalism in Flanders. This form of nationalism is not necessarily strongly asserted or even noticeable; it is integrated in the lives of individuals. Studying this specific form of nationalism allows the researcher to identify and explain how people make sense of those so-called national elements integrated into everyday life. It also gives a glimpse of what the national imagination is in the experienced meanings of a specific population and how it can be projected by the holders of this identity. By studying this aspect of national belonging, it has been possible to sketch out a portrait of representations of the nation in a way that has been so far little explored. Hence, a most unusual form of socialization to a national community has been identified in Flanders: socialization to a discourse of victimisation and oppression. By deliberately considering themselves as part of a line whose ascendants were dominated and despised, the Flemishs make sense of the genuine qualities and specificities that they identified as properly Flemish, but most of all, it allows them to refer themselves as the “best Belgians”.
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Check, Nicasius Achu. "Conflict in the great lakes region of Africa : the Burundi experience, 1993-2000." Diss., 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/1881.
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Burundi became a German protectorate in August 1884. Prior to the establishment of a protectorate, the territory was ruled by Mwamis (kings) who exercised a kind of quasi-divine system of administration. Conflictual relations were quickly dealt with within this complex structure. During the German and later Belgian colonial administrations, these political structures were redefined and a social class structure based on wealth was created. Forced class division became entrenched in the social fabric of Burundian society and the hierarchical system became even more prominent at independence in July 1962. Successive post-colonial regimes have failed to bridge the social gap. The International Community, through initiatives by the United Nations, the Africa Union, Jimmy Carter, Julius Nyerere and Nelson Mandela have attempted to resolve the political impasse. The dissertation is an attempt to reconstruct the causes of the various crises since 1962 and to reassess whether the various facilitators has succeeded in their tasks.History
M.A.
Books on the topic "Belgium – Ethnic relations"
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Flandres aux lions: L'inutile guerre des Belges : nos vraies raisons de vivre ensemble. Bruxelles: Jourdan, 2008.
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Een leeuw in een kooi: De grenzen van het multiculturele Vlaanderen. Amsterdam: Meulenhoff, 2009.
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Dan, Mikhman, ed. Belgium and the Holocaust: Jews, Belgians, Germans. Jerusalem: Yad Vashem, 1998.
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Hooghe, Liesbet. A leap in the dark: Nationalist conflict and federal reform in Belgium. Ithaca, N.Y: Cornell University Press, 1991.
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Philippe, Dutilleul, ed. Bye-bye Belgium (opération BBB): L'évènement télévisuel. Loverval: Labor, 2006.
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Saerens, Lieven. Étrangers dans la cité: Anvers et ses Juifs (1880-1944). Bruxelles: Éditions Labor, 2005.
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Saerens, Lieven. Etrangers dans la cité: Anvers et ses juifs (1880-1944). Bruxelles: Labor, 2005.
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Couwenberg, S. W. Nederlandse en Vlaamse identiteit: Betekenis, onderlinge relatie en perspectief. Budel: Damon, 2006.
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Fralon, José Alain. La Belgique est morte, vive la Belgique! Paris: Fayard, 2009.
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La Belgique est morte, vive la Belgique! Paris: Fayard, 2009.
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Wight, Martin. "Review of Richard W. Sterling, Ethics in a World of Power: The Political Ideas of Friedrich Meinecke (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1958; London, Oxford University Press, 1959)." In International Relations and Political Philosophy, 319–20. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198848219.003.0026.
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Meinecke’s student and friend, Richard Sterling, composed this intellectual biography concerning Meinecke’s political ideas. Born in 1862, Meinecke was raised to venerate Hegel, Ranke, and Bismarck as pillars of the German State and conservative nationalism. Wight summed up Meinecke’s political evolution as follows: ‘In the first World War he justified the ultimatum to Serbia and the invasion of Belgium, he approved of unrestricted submarine warfare, and he explained to the minority peoples of the Central Powers that though the nation-state had been the proper goal for the Germans, it was their duty to remain content with the multi-national state. The shock of defeat started him on an assiduous criticism of his old beliefs. The moral autonomy of the State, the primacy of foreign policy, international relations as the fruitful competition of vigorously egotistic Powers, all gradually dissolved. He moved nearer to Goethe, and as an old man came to find the ultimate truth of politics not in the ideal, super-individual corporate personality of the nation-state, but in the martyrdom of the individual rebel against Hitler’s Reich.’
Conference papers on the topic "Belgium – Ethnic relations"
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Junaid, Sarah, Alison Gwynne-Evans, Helena Kovacs, Johanna Lönngren, José Fernando Jiménez Mejía, Kenichi Natsume, Madeline Polmear, et al. "What is the role of ethics in accreditation documentation from a global view?" In SEFI 50th Annual conference of The European Society for Engineering Education. Barcelona: Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/conference-9788412322262.1336.
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Ethics in engineering has long been an important element in engineering programmes, however these subjects are often taught at a basic learning level with little attempt to connect to demonstrative learning outcomes. In recent years there has been a step change in the importance of ethics as an integral part of engineering programmes and is reflected in the text of accreditation documents. In this paper we expand our analysis from an earlier study, which focused on four European countries, to understand the role of ethics on a more global scale. We conducted a multi-country analysis on how and where ethics features in accreditation documents in twelve countries across five continents (Belgium, Canada, Colombia, France/Switzerland, Ireland, Japan, Romania, South Africa, Sweden, UK and USA). We identified explicit or implicit references to ethics education, extracted verbs relating to learning outcomes, and compared definitions of key terms. A comparison to Bloom’s taxonomy showed considerably higher frequency of verbs linked to ethics teaching associated to lower levels of cognitive learning. Definitions of terms relating to the process of accreditation were often lacking in documents, highlighting a need for setting terms of reference. This study highlights differences in how ethics is described in accreditation documents. However, more needs to be done to explicitly highlight ethics as an integral part of engineering education. Relying on implicit links to ethics leaves the role of ethics open to interpretation, resulting in uneven emphasis in the translation of ethics within programme designs.