Journal articles on the topic 'Belgian history'

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1

Komosa, Marcin. "Tervuren, czyli belgijskie lustro [Tervuren. The Belgian Mirror]." Studia Litteraria et Historica, no. 5 (December 28, 2016): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/slh.2016.005.

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Tervuren. The Belgian MirrorThe paper describes the history and the ideology of the Royal Museum for Central Africa in Tervuren, Belgium, founded in 1898. The role of the museum and its exhibition is analysed in the context of Belgian history, taking into account the tensions between Flemings and Walloons as well as changes in the attitude towards Africa and Africans. The author proposes to divide the history of the evolution of the RMCA exhibition into four stages: from the colonial exhibition to the current reconstruction of the museum.Tervuren, czyli belgijskie lustroArtykuł opisuje historię i ideologię powstałego w 1898 roku Królewskiego Muzeum Afryki Cen­tralnej w Tervuren w Belgii. Znaczenie muzeum i jego wystawy jest analizowane w kontekście belgij­skiej historii, z uwzględnieniem napięć pomiędzy zamieszkującymi Belgię Flamandami i Walonami, a także zmiany postaw wobec Afryki i jej mieszkańców. Autor proponuje podzielić ewolucję muzeum na cztery etapy: od wystawy kolonialnej po obecną przebudowę.
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2

Rosoux, Valerie, and Laurence van Ypersele. "The Belgian national past: Between commemoration and silence." Memory Studies 5, no. 1 (November 16, 2011): 45–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698011424030.

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This article examines the gradual deconstruction of the Belgian national identity. Is it possible to speak of a de facto differentiation or even ‘federalization’ of the so-called ‘national past’ in Belgium? How do Belgians choose to remember and forget this past? To contribute to an understanding of these issues, the article considers two very different episodes of Belgian history, namely the First World War and the colonization of the Congo. On the one hand, the memory of the First World War appears to provide the template for memory conflicts in Belgium, and thus informs the memories of other tragedies such as the Second World War. On the other hand, the memory of the colonial past remains much more consensual – providing a more nuanced picture of competing views on the past. Beyond the differences between the ways in which these episodes are officially portrayed, the same fundamental trend may be observed: the gradual fragmentation of a supposedly smooth and reliable national version of history.
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Namazova, Alla. "The Russian Empire and the Kingdom of Belgium: the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations and the First Envoys." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2021): 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016502-0.

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The author analyses the initial period of the history of diplomatic relations between Russia and the Kingdom of Belgium, from 1853 onwards. The essay is based on the study of diplomatic documents from the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire. The author focuses on Russia’s important role in the international recognition of the independence of Belgium: after the Belgian Revolution of 1830, the former was one of the great powers which guaranteed, through international legal acts, the existence of a young neutral Belgian state. The close dynastic ties between the House of Romanov and the royal family of Belgium, House of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, especially between the Romanovs and the first King of the Belgians, Leopold I. The latter took up a military career in the Imperial Russian Army (1812–1815), gained a certain degree of credibility at the Imperial Court in St. Petersburg; the personal correspondence established between the two ruling Houses helped to strengthen Russian-Belgian relations. Official documents of this period demonstrate that Brussels was strategically important as an information centre where information from the nearest European capitals was accumulated. That is why the Russian Foreign Ministry approached the selection of diplomatic personnel for the Russian representation in Brussels with special care, as evidenced by the guidelines of the Foreign Ministry to envoys extraordinary and ministers plenipotentiary cited in the article. The author also gives close attention to the life and work of the Belgian envoy in St. Petersburg, Count Camille de Briey, and the first Russian envoys extraordinary and ministers plenipotentiary in Brussels in 1853–1869, namely Count Mikhail Khreptovich and Prince Nikolay Orlov, as well as Alexandr Rikhter, who contributed to the development of friendly relations between the two countries.
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Lavrysen, Laurens. "‘Strasbourg was something new, it was an adventure’." Tijdschrift voor rechtsgeschiedenis 86, no. 3-4 (December 5, 2018): 482–547. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-08634p07.

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SummaryIn recent years, a burgeoning literature has focused on the history of human rights in general and the history of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) in particular. In order to understand how the ECHR gradually managed to gain authority in diverse national settings, it is necessary to complement transnational historical perspectives with studies of national reception histories. The present article approaches the history of the ECHR in Belgium by focusing on the history of the Belgian cases in Strasbourg, which have played an important role in contributing to the ‘discovery’ of the ECHR in the Belgian legal system. On the basis of interviews with actors involved in the early cases against Belgium, it was possible to determine their position in the Belgian legal landscape as well as their motivations and aspirations in going to Strasbourg. Moreover, these interviews allowed gaining insight into the circumstances out of which litigation against Belgium arose.
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Wouters, Nico. "De Tweede Wereldoorlog in de Lage Landen." BMGN - Low Countries Historical Review 136, no. 2 (July 5, 2021): 52–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.51769/bmgn-lchr.9818.

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De evaluatie van vijftig jaren kopij over de Tweede Wereldoorlog in de BMGN – Low Countries Historical Review (BMGN) levert een rijk maar eenzijdig beeld op. Vooral het feit dat de Belgisch-Nederlandse uitwisseling nooit echt van de grond kwam, mag gezien het oorspronkelijke doel van de BMGN een gemiste kans worden genoemd. Helemaal onlogisch is het echter niet: de Belgische en Nederlandse WOII-geschiedschrijving kenden uiteenlopende nationale ontwikkelingen. Zeker de paradigmatische kaders ontwikkelden zich anders en hadden uiteindelijk zelfs tegengestelde effecten: van een situatie van scherpe polarisering in Nederland tot makke consensus in België. Dat maakt een Belgisch-Nederlands gesprek niet vanzelfsprekend. We bedoelen misschien ongeveer hetzelfde met het begrip ‘accommodatie’, maar de specifieke ladingen die dat begrip heeft gekregen, zijn intussen helemaal anders. De concrete voorwaarden creëren voor een Belgisch-Nederlandse uitwisseling binnen dit onderzoeksveld blijft dus een werf, ook voor de BMGN. Deze interactie zou beide nationale historiografische tradities wellicht verrijken. The evaluation of fifty years of copy about World War II in the BMGN – Low Countries Historical Review (BMGN) yields a rich but one-sided impression. That the Belgian-Dutch exchange never truly got under way may, given the original goal of the BMGN, be considered a missed opportunity. All the same, this is not entirely illogical: Belgian and Dutch WWII historiography followed divergent national trajectories. Especially the paradigmatic contours emerged differently and ultimately even brought about contradictory effects, from deep polarisation in the Netherlands to meek consensus in Belgium. This does not make a Belgian-Dutch dialogue selfevident. We possibly may use the concept ‘accommodation’ with a similar meaning, but the specific connotations that the concept has acquired are by now entirely different. Bringing about the concrete conditions for a Belgian-Dutch exchange within this research field is therefore an ongoing project, even for the BMGN. Such interaction would surely enrich both national historiographic traditions.
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Khorosheva, Aleksandra. "Socialist Jules Destrée at the Head of Belgian Diplomatic Mission in Russia, August 1917 – March 1918." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2021): 194. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016556-9.

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The article examines the diplomatic mission of the Belgian socialist Jules Destrée to Russia in August 1917 – March 1918. He was appointed to Petrograd at the height of internal political changes in Russia when the country began its withdrawal from World War I. Following the previously set goal of participating in the war to the victorious end, Belgium tried to keep Russia as an ally, expecting that as her neutrality guarantor it will render assistance in restoring Belgian political independence. Furthermore, one of the urgent problems was to take care of Belgian companies and enterprises in Russia, their workers and employees who were in Russia. To achieve these goals, the Belgian Foreign Ministry attempted to establish a dialogue with the new Bolshevik government, appointing as its official ambassador a left-wing politician instead of a professional diplomat. He was well-known for his patriotism and his views about the necessity to continue the war to the end. The analysis of diplomatic documents and J. Destrée’s private notes allows the author to identify the diplomatic strategy pursued by the Belgian government, the specifics of the tasks assigned to the diplomat, and the fruits of his mission. The author concludes that Destrée’s mission failed due to the lack of understanding of the Russian internal contradictions on the part of the Belgian Ministry of Foreign Affairs which could not be counterbalanced by the ambassador’s political views.
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Beyen, Marnix. "A parricidal memory: Flanders’ memorial universe as product and producer of Belgian history." Memory Studies 5, no. 1 (November 4, 2011): 32–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698011424029.

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This article examines how the Belgian patriotic collective memory in Flanders during the 20th century was supplanted by a Flemish Nationalist counter memory. The article starts with a semiotic analysis of some concrete commemorative practices and discourses surrounding the brothers Van Raemdonck, two Flemish soldiers who died during the First World War and were venerated as Flemish heroes. Next, these cases are situated in some larger themes and tendencies dominating the intellectual construction of Flemish National collective memory during the 19th and 20th centuries. Finally, the success of these themes is related to the broader cultural, social and political context of Belgium. Through this widening perspective, the article shows not only that Flemish National collective memory was construed from within Belgian patriotic memory, but also that it profited from the weaknesses in the construction of the Belgian State to become the dominant ‘memorial universe’.
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8

Tsivatyi, Viacheslav. "The Model of Diplomacy and the Diplomatic System of the Kingdom of Belgium in Globalisation: Institutional and Political-International Discourses (Experience for Ukraine)." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXIII (2022): 429–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2022-28.

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The study is devoted to methodological problems, modern and historical discourses of the study of the institutional origins, achievements and present of the diplomacy of the Kingdom of Belgium. The authors emphasise the relevance and significance of the subject, which has not received a comprehensive comparative analysis in modern Ukrainian and world historiography. When analysing the model of diplomacy and the diplomatic system of the Kingdom of Belgium, the authors focus on the features and national specificity of the stages of the institutional history and the present of Belgian diplomacy in the system of international political coordinates. Special attention is focused on the expediency of implementing in Ukraine the best diplomatic examples (models) and achievements of Belgian diplomacy in the conditions of a globalised world system. The article emphasises the methods of research, which is interdisciplinary in nature and is based on important cognitive principles: scientificity, historicism and objectivity. The use of various general and special methods allowed the authors to determine the trajectory of scientific research for the real reconstruction of historical and modern events, institutional stages of formation and the current state of the model of diplomacy of the Kingdom of Belgium. The historical legacy and modern practical experience of the diplomacy of the Kingdom of Belgium have not lost their relevance to this day; bilateral Belgian-Ukrainian relations firmly connect Belgium and Ukraine through centuries and millennia of European history. Keywords: international relations, foreign policy, diplomacy, public diplomacy, institutional history, institutionalisation, Ukraine, Belgium.
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9

ten Hagen, Sjang L. "The Local versus the Global in the history of relativity: The case of Belgium." Science in Context 33, no. 3 (September 2020): 227–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889721000028.

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ArgumentThis article contributes to a global history of relativity, by exploring how Einstein’s theory was appropriated in Belgium. This may sound like a contradiction in terms, yet the early-twentieth-century Belgian context, because of its cultural diversity and reflectiveness of global conditions (the principal example being the First World War), proves well-suited to expose transnational flows and patterns in the global history of relativity. The attempts of Belgian physicist Théophile de Donder to contribute to relativity physics during the 1910s and 1920s illustrate the role of the war in shaping the transnational networks through which relativity circulated. The local attitudes of conservative Belgian Catholic scientists and philosophers, who denied that relativity was philosophically significant, exemplify a global pattern: while critics of relativity feared to become marginalized by the scientific, political, and cultural revolutions that Einstein and his theory were taken to represent, supporters sympathized with these revolutions.
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10

Monballyu, Jos. "The force of law of decree-laws in Belgium during and after the First World War." Tijdschrift voor rechtsgeschiedenis 83, no. 1-2 (May 31, 2015): 248–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-08312p12.

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When Belgium was overrun by Germany in 1914 neither the Belgian constitutional legislator, nor the Belgian legislator had determined how the police powers of the civil authorities could be transferred to the military authorities in the case of a war. Article 130 of the Constitution determined that the Constitution and the constitutional rights and freedoms it provided could never be suspended wholly or in part. This created a problem. There were several statutes which provided merely a limited answer for some situations. When Belgian military authorities instead of civil authorities took measures which invaded upon constitutional rights, disputes arose. In order to avoid these, the Belgian King enacted the decree-law concerning the state of war and the state of siege on 11 October 1916. Many provisions of this decree-law had been taken from the French war laws of 9 August 1849 and 4 April 1878, but – contrary to these French laws – the Belgian decree-law was not based on a formal constitutional stipulation. This decree-law, which contravened the Belgian Constitution of 7 February 1831 and the fundamental rights and freedoms which were safeguarded by this Constitution in several respects, made it possible to take a number of measures during the state of war and the state of siege. As soon as these different provisions were applied, several citizens protested against them. Their protest was mainly aimed at the force of ‘law’ of the decree-law of 11 October 1916 and all of the other decree-laws. The rest of this contribution will detail when and why this protest took place, as well as how the Belgian administration of justice dealt with this protest.
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11

Hancock, Simon. "BELGIAN REFUGEES IN PEMBROKESHIRE DURING THE FIRST WORLD WAR." Welsh History Review / Cylchgrawn Hanes Cymru 30, no. 3 (June 1, 2021): 383–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.16922/whr.30.3.4.

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The experiences of Belgian refugees during the First World War remain a comparatively neglected area of research. This article examines the experiences of Belgian refugees in Pembrokeshire, the largest concentration in Wales. It considers responses to the newcomers, the formation and activities of refugee committees, the impact of the Defence of the Realm Act on refugees, their patterns of employment (especially fishing), the provisions made for the refugees' education and religion, as well as occasional tensions between the local community and the visitors. It concludes with a discussion of the refugees' return to Belgium at the end of the war.
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12

Carriglio, John, Drew Budner, and Katherine A. Thompson-Witrick. "Comparison Review of the Production, Microbiology, and Sensory Profile of Lambic and American Coolship Ales." Fermentation 8, no. 11 (November 16, 2022): 646. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/fermentation8110646.

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Sour beers have been traditionally brewed with spontaneous fermentation. This has been occurring in Belgium for hundreds of years, and more recently in the United States as the American craft beer industry has boomed. Belgian sour styles include lambics, which are mirrored in a burgeoning style called the American coolship ale (ACA). American beers have much more creative leeway than their Belgian counterparts, as American craft brewing tends to incorporate more contemporary techniques and ingredients than their traditional European forebears. This review paper will summarize the history, production methods, fermentation, microbiological profiles, and sensory profiles of Belgian lambics and American coolship ales.
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13

Delfosse, Pasal. "Nationalisme et parlementarisme : La percée complexe du nationalisme flamand au Parlement belge (1873-1914)." Res Publica 36, no. 2 (June 30, 1994): 179–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v36i2.18748.

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This article is related with the linguistic conflict in Belgium and the role of the parties and parties factions in the Parliament during the period 1873-1914. As a contribution to the history of the belgian Parliament, it illustrates the way the flemish claims for more autonomy were transformed in complex agreements in which non-linguistic matters, related to the system of cleavages of the belgian society, somestimes played a crucial role.
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Rochet, Bénédicte. "A State Cinematographic Practice in Wartime." TMG Journal for Media History 19, no. 1 (April 4, 2016): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.18146/2213-7653.2016.248.

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Mass media widely disseminated iconographic representations of the war. In this profusion of images, the behaviour of state authorities changed, while they had previously looked down on these two types of media. The alleged power of images led belligerents to take control of war pictures which circulated in newspapers or in newsreels. Both the reputation of the Army, and, behind it, that of the Nation, were at stake. At the beginning of the war the image of Poor Little Belgium was an effective symbol that was largely fuelled by Allied propaganda and one-off Belgian initiatives. Nevertheless, when the Belgian Army was mentioned in Allied propaganda, the soldiers looked pitiful and exhausted. Because it was growing increasingly worried of this feeble image, the Belgian government decided in 1916 to change course and to coordinate its propaganda efforts to propagate a favourable portrayal of Belgium as a tenacious belligerent nation and equally worthy ally. The Belgian Army Film Unit, established in 1916, was part of this development. Her task was to shoot images of the Belgian Army in action and of its soldiers under the leadership of their commander-in-chief, King Albert and his wife Queen Elisabeth. A state cinematographic practice developed for the first time in Belgium, in the form of a rigorously controlled military film production. This article aims sketching a first approach to this Belgian Army Film Unit and to its filmic sources. The goal is to understand why the Belgian War Department gradually established an Army film unit and how it used its filmic production to write its own history at the Yser front.
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Depaepe, Marc, Frank Simon, and Angelo Van Gorp. "An Atypical Biography Concluding More Than Twenty Years of Decroly Research." Encounters in Theory and History of Education 23 (December 19, 2022): 114–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/encounters.v23i0.16154.

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This article provides, at the request of the editors of this journal, an English-language summary of a biography recently published in French about the Belgian educational pioneer Ovide Decroly, on whom we have already published a number of studies: Ovide Decroly (1871-1932): une approche atypique? (Theory and History of Education International Research Group, housed at the Faculty of Education, Queen’s University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada, 2022), 299 pp. (Theory and History of Education Monograph Series, vol. 4). Of that work (Depaepe, Simon & Van Gorp, 2022), which represents the conclusion of more than 20 years of research by the authors on this eminent figure in the Belgian history of education, we outline here briefly the background, methodological starting points, and contents. Keywords: Ovide Decroly, Brussels (Belgium), New Education, history of education, biography, theory, methodology and historiography of educational history and innovations
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Sak, Kseniya. "Rewarding Members of the Resistance Movement in Belgium in the Context of Public Diplomacy of the USSR during the Cold War." ISTORIYA 13, no. 4 (114) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840021114-4.

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The article deals with the problem of implementing the Soviet policy of “soft power” in the conditions of the Cold War on the example of awarding Belgian participants in the anti-fascist Resistance by the Soviet government combat awards. On the basis of official documents identified in the RGANI, GARF and RGALI, it is shown what role the Soviet “award diplomacy” played in the construction of a collective memory of the Second World War in Belgium and the joint participation of Belgian and Soviet citizens in the Resistance. The initiators of the awards for Belgian citizens formally and informally were such quasi-public organizations as the Soviet Committee of War Veterans, the Union of Writers of the USSR, the Soviet Committee for Cultural Relations with Compatriots Abroad (Rodina society). At the same time, the candidates were coordinated with the national communist parties, which could also initiate the award. The final decision-making took place at the level of the Central Committee of the CPSU, in agreement with the Soviet embassy. During the Cold War period, 4 actions of rewarding the Belgians took place, as a result of which 23 members of the anti-fascist Resistance received Soviet military awards. Among them was the national Belgian heroine — the Russian emigrant M. Shafrova-Marutaeva. As a result of the analysis of award campaigns, the author comes to the conclusion that, being part of a complex of memorial events, they served as an effective tool for broadcasting the official Soviet policy of remembrance of the war to the West. The representation of the image of the winner in these actions emphasized the symbolic legitimacy, political authority and even moral superiority of the Soviet Union in the international arena.
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Vargas Visús, Jorge. "Belgian Politics and the Spanish Civil War." HISPANIA NOVA. Primera Revista de Historia Contemporánea on-line en castellano. Segunda Época, no. 20 (November 24, 2021): 207–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/hn.2022.6459.

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During the second half of the 1930s, Belgium and its institutions were about to undergo testing. The first serious test came about after the shocking results of the legislative elections held on May 24, 1936. Léon Degrelle’s party, the Rex, gained 21 seats. Consequently, a new coalition government had to be constituted in order to safeguard political stability. In parallel with this, a redefinition of the European political landscape was taking place due to the effects caused by the remilitarization of the Rhineland in March 1936. Vis-à-vis that new European scenario, the Belgian government decided upon a new foreign policy that aimed at liberating the country of its international commitments enshrined in the Versailles and Locarno treaties. Both political levels were narrowly connected, influencing each other. Given this connection the Belgian political debate was distorted when it was transferred to the realm of emotions provoked by the Spanish conflict.
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Verhoeyen, Etienne. "Wegvoeringen en weggevoerden tijdens de meidagen van 1940." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 73, no. 3 (September 29, 2014): 250–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v73i3.12145.

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Met dit boek levert Frank Seberechts een nagenoeg volledige studie af van een van de minder fraai kanten van de Belgische samenleving in 1940: de administratieve arrestatie en de wegvoering naar Frankrijk van enkele duizenden personen (de ‘verdachten’), Belgen of in België verblijvende vreemdelingen. De extreem-rechtse en pro-Duitse arrestanten hebben na hun vrijlating dit feit politiek in hun voordeel uitgebaat, waardoor volledig in de schaduw kwam te staan dat de overgrote meerderheid van de weggevoerden joodse mensen waren die in de jaren voor de oorlog naar België waren gevlucht. Dat het beeld van de wegvoeringen niet volledig is, is grotendeels te wijten aan het feit dat de meeste archieven die hierop betrekking hebben tijdens de meidagen van 1940 vernietigd werden. Met name de politieke besluitvorming over de wegvoeringen vertoont nog steeds schemerzones, zodat het vastleggen van verantwoordelijkheden ook vandaag nog een gewaagde onderneming is.________Deportations and the deported during the Maydays in 1940 By means of this book Frank Seberechts provides an almost complete study of one of the less admirable sides of Belgian society in 1940: the administrative arrest and the deportation to France of some thousands of people (‘the suspects’), Belgians or foreigners residing in Belgium. The extreme-right and pro-German detainees politically exploited this fact after they had been freed, but this completely overshadowed the point that the large majority of the deported people were Jews who had fled to Belgium during the years preceding the war. This incomplete portrayal of the deportations is mainly due to the fact that most of the archives relating to the events had been destroyed during the Maydays of 1940. The history of the political decision-making about the deportations in particular still shows many grey areas and it is therefore still a risky business even today to determine which people should be held accountable.
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Heyrman, Peter. "Belgian Government Policy and the Petite Bourgeoisie (1918–40)." Contemporary European History 5, no. 3 (November 1996): 319–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300003908.

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Historical research into the petite bourgeoisie in Belgium did not begin until quite a bit later than it did abroad. On closer inspection, that was no bad thing. Because of the late start by Belgian historians, they were more open-minded and less inclined towards the research into the roots of Fascism which was largely based on pre-war sociological theories. Beginning in 1980, pioneering research was carried out at the Université Libre de Bruxelles – for the most part on the period before the First World War. The research group under the direction of Ginette Kurgan-van Hentenryk systematically analysed several important series of sources and produced interesting detailed studies. In 1993 Serge Jaumain published a comprehensive study on Belgian retail trade in the period from 1880 to 1914.
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LEMAIRE, Véronique. "Scenic aesthetics in Belgium: history of emancipation." Theatrical Colloquia 12, no. 2 (December 1, 2022): 5–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.35218/tco.2022.12.2.01.

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I will not present here an inventory of the picturesque Belgian aesthetics, but I will try to shed light on the phenomena and mechanisms by which new types of picturesque creative processes were established in Belgium in the early 1980. In order to understand them and to perceive what underlies the diversity of aesthetic forms they take, it is necessary to understand in what historical context they appeared, that is, aesthetic, socio-political and economic. And for that, we cannot ignore the very origin of this small country.
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van Impe, Ellen. "The Rise of Architectural History in Belgium 1830–1914." Architectural History 51 (2008): 161–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066622x00003063.

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On the map of nineteenth-century architectural historiographies in Western Europe, Belgium has so far remained a blind spot. While the country’s architectural history of the nineteenth century has already received some (if selective) international attention, with a somewhat disproportionate focus on the Art Nouveau, the historiography arising alongside of it has largely remained outside the picture. Meanwhile, considerations as to Belgium’s particular situation, which presumably influenced its architecture, equally apply to its historiography; for instance its design as a crossroads of influences, as demonstrated in research into the Belgian Catholic Gothic Revival and into nineteenth-century (architectural) history in general, among cases one could cite. While interesting because of its own particularities, Belgium also represents a type of ‘smaller European country’ created in the nineteenth century, whose architectural history has been characterized as ‘often fascinating precisely in the extent to which [these countries] present attempts to resolve the inherent contradictions between the major interpretive models and prescriptions of the English Pugin-Ruskin tradition, French Rationalism, and the more archaeological approach of the Cologne school’. The relatively limited corpus of Belgian architectural historiography — at least when compared with the historiographies of the United Kingdom, France or Germany — is an additional advantage, since it makes the field of study more easily definable and thus allows for more detailed study.
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Cleemput, Irina, and Philippe Van Wilder. "History of health technology assessment in Belgium." International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 25, S1 (July 2009): 82–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462309090461.

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Objectives: This paper gives an overview of health technology assessment (HTA) in Belgium.Methods: The information included in the overview is based on legal documents and publicly available year reports of the Belgian Health Care Knowledge Centre (KCE).Results: Belgium has a relatively young history in HTA. The principle of evidence-based medicine (EBM) was introduced in the drug reimbursement procedure in 2001, with the establishment of the Drug Reimbursement Committee (DRC). The DRC assesses the efficacy, safety, convenience, applicability, and effectiveness of a drug relative to existing treatment alternatives. For some drugs, relative cost-effectiveness is also evaluated. The activities of the DRC can, therefore, be considered to be the first official HTA activities in Belgium. Later, in 2003, KCE was established. Its mission was to perform policy preparing research in the healthcare and health insurance sector and to give advice to policy makers about how they can obtain an efficient allocation of limited healthcare resources that optimizes the quality and accessibility of health care. This broad mission has been operationalized by activities in three domains of research: HTA, health services research, and good clinical practice. KCE is independent from the policy maker. Its HTAs contain policy recommendations that may inform policy decisions but are not binding.Conclusions: Although the Belgian history of HTA is relatively short, its foundations are strong and the impact of HTA increasing. Nevertheless KCE has many challenges for the future, including continued quality assurance, further development of international collaboration, and further development of methodological guidance for HTA.
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Couttenier, Ivan. "Belgian politics in 1988." Res Publica 31, no. 3 (September 30, 1989): 302–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v31i3.18864.

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During the first Jour months of 1988, Belgium witnessed the painstaking formation of the Martens VIII center-left Cabinet. In October 1987, the Christian Democratic-Liberal Martens VI Cabinet had been forced to resign over the perennial Fourons affairs. After the parliamentary elections of December 1987 which had resulted in a Socialist victory, the center-left Martens VIII Cabinet wassworn in on May 9, 1989, marking the end of a political crisis which had lasted 147 days; i.e., the longest crisis in Belgian history. During the remaining months of 1988, the new Government sought parliamentary approval for its ambitious constitutional reform program, having very little time left for continuing the economie recovery policy started under the Martens VI Cabinet.During the second half of 1988, relations between Belgium and Zaire deteriorated.
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Segers, Yves. "Brown Gold?" BMGN - Low Countries Historical Review 137, no. 4 (December 22, 2022): 113–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.51769/bmgn-lchr.11695.

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This article analyses the discourse and opinion of agronomists on the manure problem in Belgium during the years 1970-1991. Based on a careful reading of the Belgian Landbouwtijdschrift (Agricultural Magazine), supplemented with secondary sources, four conclusions can be drawn. Firstly, already in the 1970s these agricultural experts warned for an injudicious use of pig manure, which caused nuisance to the environment and local residents. Without referring to the concept of ‘sustainability’, the agronomists did in fact incorporate economic and ecological aspects into their analysis. Secondly, Belgian agricultural experts, inspired by studies and colleagues in other countries, opted for technical solutions. Only seldom did they plea for strong state intervention. Thirdly, the Belgian government intervened only in the course of the 1980s, when the consequences of over-fertilisation threatened to have concrete and recognisable consequences for citizens, and with regard to the quality of drinking water in particular. These legislative initiatives occurred in parallel with a growing environmental awareness within society at large, a deeper understanding of the long-term environmental effects and the introduction of more stringent European environmental legislation. Fourthly, the Manure Decree of 1991 did not bring about a radical revolution in Belgian agriculture. Its primary focus was the supervision and management of the existing manure circuit, rather than on a structural reduction of the surpluses. Dit artikel analyseert het discours van landbouwkundigen over de mestproblematiek in België in de jaren 1970-1991. Op basis van een zorgvuldige lezing van het Landbouwtijdschrift, aangevuld met secundaire bronnen, kunnen vier conclusies worden getrokken. Ten eerste waarschuwden de landbouwdeskundigen reeds in de jaren 1970 voor een onoordeelkundig gebruik van varkensmest, met overlast voor milieu en omwonenden tot gevolg. Zonder te verwijzen naar het begrip ‘duurzaamheid’, namen de agronomen wel degelijk economische en ecologische aspecten mee in hun analyse. Ten tweede kozen Belgische landbouwexperts, geïnspireerd door studies en collega’s in andere landen, vooral voor technische oplossingen. Slechts zelden pleitten zij voor overheidsingrijpen. Ten derde reageerde de Belgische overheid pas in de loop van de jaren 1980, toen de gevolgen van de overbemesting concrete gevolgen dreigden te hebben voor de burger, namelijk een daling van de drinkwaterkwaliteit. De eerste wetgevende initiatieven liepen parallel met een groeiend maatschappelijk milieubewustzijn, een beter begrip van de milieueffecten op lange termijn en de invoering van een strengere Europese milieuwetgeving. Tenslotte zorgde het Mestdecreet in 1991 niet voor een radicale omwenteling in de Belgische landbouw. De primaire focus lag immers op het toezicht en beheer van het bestaande mestcircuit, en niet op een structurele vermindering van de overschotten.
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Ars, Bernard. "History of Belgian otorhinolaryngology (ORL) 1880–1920." Journal of Laryngology & Otology 119, S30 (August 2005): 10–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1258/0022215054527320.

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Adams, Maurice. "Het rechtsvormingsproces inzake euthanasie in België : Politieke verklaringen en vergelijkende beschouwingen." Res Publica 44, no. 4 (December 31, 2002): 599–625. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v44i4.18436.

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On the 16th of May 2002, the Belgian House of Representatives approved of a Bill on euthanasia. Belgium is now the second country in the world, next to the Netherlands, that has legislation which under certain conditions legitimizes euthanasia (i.e. intentionally terminating life by another person than the person concerned, at this persons request). In this article the Belgian legislative procedure on euthanasia is looked upon from a political point of view. To be able do so first of all the legal context on euthanasia before the new bill was approved of has to be discussed. Then the political history of the process of legal change with regard to euthanasia is analysed from 1980 onwards. And finally the Belgian process of legal change on this subject is compared with the process of legal change in the Netherlands.
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Poelmans, Eline, and Jason E. Taylor. "Belgium's historic beer diversity: should we raise a pint to institutions?" Journal of Institutional Economics 15, no. 4 (April 22, 2019): 695–713. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744137419000080.

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AbstractDespite its relatively small size, Belgium has historically been considered to have the most diverse array of beer varieties in the world. We explore whether Belgium's institutional history has contributed to its beer diversity. The Belgian area has experienced a heterogeneous and variable array of institutional regimes over the last millennia. In many cases institutional borders crossed through the Belgian area. We trace the historical development of many of Belgium's well-known beer varieties to specific institutional causes. We also show that the geographic production of important varieties, such as Old Brown, Red Brown, Trappist, Lambic, Saison, and Gruitbeer, continues to be influenced by Belgium's institutional past.
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SCHILTZ, MICHAEL. "An ‘ideal bank of issue’: the Banque Nationale de Belgique as a model for the Bank of Japan." Financial History Review 13, no. 2 (October 2006): 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565006000230.

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It is established historical knowledge that the Bank of Japan (1882) was modelled upon the Banque Nationale de Belgique (1850). In this article, I point out how Japan's recurrent frustration with foreign dependence nurtured a social Darwinist view of international politics and finance: Japan's capability to survive in the world was believed to be dependent on its capability to assimilate foreign knowledge and institutions. In the field of finance, Matsukata Masayoshi, Japan's most enlightened financial policy maker at the time, turned to Belgium. I explain that Matsukata was dedicated to the emulation of Belgium's financial infrastructure, in which several public institutions would each be responsible for a specific area of the credit system. I indicate how efforts to adopt Belgian institutions and banking ideas proceeded meticuluously; yet, in the end, Japanese and Belgian finance developed along quite distinct pathways.
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Kuijken, Sam. "Onbeschaafd en gevaarlijk : Euro-Oriëntalisme in het Belgische Ruslandbeeld tussen 1848 en 1861." Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 133, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 31–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2020.1.003.kuij.

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Abstract Uncivilized and dangerous. Euro-Orientalism in the Belgian image of Russia between 1848 and 1861Tracing the history of Euro-Orientalism remains somewhat problematic. Not in the least because Larry Wolff’s Inventing Eastern Europe from 1994, the supposed basic book on the subject, remains widely criticized because of its chronology and interpretations. In addition, research has been dominated by the perspective of the European Great Powers and the eighteenth century. This article attempts to break with this tendency by analyzing the Belgian image of Russia between 1848 and 1861. The main goal is to ascertain how Euro-Orientalism was present in the Belgian Russia-image between 1848 and 1861. Drawing on a vast number of sources including travelogues, newspapers and parliamentary proceedings, it is argued that the Belgian Russia-image did indeed show clear signs of Euro-Orientalism. Russia was portrayed as being temporally, spatially and geopolitically different from the European and Belgian ‘Self’.
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Dupont, Wannes. "Pas de deux, out of step : Diverging chronologies of homosexuality’s (de)criminalisation in the Low Countries." Tijdschrift voor Genderstudies 22, no. 4 (November 1, 2019): 321–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgn2019.4.001.dupo.

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Abstract This article aims to complement two earlier ones by Theo van der Meer and Joke Swiebel in the previous issue of this journal (Swiebel, 2019; Van der Meer, 2019) on the history of homosexuality’s criminalisation in the Netherlands by exploring the same theme from a Belgian perspective. Whereas article 248bis of the Dutch penal code raised the age of consent for homosexual relations from 1911 to 1971, its highly similar Belgian counterpart, article 372bis, was only adopted in 1965 and repealed again in 1985. The analysis will not only devote attention to this striking chronological divergence, but also point to important parallels and cross-border connections. While, individually, this contribution is primarily an attempt to tentatively contextualise homosexuality’s legal history in Belgium, it may be hoped that, together with Van der Meer’s and Swiebel’s, it may serve as a call for more much-needed comparative research on the history of (homo)sexuality in the Low Countries.
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Favril, Louis, Ciska Wittouck, Kurt Audenaert, and Freya Vander Laenen. "A 17-Year National Study of Prison Suicides in Belgium." Crisis 40, no. 1 (January 2019): 42–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/0227-5910/a000531.

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Abstract. Background: Suicide is a leading cause of mortality in prisoners worldwide, yet empirical data on this matter are lacking in Belgium. Aims: This study sought to describe characteristics associated with a consecutive series of suicides in Belgian prisons from 2000 to 2016 inclusive, in order to inform suicide prevention strategies. Method: All documented cases of suicide ( N = 262) were reviewed using a standardized assessment checklist. Official records were abstracted for prisoners' sociodemographic, criminological, and clinical information, as well as for suicide-related characteristics. Results: Over the 17-year study period, suicides accounted for one third of all deaths in Belgian prisons. The average annual suicide rate in Belgium from 2000 to 2016 was 156.2 per 100,000 prisoners. Examination of all cases highlights both individual (psychiatric disorders and a history of suicide attempt) and situational (the early period of incarceration, interfacility transfers, and placement in solitary confinement) factors common in many prison suicides; some of them amenable to (clinical) management, which presents several potential avenues for suicide prevention. Limitations: Given the absence of a matched control group, no conclusions could be ascertained regarding risk factors. Conclusion: Suicide is a common, preventable cause of death among prisoners in Belgium. The results underscore the timely need for national standards and guidelines for suicide prevention in Belgian prisons.
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Beyen, Marnix. "Multiple democracies in one country: Belgian narratives of democracy, 1830–1950." Journal of Modern European History 17, no. 2 (April 1, 2019): 171–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894419835748.

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Narratives of democracy have played an important part in Belgium’s self-understanding ever since the country gained its independence in the 1830–1831 revolution. In the more or less official historiography created by the Belgian political and intellectual élites, collective actors of lower and middle strata much rather than monarchs and aristocrats were presented as the forerunners of the Belgian nation. This situation stimulated a proliferation of alternative, and often dissident, democratic narratives among those who saw themselves as the true heirs of these collective actors. Left-wing Republicans and at a later stage Socialists used their narratives to criticize the oligarchic character of the existing political structures, but remained firmly within the Belgian framework. The democratic narratives fostered among Catholics in Flanders, on the contrary, were based on a more fundamental tension with the mainly Francophone and secular Belgian State. Since the First World War, this tension developed into a consistently anti-Belgian and anti-parliamentary narrative of democracy within the emerging Flemish Nationalist subculture and party. By analysing these divergent narratives, this essay thus shows how the initially democratic self-understanding of the Belgian state substantially mortgaged the creation in the long run of stable and unifying national discourses.
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Van Schuylenbergh, Patricia. "Pisciculture in the Belgian Congo." BMGN - Low Countries Historical Review 137, no. 4 (December 22, 2022): 65–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.51769/bmgn-lchr.11689.

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After the Second World War, an ambitious fish farming project was set up in the Congo by the Belgian colonial government on the basis of scientific reports indicating the state of fish resources. The aim was to feed the indigenous population, especially in rural areas considered to be the poorest, and to make economic production profitable, which could contribute to the well-being of the Congolese workers. By placing this project in the long history of sustainability, this article presents the main economic and socio-environmental issues regarding food and the use of fish resources that drove this project, as well as the measures put in place by the authorities associated with the experts to respond to them. The last part provides and discusses arguments that allow for the evaluation of the extent to which the fish farming project met the conditions of interconnected economic, social and environmental sustainability, as defined by the concept of sustainable development. Na de Tweede Wereldoorlog ontwikkelde de Belgische koloniale overheid in Congo een ambitieus viskweekproject op basis van wetenschappelijke rapporten over het welzijn van de visbestanden. Het doel was de lokale bevolking van met name de arme plattelandsgebieden te voeden, de economie rendabel te maken en het welzijn van de Congolese arbeiders te verhogen. Door dit project in de lange geschiedenis van duurzaamheid te plaatsen, presenteert dit artikel de belangrijkste economische, sociale en ecologische problemen die aan de basis van dit project lagen en de maatregelen die experts en autoriteiten hiervoor voorstelden en namen. In de laatste paragraaf wordt beoordeeld in welke mate het viskweekproject voldeed aan het ideaal van duurzame ontwikkeling, waarbinnen economische, sociale en ecologische dimensies van duurzaamheid als onderling samenhangend worden gedefinieerd.
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Khorosheva, Aleksandra. "Leopold I and Belgian Policy on the Eve of the Crimean War." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 6 (2022): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640020486-2.

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In this article, the author analyses the foreign policy efforts of King Leopold I of Belgium, namely his attempts during the international crisis to maintain the European balance on which the future of the Belgian state depended. Prior to the Crimean War, the monarch believed that the main threat of destabilisation emanated from France and sought the support of the three great powers, namely Great Britain, Austria and Russia, but soon the aggravation of the Eastern Question, in which the powers that had guaranteed Belgian neutrality in 1831 and 1839 became adversaries, presented Leopold I with a challenge to mediate a peaceful resolution of the conflict. The purpose of this study is to trace the extent to which the head of a neutral state tried to mediate and reconcile the parties and to show the results of his activities. The sources are documents from the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Empire, as well as published personal correspondence between the king and monarchs, statesmen, and representatives of foreign powers. The author concludes that the formation of the Anglo-French military-political alliance in March 1854 and the declaration of war on Russia forced the King to adapt his policy to the existing international situation, including the settlement of relations between Belgium and France. At the same time, documents indicate that Leopold I's position towards Russia had not changed and that the dialogue between the two countries, based on mutual support, persisted.
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Van Havere, Timo. "Plaatsen van geschiedenis : De ‘Belgische’ archieven tijdens de jaren 1810." Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 133, no. 3 (November 1, 2020): 457–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2020.3.003.vank.

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Abstract Places of history. The ‘Belgian’ archives during the 1810sRecent studies have shown that the states that formed in post-revolutionary Europe were eager to found national archives. Historical research in those archives fostered national unity and stability. Limited research on Belgian archival history has suggested a different picture: under the ‘occupation’ by both the French Empire and the United Kingdom of the Netherlands, ‘Belgian’ archives were plundered. This article offers another interpretation. While the head of the Archives de l’Empire wanted to move valuable documents to Paris, the Dutch government’s lack of archival policy meant decentralization continued. A reorganization of the State Archives in Brussels was not carried through. Local historians were encouraged in their archival interest by being appointed as city archivists. As a result a locally-rooted historiographical archival organization emerged in the ‘Belgian’ provinces of the United Kingdom of the Netherlands.
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Buyst, Erik, Luc Lauwers, and Patrick Uvtterhoeven. "A Game-Theoretical Approach to the Results of Parliamentary Elections in Belgium between the Wars." Social Science History 13, no. 3 (1989): 237–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200016394.

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This paper deals with the distribution of power among Belgian political parties during the interwar period. In the 1930s Belgium, like most European countries, was confronted with the electoral success of extreme right- and left-wing parties that wanted to change the existing political system into an authoritarian one. Usually, historians draw attention to the rapidly growing share of seats in Parliament held by extreme parties as a sign of their increasing influence on Belgian politics. Among game theorists, however, it is widely accepted that the proportion of seats is a poor proxy for power relations (Schotter, 1979). It is indeed possible that a political party acquiring a higher proportion of seats in Parliament loses its capacity to influence the outcome of a vote, and vice versa.
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Crombois, Jean F. "How well do constitutions travel across time and space?" Tijdschrift voor rechtsgeschiedenis 84, no. 3-4 (December 9, 2016): 502–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-08434p06.

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This article discusses the question of possible constitutional models in constitutional history. More precisely, it deals with the influence of the Belgian Constitution of 1831 on the Bulgarian Constitution of 1879 which is also known as the Turnovo Constitution. In doing so, this article highlights the fact that one cannot speak of a Belgian model for the Bulgarian constitution. In other words, it seems that, in this case, the Belgian constitution did not travel so well in time and space. Nevertheless, this article also argues that such a discussion should also be included in the grand narrative of constitutional history in Europe in the 19th century. Finally, the claims and counter claims of a possible Belgian model became central during the inter-War period in the discussion about the desirability or not of the establishment of a liberal parliamentary regime in Bulgaria.
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Delbecke, Bram. "Le jugement de l’opinion publique et la répression des provocations collectives non suivies d’effet en Belgique (1831–1914)." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis 81, no. 1-2 (2013): 219–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-1310a0011.

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The judgment of public opinion and the repression of ineffective criminal provocation in Belgium (1831-1914) – Amongst others, the preoccupation of the 1830–1831 Belgian National Congress with national public opinion as its political foundation, was reflected in the way it thought about criminal provocation. When no effect was given to seditious articles or subversive speeches, they considered them not to be punishable, since public opinion had not bothered to heed their incitements. However, the rise of the labour movement urged the Belgian authorities to change their policy towards this kind of provocations. In order to avoid the long-term effects of the rebellious messages of socialist leaders and anarchist rioters, criminal provocation was qualified an autonomous offence. The way judicial inquiries were held revealed the concern to agitate public opinion as little as possible. This development is clearly marked by a regained sense of pragmatism and a loss of confidence in the judgement of public opinion.
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Couttenier, Ivan. "Belgian politics in 1989." Res Publica 32, no. 2-3 (September 30, 1990): 208–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v32i2-3.18842.

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The center-left Martens VIII cabinet, which had taken office in May 1988 following the longest political cricis in Belgian history, continued in 1989 implementation of its constitutional reform program. The European elections had no domestic impact, but during the campaign the focus was once again on the burning immigration issue. Meanwhile, abortion liberalization caused tension inside the majority. In foreign affairs, the focus was on normalization of relations with Zaire.
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Genin, Vincent. "« J’ai été longtemps minoritaire »." Tijdschrift voor rechtsgeschiedenis 85, no. 1-2 (June 22, 2017): 272–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-08512p10.

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The legitimation process of international labour law in Belgium (1888-1938), Legitimity, experiences and memories of the Belgian Ernest Mahaim. The aim of this contribution is to explain and understand the emergence of international labour law in Belgium in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. First a marginal discipline disputed by the doxa of lawyers, diplomats, and politicians, international labour law is a direct result of the social evolution of the country. This paper focuses on the process of legitimation of this particular branch of law between 1888 to 1938 through the prism of one of his main specialist in Belgium, and also a key-figure of a worldwide network, Ernest Mahaim , professor at the University of Liège.
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Willems, Gertjan. "Francophone Belgian Cinema." Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 40, no. 2 (November 19, 2019): 459–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01439685.2019.1686217.

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WOUTERS, NICO. "New Order and Good Government: Municipal Administration in Belgium, 1938–1946." Contemporary European History 13, no. 4 (November 2004): 389–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777304001869.

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The inefficient operation of state institutions – including municipal administration – lay at the heart of Belgium's crisis of legitimacy in the 1930s. In 1940, the German military occupation government opted to keep many of the existing administrative institutions and personnel in place. The collaborating political parties, Rex and the Vlaams Nationaal Verbond (VNV), possessed little legitimacy with either the Germans or the Belgian population. However, this article argues that both parties turned this to their advantage, infiltrating the Flemish municipal apparatus (especially mayors). Yet, as their political programme and legitimation was completely derived from the Germans, their legal position as administrators (especially mayors) was very weak. Both collaborating parties compensated for this with the theory of ‘good government’. Their takeover of power was an administrative operation which, the article argues, would bring them legitimacy through everyday ‘good government’. The entire ‘Neuordnung’ in Belgium in 1940–2 was strongly legitimised on administrative, not political grounds. The failure of this tactic lay in the open politicisation of collaborationist local government. As the article shows, the post-liberation authority also faced a problem of legitimacy. Generally speaking, the trauma of occupation had seemed to strengthen Belgians' wishes for the restoration of stability rather than reforms.
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43

Brookhuis, Hein. "Making Belgian Big Science." Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences 53, no. 1 (February 1, 2023): 35–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsns.2023.53.1.35.

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This article explores the history of the MYRRHA research reactor currently under construction at the Belgian Nuclear Research Centre (SCK CEN). The article demonstrates that the construction of large instruments has obtained an essential role in the moral economy of modern nuclear laboratories. First, an analysis on the internal discussion within the research center reveals how MYRRHA’s transformation from a commercially oriented project into a transmutation machine was primarily characterized by the wish to upscale the project. Second, a focus on the European research landscape demonstrates how European collaboration led to further upscaling of the project, having to address technological requirements to fit into the European roadmaps. Third, an emphasis on the interaction between MYRRHA and the Belgian political and public sphere shows how MYRRHA was constructed in a narrative that made the project seem essential to the future of the nuclear research center. Based on archival material and background interviews with key players, this article contributes to our understanding of the development of Big Science in the post–Cold War era in western Europe.
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Maxwell, David. "FREED SLAVES, MISSIONARIES, AND RESPECTABILITY: THE EXPANSION OF THE CHRISTIAN FRONTIER FROM ANGOLA TO BELGIAN CONGO." Journal of African History 54, no. 1 (March 2013): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853713000030.

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AbstractThis article extends the history of freed slaves from the well-studied areas of West Africa to the frontier between Angola and Belgian Congo. Originally enslaved by Ovimbundu traders in what became south-eastern Belgian Congo, these enslaved people became Christians through contact with Euro-American missions while labouring in Angola. Following the abolition of slavery in the Portuguese Empire in the 1910s, they returned to their home areas as Christian evangelists. In Belgian Congo, they helped to spread Christianity but clashed with missionaries over authority and respectability. Some struggled with the trauma of enslavement while others sought alternative routes to status and authority through participating in Independent Christian movements or assuming positions of traditional leadership.
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Ouald Chaib, Saïla, Saïla Ouald Chaib, and Eva Brems. "Doing Minority Justice Through Procedural Fairness: Face Veil Bans in Europe." Journal of Muslims in Europe 2, no. 1 (2013): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22117954-12341248.

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Abstract The French and Belgian bans on face veils in public places have been subjected to strong substantive human rights critiques. This article takes a complementary approach, examining the bans from the perspective of procedural fairness. Indeed, the French and Belgian bans are extreme examples of legislative processes taking place above the heads of the people concerned, neglecting the ban’s possible human rights impact. After exploring what the social psychology notion of procedural fairness entails for the judiciary and the legislator, especially in a multicultural context, this article details procedural fairness shortcomings with respect to the face veil ban in France and Belgium. Subsequently, the article sets out how the European Court of Human Rights might compensate for these shortcomings.
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46

Aerts, Koen. "De bestraffing van de collaboratie na de Tweede Wereldoorlog: mild in Vlaanderen en streng in Franstalig België? Een pleidooi voor een sociale geschiedenis van de Tweede Wereldoorlog." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 73, no. 1 (March 18, 2014): 34–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v73i1.12174.

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De bestraffing van de collaboratie na de Tweede Wereldoorlog is één van de meest gepolitiseerde gebeurtenissen uit het Belgisch nationaal verleden. In Vlaanderen werd de repressie al gauw afgeschilderd als een Belgische, zelfs francofone, wraakoefening om de Vlaamse beweging te breken. Die beeldvorming vindt nog steeds bijval bij het brede publiek. Nochtans heeft de wetenschappelijke geschiedschrijving de zogenaamde anti-Vlaamse repressie al lange tijd ontmaskerd als een mythe. Op basis van de uitkomst van de repressierechtspraak wordt er geconcludeerd dat er in Vlaanderen meer en in Franstalig België zwaarder is gestraft. Dat verschil zou te wijten zijn aan het succes van de politieke collaboratie in het Vlaams landsgedeelte en een meer apolitieke, gemeenrechtelijke samenwerking met de Duitse vijand in Franstalig België. Deze bijdrage stelt vraagtekens bij de gegrondheid van die veronderstelde verklaring vanuit de stelling dat de repressie in Franstalig België simpelweg strenger was. De resultaten van het repressief apparaat zeggen immers meer over het karakter van de bestraffing dan over de aard van de collaboratie. Om die reden is er nood aan een sociale geschiedenis van de Tweede Wereldoorlog die rekening houdt met het mens- en maatschappijbeeld van alle betrokkenen, aan welke kant van de beklaagdenbank ook. ________ The prosecution of collaboration after the Second World War: mild in Flanders and severe in French-speaking Belgium? An argument for a social history of the Second World War.The prosecution of collaboration after the Second World War is one of the most politicised events from the Belgian national history. In Flanders the repression would soon be described as a Belgian or even French-speaking revenge intended to destroy the Flemish movement. The public at large still supports that representation of the issue. However, scientific historiography disclosed a long time ago that the so-called anti-Flemish repression was a myth. Based on the results of the repression jurisprudence it has been concluded that prosecution took place more often in Flanders, and that it was more severe in French-speaking Belgium. The difference could be explained by the success of political collaboration in the Flemish part of the country and a more a-political common law-based collaboration with the German enemy in French-speaking Belgium. This contribution questions the merits of that supposed explanation, based on the theory that repression in French-speaking Belgium was simply more severe. After all, the results of the repressive system are more indicative of the character of the prosecution than the nature of the collaboration. For that reason, we need a social history of the Second World War, which takes account of the concept of man and society of all those involved, no matter on which side of the dock they stood.
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Piret, Bérengère. "Reviving the Remains of Colonization – The Belgian Colonial Archives in Brussels." History in Africa 42 (February 18, 2015): 419–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hia.2015.1.

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AbstractSince 1997, all the archives of Belgian Congo are deposited at the Belgian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Brussels and are opened up the public. For more than fifteen years, researchers have consulted and scrutinized its documents produced by the colonial authorities between 1908 and 1960. Still several collections have not been explored. This article relates of the history and the organization of the archives of Belgian Congo.
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Werbrouck, Jakob. "Understanding Bismarck’s legacy: The role of work history in Belgian social security law." European Journal of Social Security 21, no. 4 (December 2019): 326–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1388262719895325.

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This article examines the role that work history plays in income replacement social security benefits in Belgium. The central premise is that, due to the Bismarckian origins of Belgian social security, work history is a concept that is structurally at the core of this system. However, the fact that this element is, from a legal perspective, considered to be self-evident and a prerequisite for the functioning of social security, should not preclude us from exploring its contingent nature. The article argues that the way in which work history is expressed in the laws governing different social security benefits can sometimes create or perpetuate a certain state of affairs, based on an underlying value judgement. In this sense, work history supersedes the mere technical or neutral character that can be attributed to it, and in fact functions as an implicit or explicit policy tool to help model social security in a particular way
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49

Laurent, Pierre-Henri, and Rune Johansson. "Small State in Boundary Conflict: Belgium and the Belgian-German Border, 1914-1919." American Historical Review 95, no. 1 (February 1990): 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2163039.

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50

Romano, Marta, Marcel Joniau, and Kris Huygen. "A BRIEF HISTORY OF BELGIAN IMMUNOLOGY AND ITS SOCIETY." European Journal of Immunology 52, no. 7 (July 2022): 1019–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/eji.202270075.

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