Journal articles on the topic 'Beijing (China). Gong an ju'

Abstract China places a great emphasis on boosting its innovative capability, which it says is key to meeting the challenges in economic development and global competition. At the heart of the matter is how the country could produce its own agent of innovation—creative graduates and postgraduates. In a forum chaired by National Science Review's executive associate editor Mu-ming Poo, five panelists from top universities discuss the problems and challenges of higher education in China and in what ways the system needs to be reformed. Yuanfang Chen Physician and Vice Chair of Peking Union Medical College's Expert Committee on Education in Beijing Song Gao Chemist and Vice President of Peking University in Beijing Ke Gong Electronic Engineer and President of Nankai University in Tianjin Yigong Shi Biologist and Dean of Tsinghua University's School of Life Sciences in Beijing Chia-Wei Woo Physicist and Founding President of Hong Kong University of Science and Technology in Hong Kong Mu-ming Poo (Chair) Neuroscientist and Director of Chinese Academy of Sciences’ Institute of Neuroscience in Shanghai

This study explores the relationship between China’s rise and media censorship around the world, in light of recent suggestions in the Western press and among China experts that Beijing is advancing a global censorship agenda. I argue that the Chinese government occasionally promotes censorship in foreign countries, because it wishes to reduce negative media coverage of China or to silence certain groups abroad (e.g. Falun Gong). More often, China’s relative apathy about speech and press freedoms in foreign countries facilitates censorship in countries that can rely on trade with Beijing. Countries that cannot rely on China are less willing to risk alienating Western powers by violating press freedoms at home. Regime type is an important determinant as to whether censorship is facilitated through intensive economic integration with China, as democracies may respond to China’s rise differently than authoritarian countries. Analysis of country-level panel data shows higher rates of media censorship in democratic countries that trade intensively with China.

Abstract China has about 20% of the world’s total dementia population. Since most elders with dementia are living at home with care by family members, communities are fundamental support resources for families as well as patients. Dementia-friendly community initiatives aim to empower families with dementia and increase their social inclusion. Within the Chinese political context, the community level governmental organization called Ju-wei-hui has played a key role in community engagement. Within this context, a Community Based Participatory Action Research (CBPAR) process is utilized to increase public awareness on dementia and caring strategies. Our team collaborated with 15 Ju-wei-hui offices across Beijing to design a series of courses and teaching modules together. Five hundred community residents participated and positively evaluated the project. A major finding is that CBPAR could be an effective strategy to develop dementia-friendly communities across China.

Set within the theoretical framework of cultural sustainability, this in-depth case study examines the Juer Hutong new courtyard housing prototype built in the inner city of Beijing, China, whose phase one was completed in 1990 and phase two in 1994. Juer Hutong (Chrysanthemum Lane) is located in the area of the celebrated Nanluogu Xiang (Gong and Drum Lane South), in proximity to the historic Drum and Bell Towers. It was a typically decayed traditional courtyard house neighborhood that urgently needed remodeling. After a decade of research and design led by Professor Wu Liangyong, and a group of students at the School of Architecture of Tsinghua/ Qinghua University, phase one of the project has won six awards, including the 1992 World Habitat Award. However, its proposed phases three and four were suspended from construction. This study elucidates the residents’ views of the completed two phases and offers four lessons and two new courtyard garden house design models for discussion and future practice.

El número de actores chinos en escenarios internacionales es cada vez mayor y su abanico de intereses también es creciente. Durante 2017 se fortalecieron dos de sus características esenciales: primero, la mundialización, están en prácticamente todo el planeta, segundo, sus campos de acción que, alentados por sus intereses, son multidimensionales. Durante el año pasado, trataron de posicionarse como una fuerza esencial para resolver problemas. Incluso, hacen todo lo necesario para involucrarse en escenarios de dominio tradicional de los poderes surgidos en la segunda posguerra. El mejor ejemplo de ello es la propuesta de Xi Jinping, presidente de China, compuesta de cuatro puntos¹ para el conflicto entre Palestina e Israel: lograr la existencia de dos Estados basados en las fronteras de 1967 y el este de Jerusalén como capital palestina, finalizar el levantamiento de nuevos asentamientos judíos y terminar con la violencia contra los civiles, alentar la cooperación internacional para promover medidas pacíficas, promover la paz entre Israel y Palestina mediante el desarrollo y la cooperación. La propuesta, una de las primeras en materia de política exterior hechas por Xi a su llegada al poder en 2013, fue presentada el año pasado como algo bienvenido por las partes involucradas; incluso Israel aceptaría una mayor influencia de Beijing, por lo menos en la versión del enviado especial chino para la región, Gong Xiaosheng.²

This paper discusses the Xinfang institution of petitions (letters and visits) and explores the ways in which the Chinese Communist Party regime utilizes social control mechanisms to identify, oversee, and suppress socially discontented people with grievances in the post-Mao market reform era. This public-facing institution for managing participation and rightful resistance, which aims to oversee local officials and redress mass grievances, also plays an unexpected role in social control. Unlike the social control exercised by police patrols in police states, Xinfang functions first as a “fire alarm” in this authoritarian regime; then, if necessary, as a selective “police patrol,” collecting information on discontented people with grievances, monitoring them, quelling and even preempting their protests, and referring dangerous petitioners to higher levels of government to prevent disruption in politically critical regions. This argument is supported with a detailed institutional analysis of the nationwide structure of Xinfang and several case studies of Xinfang’s multi-layered response to petitioners to Beijing, during the Falun Gong incidents in 1999 and 2000 in particular. Several complementary case studies on the behavior of local petition mechanisms and statistical evidence are also analyzed.

Embodying an optimistic diplomatic mind in early Joseon Dynasty, haidongzhuguoji written by Shin Suk-ju became a main evidence of Chinese official Ding Yingtai impeaching Joseon in the Jeongyu War occurring in 1597 because of Toyotomi Hideyoshi’s second invasion. Ding Yingtai’s impeachment involved Joseon’s king, Chinese generals in Joseon and officials in Beijing in a political maelstrom, which aroused strong reactions of Joseon king and ministers. In this situation, Joseon’s diplomatic corps were dispatched to Beijing in order to justify and defend. They made preparations and took action zealously, winning the final victory and achieving the goal consequently. However, this book-diplomacy surpassed the problem of justifying a book, thus there were some complicated and subtle meanings in the process. Firstly, This book-diplomacy provided a touchstone of Sino-Korean relationship in Ming Dynasty, explaining the political essence of the relationship. Secondly, This diplomacy resulted from Ming Dynasty’s political fights and calmed down also because of Ming Dynasty’s political fights, intensively showing both Sino-Korean interdependent political fights and each liege fights. Thirdly, The book-diplomacy became an important turning point of the transformation of Joseon’s foreign concept, and Joseon’s “Smaller China” mind began to emphasize excluding barbarians, which made an idealistic preparation for the rising “Smaller China” mind in Qing Dynasty.

China’s Mou Sen is a survivor in a context under pressure, as are the characters in File Zero, who are robbed of whatever minimal powers they possess. Their civil rights can be violated by the state with impunity, and they are condemned to wander, Kafka-esque, through bureaucratic labyrinths from which there is absolutely no way out. Mou Sen, 32, is the artistic director of the Beijing-based Xi Ju Che Jian ("Garage Theatre” or “Theatre Factory") which he established in 1993. It’s the only fully independent theatre company in mainland China, and Mou guards his independence very carefully, resisting state intervention at all costs. He’s not interested in receiving government subsidies, and stages his productions in abandoned buildings condemned for demolition, or in spaces borrowed for only short periods of time from established organizations in Beijing such as the Zong Zheng Theatre and the Beijing Film Institute. Although Mou has been associated in the past with such venerable state-sanctioned institutions as the People’s Art Theatre in Beijing, he never wants to hold an official position of any kind with a government-controlled or funded organization. Fearing both ideological and aesthetic correctness, Mou even guards his independence from the theatre profession itself. He has no interest in the conventional, naturalistic repertoire of Western classics that dominates China’s stages, and instead concentrates his energies on the development of entirely new pieces. Rather than work with a company of professionally-trained actors, he prefers to collaborate with dissident amateurs and with artists from non-theatre disciplines who don’t have any bad habits to unlearn and who have a healthy disrespect for directorial authority and the patriarchal values it inscribes.

Citrus reticulata Blanco cv. Shiyue Ju, which produces one of China's most popular tropical fruits, is widely planted throughout southern China. In 2008, a new citrus disease was found in Zhaoqing City in Guangdong Province on about 20,000 ha. Yield losses averaged 15% on a wide range of different aged trees of C. reticulata cv. Shiyue Ju. No yield losses were observed on C. reticulata cv. Gong gan. Symptoms first appeared on young leaves as leaf lesions, which were reddish-brown, elliptical, and 2 to 5 mm in diameter. After several weeks, 20 to 70% of leaves dropped and 10 to 50% of fruits on the trees showed brown spots (5 to 40 mm in diameter). Leaves and fruit peels adjacent to and including lesions from different trees were surface disinfested with 1% sodium hypochlorite for 1 min and rinsed three times in sterile water. Then the tissues were plated on potato dextrose agar (PDA) in alternating light and dark at 28°C for 3 days. Twenty-three similar isolates of a fast-growing fungus were recovered from all samples. For identification, single-spore cultures were grown on potato dextrose agar (PDA) at 28°C. Initially, the colonies were white, but after 5 days, they became pale gray with concentric zones and greenish black beneath. No setae, acervuli, or ascocarp were observed in the PDA culture. Conidia formed in pink conidial masses, were hyaline, fusiform, straight, obtuse at the ends, sometimes slightly curved, and 14 to 20 × 4.5 to 6 μm (x¯ = 16.2 ± 1.5 × 4.9 ± 0.5, n = 100). The cultural and morphological characteristics of these isolates matched the description of Colletotrichum siamense (3), but not that of C. gloeosporioides or C. acutatum, which cause anthracnose on citrus plants (1,2). The actin, β-tubulin, CHS I, CAL, GPDH, and ITS regions of four representative isolates (GenBank KC524462, KC524463, KC524464, KC524465, KC524466, and KC524467) were identical and with almost 100% identity to those of the type specimen of C. hymenocallidis isolate CSSN3 (C. hymenocallidis is synonymous with C. siamense) (4), except for two inconsistent nucleotide bases in the GPDH gene. Four potted plants of C. reticulata cv. Shiyue Ju were used for pathogenicity tests. On each plant, 10 randomly selected leaves and four 6-month-old fruits were wound-inoculated with 20 μl of sterile water or conidial suspensions (1 × 105 conidia per ml). Plants were then maintained at 90% relative humidity with a 12-h photoperiod at 28°C. Symptoms resembling those in the field were observed on three inoculated plants after 14 days. In another similar experiment without wounding, three of 20 inoculated plants exhibited the symptoms after 14 days. Controls remained healthy throughout this period. The tests were performed three times. C. siamense was reisolated from all diseased inoculated plants, and the culture and fungus characteristics were the same as the original isolate. Thus, C. siamense was determined to be the pathogen causing leaf drop and fruit spot on C. reticulata cv. Shiyue Ju. To our knowledge, this is the first report of leaf drop and fruit spot on C. reticulata cv. Shiyue Ju caused by C. siamense. References: (1) H. Benyahia et al. Plant Pathol. 52:798, 2003. (2) N. A. Peres et al. Plant Dis. 89:784, 2005. (3) H. Prihastuti, et al. Fungal Diversity 39:89, 2009. (4) B. Weir et al. Stud Mycol. 73:115, 2012.

This old-fashioned political and diplomatic history of the conflict between the Qing court and foreign powers in 1900 makes a significant, if not always convincing, contribution to our understanding of the Boxer troubles. Arguing that previous studies have been flawed by an excessive focus on “the so-called ‘Boxer Rebellion’ ” (p. vii), this book focuses on how the Qing court came to declare war on the foreign powers in June of 1900. Its close analysis of court politics and actions of the foreign diplomatic corps in Beijing makes excellent use of archival records from Belgium, China, France, Germany, Great Britain, Italy, and the United States plus published documents from Russia and Japan – an impressive research accomplishment that adds an important new dimension to our understanding this critical moment in modern Chinese history.In four chapters tracing the background to the Boxer incident, Xiang argues that the death of Prince Gong in 1898 deprived the Qing court of a critical balancing figure. When southern reformers overplayed their hand in the 1898 reforms, the Empress Dowager responded in a coup that brought an incompetent group of ultra-conservative Manchu princelings to power. At the same time, a new kind of imperialism representing an “unholy alliance” of nationalist elites, commercial interests and Christian missionaries threatened China with the scramble for concessions. Xiang is particularly effective in describing the catch-up imperialism of Germany, spurred by the erratic Catholic bishop Anzer, and the “theatrical performance” of the Italians, whose rebuff by the Qing court emboldened the conservative princes.

The process of formulating Pildam (conversation in writing) to the present time is focused on the comparative review of contents of Park Je-ga related 『Chusa Pildam-cheop 2』 with 『Yeolha Gihaengsiju·『Yeondae Jaeyurok』·『Hojeojip』and others to record the damcho (writing for a recorded story) to be collected and rearranged, and it inspected the process of addition, edition and revision thereafter. In addition, diverse characteristics and features of pildam have been observed with the subject of ｢Banhyeongchonghwa｣ with the theme of 『Susarok』 of Han Pil-gyo. The Park Je-ga related pildam of 『Chusa Pildam-cheop』 contains only the pertinent contents of 『Yeolha Gihaengsiju』 and 『Yeondae Jayurok』of Yoo Deuk-gong and 『Hojeojip』of Park Jang-am, but it was actually omitted. It is actually excluded in the process of Park Je-ga and Yoo Deuk-gong collecting and rearranging the damcho that had the pildam with the Chinese intellectuals. Therefore, the damcho at the time of yeonhaeng (journey in visiting China) to be recorded in 『Chusa Pildam-cheop 2』, and it was added and edited to be revised in 『Yeolha Gihaengsiju』, 『Yeondae Jaeyurok』, 『Hojeojip』 and the like. ｢Banhyeongchonghwa｣ records the fact of meeting various people ranging from the Tamlla stranded person met at Yagyeta to Chinese intellectuals, such as, Han Woon-hae, Lee Jang-wook, Yoo Hee-hae and others who were exchanged in Beijing as well as Go Guk-rye of Aklasagwan (private photo shop operated by Russian) to share the conversation or Pildam as well as the fact of exchanging Chinese poetry and letters. Accordingly, it depicts the cases by capturing the situation of Chinese intellectuals attempting to refrain from contacting the envoys from Joseon Dynasty, and having someone to act on pildam when the pildam was exchanged by encountering of Manchurian and foreigner. It even displays all kinds of humiliations in the process of collecting the damcho, or wasting the time and effort from encountering deception of an old man who acted as Seosomun at Muryeong-hyeon. In a word, ｢Banhyeongchonghwa｣ is the data that demonstrates the diverse characteristics and features of Pildam.

Background. The article discusses one of the most complex and controversial periods in the development of the Chinese orchestra of traditional instruments of the new type – the 1960–70s. Since 1966, with the beginning of the Cultural Revolution, all conservatories were closed, and Western instruments and teaching materials were destroyed. Chinese musicians, unable to play classical music, were forced to work with folk songs and folklore in remote provinces. The objective assessment of this historical phenomenon makes it possible to evaluate it not only as a dead end on China’s path to modern progress, but also as an era of constructive innovations and efforts to make a real change in China’s cultural heritage. The specifics of the creative activity of orchestras conducted by conductors Li Delun, Huang Yijun, Li Guoquan, Yang Jizhen is highlighted. Objectives. The purpose of the article is to identify the specifics of the development of the Chinese orchestra of traditional instruments in the 1960s – 1970s, to determine the role of prominent Chinese musicians in the process of modernizing the orchestra and creating a national repertoire during this period. Research methods are based on scientific approaches necessary for the disclosure of the topic. The methodology is based on an integrated approach that combines the principle of musical theoretical, musical historical and executive analysis. Results. As soon as the Cultural Revolution began, the music centers in Beijing and Shanghai came under attack. Composers were deprived of their creative freedom, since all the works had to correspond to the political situation of the time. At this time, collective creativity in the genre of opera and ballet, written according to certain pattern and corresponding to the ideas of Mao Zedong, is widely adopted. As standards of “new art”, official propaganda put forward “exemplary” revolutionary performances – Yanbanshee, almost entirely based on the material of the period of the liberation struggle. The Central and Shanghai orchestras were also persecuted. The chief conductor of the Central Symphony Orchestra, Li Delun was arrested. Since 1963, the programs of the Shanghai Orchestra of Chinese Instruments have begun to reflect the country’s transition to the Cultural Revolution. In the compositions appeared more pronounced revolutionary ideals, showing the need for government reform. Such content was, for example, the orchestral suite "Revolutionary Song", created by the musicians of the Shanghai orchestra. Due to the policy of the Cultural Revolution after 1964, the orchestra completely ceased to perform. In 1964, works performed at a concert in honor of the nation’s birthday included revolutionary pieces such as “Praise to the People”, “Spring Gong Enhances Performance”, “Battle in Shanghai”, and others. Shanghai Orchestra Conductor Juan Yijun, composer Luo Zhongrong, one of the authors of the revolutionary symphony “Shatszyaban” was persecuted and sent to the countryside for forced labor. In 1966, as a result of the repressions, outstanding conductors Li Guoquan and Yang Jazheng died. The widespread distribution of orchestras in China is a paradox. “Exemplary Performances” played an active role in the distribution of Chinese symphonic music. Many amateur orchestras significantly increased their professional level and could perform individual symphonic works. Major symphonic works on revolutionary themes were also created: Qu Wei’s “The Gray-Haired Girl” symphonic suite (created by his ballet), Tian Feng’s “Five Cantatas to lyrics by Mao Zedong”, “Pipa Concert for Orchestra” and “Steppe Sisters” Wu Zujiang, Liu Dehai, Wang Yanqiao. Another genre was music for ballets (“The Red Women’s Battalion”, “The Gray-Haired Girl”). Conclusions. In the period from the 1960s to the 1970s, Chinese orchestral music was enriched with new genres that influenced its subsequent development. In spite of the fact that the main models of Yangbanshee are the opera and ballet genres, major symphonic works were also created: the symphony “Shatszyaban” (Luo Zhongzhong, Yang Muyun, Deng Jiaan, Tan Jingming); Qu Wei’s symphonic suite “The Gray-Haired Girl”; Overture “Festival” Xu Yang Yang, Pipa Concert with Orchestra “Steppe Sisters” Wu Zuqiang, Liu Dehai, Wang Yanqiao. In these compositions combine the traditions of Chinese musical art and European orchestral art, embodied the creative search for Chinese composers and performers to create samples of the modern symphony genre in China. Collective creativity was widespread: on the one hand, the efforts of several people created largescale monumental compositions, on the other hand, the individual author’s principle was leveled, which made it possible to “depersonalize” music. However, an understanding of the cultural aspects of Yanbanshee and its features in a political context is of great importance for an objective study of the development processes of musical art in China. Starting around the 1990s, the political thaw allowed musical works from the time of the Cultural Revolution, gradually returning them to the mainstream of the achievements of Chinese society. Since then, the Yanbanshee has a strong tendency to revive, enjoying the support of the population and continuing to be very popular in the theater, on television, and in the form of commercial and private entertainment.

Background. The article discusses one of the most complex and controversial periods in the development of the Chinese orchestra of traditional instruments of the new type – the 1960–70s. Since 1966, with the beginning of the Cultural Revolution, all conservatories were closed, and Western instruments and teaching materials were destroyed. Chinese musicians, unable to play classical music, were forced to work with folk songs and folklore in remote provinces. The objective assessment of this historical phenomenon makes it possible to evaluate it not only as a dead end on China’s path to modern progress, but also as an era of constructive innovations and efforts to make a real change in China’s cultural heritage. The specifics of the creative activity of orchestras conducted by conductors Li Delun, Huang Yijun, Li Guoquan, Yang Jizhen is highlighted. Objectives. The purpose of the article is to identify the specifics of the development of the Chinese orchestra of traditional instruments in the 1960s – 1970s, to determine the role of prominent Chinese musicians in the process of modernizing the orchestra and creating a national repertoire during this period. Research methods are based on scientific approaches necessary for the disclosure of the topic. The methodology is based on an integrated approach that combines the principle of musical theoretical, musical historical and executive analysis. Results. As soon as the Cultural Revolution began, the music centers in Beijing and Shanghai came under attack. Composers were deprived of their creative freedom, since all the works had to correspond to the political situation of the time. At this time, collective creativity in the genre of opera and ballet, written according to certain pattern and corresponding to the ideas of Mao Zedong, is widely adopted. As standards of “new art”, official propaganda put forward “exemplary” revolutionary performances – Yanbanshee, almost entirely based on the material of the period of the liberation struggle. The Central and Shanghai orchestras were also persecuted. The chief conductor of the Central Symphony Orchestra, Li Delun was arrested. Since 1963, the programs of the Shanghai Orchestra of Chinese Instruments have begun to reflect the country’s transition to the Cultural Revolution. In the compositions appeared more pronounced revolutionary ideals, showing the need for government reform. Such content was, for example, the orchestral suite "Revolutionary Song", created by the musicians of the Shanghai orchestra. Due to the policy of the Cultural Revolution after 1964, the orchestra completely ceased to perform. In 1964, works performed at a concert in honor of the nation’s birthday included revolutionary pieces such as “Praise to the People”, “Spring Gong Enhances Performance”, “Battle in Shanghai”, and others. Shanghai Orchestra Conductor Juan Yijun, composer Luo Zhongrong, one of the authors of the revolutionary symphony “Shatszyaban” was persecuted and sent to the countryside for forced labor. In 1966, as a result of the repressions, outstanding conductors Li Guoquan and Yang Jazheng died. The widespread distribution of orchestras in China is a paradox. “Exemplary Performances” played an active role in the distribution of Chinese symphonic music. Many amateur orchestras significantly increased their professional level and could perform individual symphonic works. Major symphonic works on revolutionary themes were also created: Qu Wei’s “The Gray-Haired Girl” symphonic suite (created by his ballet), Tian Feng’s “Five Cantatas to lyrics by Mao Zedong”, “Pipa Concert for Orchestra” and “Steppe Sisters” Wu Zujiang, Liu Dehai, Wang Yanqiao. Another genre was music for ballets (“The Red Women’s Battalion”, “The Gray-Haired Girl”). Conclusions. In the period from the 1960s to the 1970s, Chinese orchestral music was enriched with new genres that influenced its subsequent development. In spite of the fact that the main models of Yangbanshee are the opera and ballet genres, major symphonic works were also created: the symphony “Shatszyaban” (Luo Zhongzhong, Yang Muyun, Deng Jiaan, Tan Jingming); Qu Wei’s symphonic suite “The Gray-Haired Girl”; Overture “Festival” Xu Yang Yang, Pipa Concert with Orchestra “Steppe Sisters” Wu Zuqiang, Liu Dehai, Wang Yanqiao. In these compositions combine the traditions of Chinese musical art and European orchestral art, embodied the creative search for Chinese composers and performers to create samples of the modern symphony genre in China. Collective creativity was widespread: on the one hand, the efforts of several people created largescale monumental compositions, on the other hand, the individual author’s principle was leveled, which made it possible to “depersonalize” music. However, an understanding of the cultural aspects of Yanbanshee and its features in a political context is of great importance for an objective study of the development processes of musical art in China. Starting around the 1990s, the political thaw allowed musical works from the time of the Cultural Revolution, gradually returning them to the mainstream of the achievements of Chinese society. Since then, the Yanbanshee has a strong tendency to revive, enjoying the support of the population and continuing to be very popular in the theater, on television, and in the form of commercial and private entertainment.

This paper presents some results of rainfall forecast in the monsoon onset period in South Vietnam, with the use of ensemble Kalman filter to assimilate observation data into the initial field of the model. The study of rainfall forecasts are experimented at the time of Southern monsoon outbreaks for 3 years (2005, 2008 and 2009), corresponding to 18 cases. In each case, there are five trials, including satellite wind data assimilation, upper-air sounding data assimilation, mixed data (satellite wind+upper-air sounding data) assimilation and two controlled trials (one single predictive test and one multi-physical ensemble prediction), which is equivalent to 85 forecasts for one trial. Based on the statistical evaluation of 36 samples (18 meteorological stations and 18 trials), the results show that Kalman filter assimilates satellite wind data to forecast well rainfall at 48 hours and 72 hours ranges. With 24 hour forecasting period, upper-air sounding data assimilation and mixed data assimilation experiments predicted better rainfall than non-assimilation tests. The results of the assessment based on the phase prediction indicators also show that the ensemble Kalman filter assimilating satellite wind data and mixed data sets improve the rain forecasting capability of the model at 48 hours and 72 hour ranges, while the upper-air sounding data assimilation test produces satisfactory results at the 72 hour forecast range, and the multi-physical ensemble test predicted good rainfall at 24 hour and 48 hour forecasts. The results of this research initially lead to a new research approach, Kalman Filter Application that assimilates the existing observation data into input data of the model that can improve the quality of rainfall forecast in Southern Vietnam and overall country in general.References Bui Minh Tuan, Nguyen Minh Truong, 2013. 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Rapid urbanization rates impact significantly on the nature of Land Cover patterns of the environment, which has been evident in the depletion of vegetal reserves and in general modifying the human climatic systems (Henderson, et al., 2017; Kumar, Masago, Mishra, & Fukushi, 2018; Luo and Lau, 2017). This study explores remote sensing classification technique and other auxiliary data to determine LULCC for a period of 50 years (1967-2016). The LULCC types identified were quantitatively evaluated using the change detection approach from results of maximum likelihood classification algorithm in GIS. Accuracy assessment results were evaluated and found to be between 56 to 98 percent of the LULC classification. The change detection analysis revealed change in the LULC types in Minna from 1976 to 2016. Built-up area increases from 74.82ha in 1976 to 116.58ha in 2016. Farmlands increased from 2.23 ha to 46.45ha and bared surface increases from 120.00ha to 161.31ha between 1976 to 2016 resulting to decline in vegetation, water body, and wetlands. The Decade of rapid urbanization was found to coincide with the period of increased Public Private Partnership Agreement (PPPA). Increase in farmlands was due to the adoption of urban agriculture which has influence on food security and the environmental sustainability. The observed increase in built up areas, farmlands and bare surfaces has substantially led to reduction in vegetation and water bodies. The oscillatory nature of water bodies LULCC which was not particularly consistent with the rates of urbanization also suggests that beyond the urbanization process, other factors may influence the LULCC of water bodies in urban settlements. Keywords: Minna, Niger State, Remote Sensing, Land Surface Characteristics References Akinrinmade, A., Ibrahim, K., & Abdurrahman, A. (2012). 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In the article cited above, there was an error in the author affiliation list. The affiliation “Department of Endocrinology, Fuwai Hospital, Chinese Academy of Medical Sciences, Shenzhen, Shenzhen, Guangdong, China” has been removed; the correct affiliation list is below. Yanyan Chen,1 Hongmei Jia,2 Xin Qian,1 Jinping Wang,3 Meng Yu,2 Qiuhong Gong,1 Yali An,1 Hui Li,3 Sidong Li,4 Na Shi,1 Zhongmei Zou,2 and Guangwei Li1,5 1Endocrinology Centre, Fuwai Hospital, Chinese Academy of Medical Sciences and Peking Union Medical College, Beijing, China 2Institute of Medicinal Plant Development, Chinese Academy of Medical Sciences and Peking Union Medical College, Beijing, China 3Department of Cardiology, Da Qing First Hospital, Da Qing, China 4Medical Research and Biometrics Center, Fuwai Hospital, National Center for Cardiovascular Diseases, Peking Union Medical College and Chinese Academy of Medical Sciences, Beijing, China 5Department of Endocrinology, China–Japan Friendship Hospital, Beijing, China The online version of the article (https://doi.org/10.2337/dc21-1520) has been updated with the correct affiliation list.

Al concluir 2001 la Región Administrativa Especial (RAE) de Hong Kong cumplió cuatro años y medio de haberse reintegrado a la soberanía de China, pero preservando su propio sistema económico, político y social. Los pronósticos más alarmistas de que el gobierno central de Beijing y el liderazgo del Partido Comunista no tardarían mucho en intervenir, más allá de lo establecido en la Ley Básica, en los asuntos internos de la ex colonia británica y con ello acabarían con la “gallina de los huevos de oro”, quedaron muy lejos de convertirse en realidad. En rigor, las relaciones entre la RAE y la República Popular China se mantuvieron en una situación de creciente interdependencia económica y con un apego bastante escrupuloso al concepto de “un país, dos sistemas”, como lo prueban dos hechos significativos: el que la agrupación Falun Gong, que cuenta con algunos seguidores en Hong Kong, no haya sido declarada ilegal en la región, a pesar de las advertencias del gobierno chino de que no permitiría actividades de esa organización, que está prohibida en China continental, en ninguna parte de su territorio; y un fallo del tribunal de apelaciones de Hong Kong en favor de que 2 200 niños nacidos en el territorio pudieran acogerse al derecho de permanencia, a pesar de la obvia posición de China que hacía poco tiempo había sobreseído un fallo similar.

As the largest and most comprehensive Chinese database in the world, China National Knowledge Infrastructure (CNKI: Zhong guo zhi shi ji chu she shi gong cheng 中国知识基础设施工程, also commonly known as Zhi wang 知网)1 is supervised by Tsinghua University and Tonfang Knowledge Network (TKN), a high-tech enterprise funded by Tsinghua University in 1997. It is supported by the Chinese Ministry of Education, the Publicity Department of the Communist Party of China, the Ministry of Science and Technology, the State Administration of the Press, Publication, Radio, Film and Television of the People's Republic of China and the State Planning Commission of the PRC. In December 1996, CNKI began providing CD-ROM and CAJ-CD for Chinese academic journals, and it was officially launched in 1999. This repository initially focused on Chinese academic journals and later expanded its coverage to PhD dissertations, masters’ theses, conference proceedings, yearbooks, books and patent documents. It is divided into three categories: ‘databases’, ‘specialized sources’, and ‘international sources’, including ProQuest and Taylor and Francis journal databases. Ten service centres are established across the world, including Beijing, North America, Japan, Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong; users include universities, research institutions, government think tanks, industries, hospitals and public libraries.2 CNKI (or CIKRD) updates its information on a daily basis, and its current growth rate is approximately 350,000 new journal articles per month.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to take second-hand vehicles at judicial auctions in China as the primary research direction and to explore the impact of purchasing restriction policy and city size on the relationship between the appraisal price and transaction price of second-hand motor vehicles in the context of auto purchase restriction in China from a microscopic angle. It attempts to broaden the pricing ideas of judicial appraisal enterprises in providing appraisal prices of second-hand motor vehicles and to put forward suggestions for the optimization of appraisal prices and appraisal standards of judicial appraisal enterprises. Design/methodology/approach With the help of Python, this paper crawls 59,038 lines of valid data from three leading internet judicial auction platforms, namely “Ali Auction,” “China Beijing Equity Exchange” and “Gong Pai Wang,” as research samples. Besides, this paper forms a database containing judicial auction used car appraisal prices, transaction prices, motor vehicle purchase restrictions and whether the motor vehicle carries a license plate. By constructing a multiple regression model, the impact of automobile purchase restriction policy on the price of motor vehicles appraised by judicial appraisal enterprises is investigated. Findings With the help of the multivariate regression model, it found that under the same condition, the city where the auction took place implemented the automobile purchase restriction before the end of the auction. The court has specified that the buyer could directly obtain the license plate after the auction. The transaction price and the evaluation price ratio will be statistically larger, which proves that the license plate has an evident value in the transaction and is traded as subject matter by the residents, and consequently brings a higher premium to the price of automobile transaction in internet judicial auction. Meanwhile, the purchase restriction policy in the first-tier cities has resulted in a significant premium on automobile license plates, which is much higher than the automobile license plate premium level in non-first-tier cities under the same conditions. Social implications Car ownership continues to rise with rapid economic development worldwide. Control the growth of car ownership, some countries and regions mainly restrict the issuance of motor vehicle license plates, which indirectly leads to vehicle license plate indicators becoming a scarce resource. National laws permit judicial auction as a means for the people's courts to settle creditors' claims in enforcement procedures of civil cases. In the judicial auction process, the People's Court introduces third-party evaluation enterprises to appraise, assess and audit the subject and obtain the appraisal price, which guides the bidding behavior of used car buyers and indirectly affects the transaction price of used cars. Originality/value As the only subject capable of assessing the value of used cars at judicial auctions, judicial appraisal enterprises have received widespread attention for their appraisal results. This paper researches this field by screening the factors affecting the ratio of motor vehicle transaction price to the appraised price. It also analyzes how the ratio of motor vehicle transaction price to appraised price is affected by motor vehicle purchase restrictions and the situation with license plates. This paper examines the existence of premiums for motor vehicle transactions with license plates, evaluates the purchase restrictions in cities with motor vehicle purchase restrictions and verifies that the premiums for motor vehicles at judicial auctions are affected by purchase restriction policies as well as the influence of city class. These studies have important implications for judicial appraisal enterprises to establish reasonable appraisal mechanisms and optimize appraisal prices. They also provide new ideas and methods for appraisal enterprises to assess the value of used vehicles at judicial auctions.

IntroductionIn this article, I set out to accomplish two tasks. The first is to map coffee and cafés in Mainland China in different historical periods. The second is to focus on coffee and cafés in the socio-cultural milieu of contemporary China in order to understand the symbolic value of the emerging coffee/café-scape. Cafés, rather than coffee, are at the centre of this current trend in contemporary Chinese cities. With instant coffee dominating as a drink, the Chinese have developed a cultural and social demand for cafés, but have not yet developed coffee palates. Historical Coffee Map In 1901, coffee was served in a restaurant in the city of Tianjin. This restaurant, named Kiessling, was run by a German chef, a former solider who came to China with the eight-nation alliance. At that time, coffee was reserved mostly for foreign politicians and military officials as well as wealthy businessmen—very few ordinary Chinese drank it. (For more history of Kiessling, including pictures and videos, see Kiessling). Another group of coffee consumers were from the cultural elites—the young revolutionary intellectuals and writers with overseas experience. It was almost a fashion among the literary elite to spend time in cafés. However, this was negatively judged as “Western” and “bourgeois.” For example, in 1932, Lu Xun, one of the most important twentieth century Chinese writers, commented on the café fashion during 1920s (133-36), and listed the reasons why he would not visit one. He did not drink coffee because it was “foreigners’ food”, and he was too busy writing for the kind of leisure enjoyed in cafés. Moreover, he did not, he wrote, have the nerve to go to a café, and particularly not the Revolutionary Café that was popular among cultural celebrities at that time. He claimed that the “paradise” of the café was for genius, and for handsome revolutionary writers (who he described as having red lips and white teeth, whereas his teeth were yellow). His final complaint was that even if he went to the Revolutionary Café, he would hesitate going in (Lu Xun 133-36). From Lu Xun’s list, we can recognise his nationalism and resistance to what were identified as Western foods and lifestyles. It is easy to also feel his dissatisfaction with those dilettante revolutionary intellectuals who spent time in cafés, talking and enjoying Western food, rather than working. In contrast to Lu Xun’s resistance to coffee and café culture, another well-known writer, Zhang Ailing, frequented cafés when she lived in Shanghai from the 1920s to 1950s. She wrote about the smell of cakes and bread sold in Kiessling’s branch store located right next to her parents’ house (Yuyue). Born into a wealthy family, exposed to Western culture and food at a very young age, Zhang Ailing liked to spend her social and writing time in cafés, ordering her favourite cakes, hot chocolate, and coffee. When she left Shanghai and immigrated to the USA, coffee was an important part of her writing life: the smell and taste reminding her of old friends and Shanghai (Chunzi). However, during Zhang’s time, it was still a privileged and elite practice to patronise a café when these were located in foreign settlements with foreign chefs, and served mainly foreigners, wealthy businessmen, and cultural celebrities. After 1949, when the Chinese Communist Party established the People’s Republic of China, until the late 1970s, there were no coffee shops in Mainland China. It was only when Deng Xiaoping suggested neo-liberalism as a so-called “reform-and-open-up” economic policy that foreign commerce and products were again seen in China. In 1988, ten years after the implementation of Deng Xiaoping’s policy, the Nestlé coffee company made the first inroads into the mainland market, featuring homegrown coffee beans in Yunnan province (China Beverage News; Dong; ITC). Nestlé’s bottled instant coffee found its way into the Chinese market, avoiding a direct challenge to the tea culture. Nestlé packaged its coffee to resemble health food products and marketed it as a holiday gift suitable for friends and relatives. As a symbol of modernity and “the West”, coffee-as-gift meshed with the traditional Chinese cultural custom that values gift giving. It also satisfied a collective desire for foreign products (and contact with foreign cultures) during the economic reform era. Even today, with its competitively low price, instant coffee dominates coffee consumption at home, in the workplace, and on Chinese airlines. While Nestlé aimed their product at native Chinese consumers, the multinational companies who later entered China’s coffee market, such as Sara Lee, mainly targeted international hotels such as IHG, Marriott, and Hyatt. The multinationals also favoured coffee shops like Kommune in Shanghai that offered more sophisticated kinds of coffee to foreign consumers and China’s upper class (Byers). If Nestlé introduced coffee to ordinary Chinese families, it was Starbucks who introduced the coffee-based “third space” to urban life in contemporary China on a signficant scale. Differing from the cafés before 1949, Starbucks stores are accessible to ordinary Chinese citizens. The first in Mainland China opened in Beijing’s China World Trade Center in January 1999, targeting mainly white-collar workers and foreigners. Starbucks coffee shops provide a space for informal business meetings, chatting with friends, and relaxing and, with its 500th store opened in 2011, dominate the field in China. Starbucks are located mainly in the central business districts and airports, and the company plans to have 1,500 sites by 2015 (Starbucks). Despite this massive presence, Starbucks constitutes only part of the café-scape in contemporary Chinese cities. There are two other kinds of cafés. One type is usually located in universities or residential areas and is frequented mainly by students or locals working in cultural professions. A representative of this kind is Sculpting in Time Café. In November 1997, two years before the opening of the first Starbucks in Beijing, two newlywed college graduates opened the first small Sculpting in Time Café near Beijing University’s East Gate. This has been expanded into a chain, and boasts 18 branches on the Mainland. (For more about its history, see Sculpting in Time Café). Interestingly, both Starbucks and Sculpting in Time Café acquired their names from literature, Starbucks from Moby Dick, and Sculpting in Time from the Russian filmmaker Andrei Tarkovsky’s film diary of the same name. For Chinese students of literature and the arts, drinking coffee is less about acquiring more energy to accomplish their work, and more about entering a sensual world, where the aroma of coffee mixes with the sounds from the coffee machine and music, as well as the lighting of the space. More importantly, cafés with this ambience become, in themselves, cultural sites associated with literature, films, and music. Owners of this kind of café are often lovers of foreign literatures, films, and cultures, and their cafés host various cultural events, including forums, book clubs, movie screenings, and music clubs. Generally speaking, coffee served in this kind of café is simpler than in the kind discussed below. This third type of café includes those located in tourist and entertainment sites such as art districts, bar areas, and historical sites, and which are frequented by foreign and native tourists, artists and other cultural workers. If Starbucks cultivates a fast-paced business/professional atmosphere, and Sculpting in Time Cafés an artsy and literary atmosphere, this third kind of café is more like an upscale “bar” with trained baristas serving complicated coffees and emphasising their flavour. These coffee shops are more expensive than the other kinds, with an average price three times that of Starbucks. Currently, cafés of this type are found only in “first-tier” cities and usually located in art districts and tourist areas—such as Beijing’s 798 Art District and Nanluo Guxiang, Shanghai’s Tai Kang Road (a.k.a. “the art street”), and Hangzhou’s Westlake area. While Nestlé and Starbucks use coffee beans grown in Yunnan provinces, these “art cafés” are more inclined to use imported coffee beans from suppliers like Sara Lee. Coffee and Cafés in Contemporary China After just ten years, there are hundreds of cafés in Chinese cities. Why has there been such a demand for coffee or, more accurately, cafés, in such a short period of time? The first reason is the lack of “third space” environments in Mainland China. Before cafés appeared in the late 1990s, stores like KFC (which opened its first store in 1987) and McDonald’s (with its first store opened in 1990) filled this role for urban residents, providing locations where customers could experience Western food, meet friends, work, or read. In fact, KFC and McDonald’s were once very popular with college students looking for a place to study. Both stores had relatively clean food environments and good lighting. They also had air conditioning in the summer and heating in the winter, which are not provided in most Chinese university dormitories. However, since neither chain was set up to be a café and customers occupying seats for long periods while ordering minimal amounts of food or drink affected profits, staff members began to indirectly ask customers to leave after dining. At the same time, as more people were able to afford to eat at KFC and McDonald’s, their fast foods were also becoming more and more popular, especially among young people. As a consequence, both types of chain restaurant were becoming noisy and crowded and, thus, no longer ideal for reading, studying, or meeting with friends. Although tea has been a traditional drink in Chinese culture, traditional teahouses were expensive places more suitable for business meetings or for the cultural or intellectual elite. Since almost every family owns a tea set and can readily purchase tea, friends and family would usually make and consume tea at home. In recent years, however, new kinds of teahouses have emerged, similar in style to cafés, targeting the younger generation with more affordable prices and a wider range of choices, so the lack of a “third space” does not fully explain the café boom. Another factor affecting the popularity of cafés has been the development and uptake of Internet technology, including the increasing use of laptops and wireless Internet in recent years. The Internet has been available in China since the late 1990s, while computers and then laptops entered ordinary Chinese homes in the early twenty-first century. The IT industry has created not only a new field of research and production, but has also fostered new professions and demands. Particularly, in recent years in Mainland China, a new socially acceptable profession—freelancing in such areas as graphic design, photography, writing, film, music, and the fashion industry—has emerged. Most freelancers’ work is computer- and Internet-based. Cafés provide suitable working space, with wireless service, and the bonus of coffee that is, first of all, somatically stimulating. In addition, the emergence of the creative and cultural industries (which are supported by the Chinese government) has created work for these freelancers and, arguably, an increasing demand for café-based third spaces where such people can meet, talk and work. Furthermore, the flourishing of cafés in first-tier cities is part of the “aesthetic economy” (Lloyd 24) that caters to the making and selling of lifestyle experience. Alongside foreign restaurants, bars, galleries, and design firms, cafés contribute to city branding, and link a city to the global urban network. Cafés, like restaurants, galleries and bars, provide a space for the flow of global commodities, as well as for the human flow of tourists, travelling artists, freelancers, and cultural specialists. Finally, cafés provide a type of service that contributes to friendly owner/waiter-customer relations. During the planned-economy era, most stores and hotels in China were State-owned, staff salaries were not related to individual performance, and indifferent (and even unfriendly) service was common. During the economic reform era, privately owned stores and shops began to replace State-owned ones. At the same time, a large number of people from the countryside flowed into the cities seeking opportunities. Most had little if any professional training and so could only find work in factories or in the service industry. However, most café employees are urban, with better educational backgrounds, and many were already familiar with coffee culture. In addition, café owners, particularly those of places like Sculpting in Time Cafe, often invest in creating a positive, community atmosphere, learning about their customers and sharing personal experiences with their regular clients. This leads to my next point—the generation of the 1980s’ need for a social community. Cafés’ Symbolic Value—Community A demand for a sense of community among the generation of the 1980s is a unique socio-cultural phenomenon in China, which paradoxically co-exists with their desire for individualism. Mao Zedong started the “One Child Policy” in 1979 to slow the rapid population growth in China, and the generations born under this policy are often called “the lonely generations,” with both parents working full-time. At the same time, they are “the generation of me,” labelled as spoiled, self-centred, and obsessed with consumption (de Kloet; Liu; Rofel; Wang). The individuals of this generation, now aged in their 20s and 30s, constitute the primary consumers of coffee in China. Whereas individualism is an important value to them, a sense of community is also desirable in order to compensate for their lack of siblings. Furthermore, the 1980s’ generation has also benefitted from the university expansion policy implemented in 1999. Since then, China has witnessed a surge of university students and graduates who not only received scientific and other course-based knowledge, but also had a better chance to be exposed to foreign cultures through their books, music, and movies. With this interesting tension between individualism and collectivism, the atmosphere provided by cafés has fostered a series of curious temporary communities built on cultural and culinary taste. Interestingly, it has become an aspiration of many young college students and graduates to open a community-space style café in a city. One of the best examples is the new Henduoren’s (Many People’s) Café. This was a project initiated by Wen Erniu, a recent college graduate who wanted to open a café in Beijing but did not have sufficient funds to do so. She posted a message on the Internet, asking people to invest a minimum of US$316 to open a café with her. With 78 investors, the café opened in September 2011 in Beijing (see pictures of Henduoren’s Café). In an interview with the China Daily, Wen Erniu stated that, “To open a cafe was a dream of mine, but I could not afford it […] We thought opening a cafe might be many people’s dream […] and we could get together via the Internet to make it come true” (quoted in Liu 2011). Conclusion: Café Culture and (Instant) Coffee in China There is a Chinese saying that, if you hate someone—just persuade him or her to open a coffee shop. Since cafés provide spaces where one can spend a relatively long time for little financial outlay, owners have to increase prices to cover their expenses. This can result in fewer customers. In retaliation, cafés—particularly those with cultural and literary ambience—host cultural events to attract people, and/or they offer food and wine along with coffee. The high prices, however, remain. In fact, the average price of coffee in China is often higher than in Europe and North America. For example, a medium Starbucks’ caffè latte in China averaged around US$4.40 in 2010, according to the price list of a Starbucks outlet in Shanghai—and the prices has recently increased again (Xinhua 2012). This partially explains why instant coffee is still so popular in China. A bag of instant Nestlé coffee cost only some US$0.25 in a Beijing supermarket in 2010, and requires only hot water, which is accessible free almost everywhere in China, in any restaurant, office building, or household. As an habitual, addictive treat, however, coffee has not yet become a customary, let alone necessary, drink for most Chinese. Moreover, while many, especially those of the older generations, could discern the quality and varieties of tea, very few can judge the quality of the coffee served in cafés. As a result, few Mainland Chinese coffee consumers have a purely somatic demand for coffee—craving its smell or taste—and the highly sweetened and creamed instant coffee offered by companies like Nestlé or Maxwell has largely shaped the current Chinese palate for coffee. Ben Highmore has proposed that “food spaces (shops, restaurants and so on) can be seen, for some social agents, as a potential space where new ‘not-me’ worlds are encountered” (396) He continues to expand that “how these potential spaces are negotiated—the various affective registers of experience (joy, aggression, fear)—reflect the multicultural shapes of a culture (its racism, its openness, its acceptance of difference)” (396). Cafés in contemporary China provide spaces where one encounters and constructs new “not-me” worlds, and more importantly, new “with-me” worlds. While café-going communicates an appreciation and desire for new lifestyles and new selves, it can be hoped that in the near future, coffee will also be appreciated for its smell, taste, and other benefits. Of course, it is also necessary that future Chinese coffee consumers also recognise the rich and complex cultural, political, and social issues behind the coffee economy in the era of globalisation. References Byers, Paul [former Managing Director, Sara Lee’s Asia Pacific]. Pers. comm. Apr. 2012. China Beverage News. “Nestlé Acquires 70% Stake in Chinese Mineral Water Producer.” (2010). 31 Mar. 2012 ‹http://chinabevnews.wordpress.com/2010/02/21/nestle-acquires-70-stake-in-chinese-mineral-water-producer›. Chunzi. 张爱玲地图[The Map of Eileen Chang]. 汉语大词典出版 [Hanyu Dacidian Chubanshe], 2003. de Kloet, Jeroen. China with a Cut: Globalization, Urban Youth and Popular Music. Amsterdam: Amsterdam UP, 2010. Dong, Jonathan. “A Caffeinated Timeline: Developing Yunnan’s Coffee Cultivation.” China Brief (2011): 24-26. Highmore, Ben. “Alimentary Agents: Food, Cultural Theory and Multiculturalism.” Journal of Intercultural Studies, 29.4 (2008): 381-98. ITC (International Trade Center). The Coffee Sector in China: An Overview of Production, Trade And Consumption, 2010. Liu, Kang. Globalization and Cultural Trends in China. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2004. Liu, Zhihu. “From Virtual to Reality.” China Daily (Dec. 2011) 31 Mar. 2012 ‹http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/life/2011-12/26/content_14326490.htm›. Lloyd, Richard. Neobohemia: Art and Commerce in the Postindustrial City. London: Routledge, 2006. Lu, Xun. “Geming Kafei Guan [Revolutionary Café]”. San Xian Ji. Taibei Shi: Feng Yun Shi Dai Chu Ban Gong Si: Fa Xing Suo Xue Wen Hua Gong Si, Mingguo 78 (1989): 133-36. Rofel, Lisa. Desiring China: Experiments in Neoliberalism, Sexuality, and Public Culture. Durham and London: Duke UP, 2007: 1-30. “Starbucks Celebrates Its 500th Store Opening in Mainland China.” Starbucks Newsroom (Oct. 2011) 31 Mar. 2012. ‹http://news.starbucks.com/article_display.cfm?article_id=580›. Wang, Jing. High Culture Fever: Politics, Aesthetics, and Ideology in Deng’s China. Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: U of California P, 1996. 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LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English. 據史實所可考知，中國古代自殷商時代已傳衍一種存祀的國際關係思想。可以命之為存祀主義。相傳殷商高宗武丁時代已有這種思想。 惟在後世聖賢學者與君后諸侯普遍信持的歷史記載，則多以周武王克商故事為根據。成為歷代傳承的丈事典範。故事內容十分具體而顯明。就是在武王克商之後除了殺掉妲己，並把纣王懸首在白旗上。同時散發鹿台（地名）之財，分發鉅橋（地名）之粟，分给黎民百姓。並派人釋放被囚的箕子（人名）和眾百姓，派人封比干（人名）之墓，表彰商容（人名）的門閭。更封紂的兒子武庚旅父（人名）保存原有的殷商政權。此外更分神農、黃帝、唐堯、虞舜、夏禹等帝王的後人立為封國。因是古代聖賢俱頌稱為王道。 在古代的學術思想名家，先後普遍頌揚武王的存祀主義的王道。有孔子、子思、荀子、以及儒家後學，一致宏揚孔子所説：「興滅國，繼絕世，舉逸民，天下之民歸心焉。」而法家的管子，更是幫助齊桓公實質履行存祀主義，儒家經典盛讚齊桓公的三存亡國，一繼絕世。因是使春秋時代的霸業，有一個存祀主義 王道思想。我人尚可以在《左傳》、《國語》書中發現此一實殘的例子。 存祀主義進入秦漢大一統之世，已在政治運行上消褪。然至明清兩代，更成為封貢體制(Tributary System)中一個政治信念。明清帝君對於朝貢國多有履踐。仍不廢王道。中國最後一次履行存祀主義，是在光緒五年(1879)在日本呑併琉球的交涉中，主張為琉球保存其所據大島，以延績琉球宗廟血祀。此為帝國主義者暗笑中國的迂闊愚昧。然而今世爭殺是尚，弱小民族如何避免征服，逃脱被奴役命運。此是世界人 類共同思考之大問題。According to historical records, since the Shang era, a nationally related ideology regarding the worship of royal ancestors had existed in ancient China. It was believed that such kind of thoughts existed in as early as the Gao-zhong Wu Ding period in the ancient Shang Dynasty. However scholars, kings, queens and the noblemen in later years generally tended to believe in records about inheritance that were based on the story of King Zhou Wu who conquered Shang. This had become the paradigm of historical inheritance. The story was very concrete and its message obvious. After King Wu conquered Shang, apart from killing the Shang King’s concubine Tan Ji and hanging up the head of the infamous King Zhou on a white flag, he also distributed the wealth in Lu-tai and the food in Ju Qiao to civilians; moreover he sent people to release the imprisoned Qi Zi and other civilians; he sent someone to honor the tomb of Bi Gan and decorate the door of Shang Rong; King Zhou s son Wu Gang Lu Fu was allowed to maintain Shang’s political power. In addition, the descendants of Shen Nong, Huang Di, Tang Yao, Yu Shun and Xia Yu were awarded territories. Many ancient scholars lauded such generosity as regal benevolence. Renowned thinkers and philosophers in ancient China had been praising King Wu's regal benevolence ideology. Confucius, Zi Si, Xun Zi and other confucius followers unanimously upheld what Confucius proclaimed, “Assist defeated states to recover, let political regimes of the ousted rulers continue, give glory to hermits of the previous dynasty, then all the people would whole-heartedly render support to the ruling power.” Guan Zi of the Legalistic School helped Qi Wun Gong (Duke of Qi) implement ancestral inheritance. In the Confucius classics, Qi Wun Gong was much acclaimed for rendering help to defeated states three times, and helping to perpetuate ancestral worship of ousted states. Thus we can tell that during the hegemony of the war-tom Spring-autumn era, such royal inheritance thoughts existed. Concrete examples can be found in classics such as “Zou Zhuan" and "Guoyu". The regal benevolence tenet faded out politically in the unified Qin and Han era. Nevertheless, in the Ming and Qing dynasty, it had evolved into a political ideology in the Tributary System The kings of Ming and Qing Dynasty upheld regal benevolence through pledging to protect their protege states. The last ancestral worship tenet was seen in the fifth year of Guang Xu's rule (1879) when Japan had taken Ryukyu Island. The Emperor of the Qing Dynasty insisted that Ryukyu Island should keep Da Dao (Big Island) so as to allow it to maintain its ancestral worship practice and blood-line. The imperialists sneered at China as ignorant and stupid. However, in contemporary time, amidst fighting and killings, how vulnerable tribes could avoid being conquered and enslaved is actually an important issue for all people to ruminate.

Aim: systematic review of studies in the medical literature of children with COVID – 19 in order to provide evidence of clinical, paraclinical characteristics and relative risk factors of severe degree in children with COVID-19. Research subjects: A systematic review of studies on COVID-19 in children published in the international medical literature. Research methods: the information of research reports was selected from information posted on the COVID-19 update reporting portal of the Ministry of Health, PubMed, EMBASE, Cochrane Library, WHO COVID-19 Database, China National Knowledge Infrastructure (CNKI) Database, WanFang Database through system overview. Results: we collected 115 studies related to COVID-19 in children, published from January 2020 to August 2021, and by screening, we selected 21 studies related to clinical, paraclinical characteristics and relative risk factors of severe degree in children with COVID-19. 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