Books on the topic 'Beam dividers'

This volume offers an organic discussion of Wang Bing's filmmaking across China’s marginal spaces and against the backdrop of the state-sanctioned 'China Dream'. Wang Bing's cinema gives voice to the subaltern. Focusing on contemporary China, his work testifies to a set of issues dealing with inequality, labour, and migration. His internationally awarded documentaries are considered masterpieces with unique aesthetics that bear reference to global film masters. Therefore, this investigation goes beyond the divides between Western and non-Western film traditions and between fiction and documentary cinema. Each chapter takes a different articulation of space (spaces of labour, history, and memory) as its entry point, bringing together film and documentary studies, Chinese studies, and globalization studies. This volume benefits from the author's extensive conversations with Wang Bing and insider observations of film production and the film festival circuit.

Americans responded to the deadly terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, with an outpouring of patriotism, though all were not united in their expression. A war-based patriotism inspired millions of Americans to wave the flag and support a brutal War on Terror in Afghanistan and Iraq, while many other Americans demanded an empathic patriotism that would bear witness to the death and suffering surrounding the attack. Twenty years later, the war still simmers; and both forms of patriotism continue to shape historical understandings of 9/11’s legacy and the political life of the nation. John Bodnar’s compelling history shifts the focus on America’s War on Terror from the battlefield to the arena of political and cultural conflict, revealing how fierce debates over the war are inseparable from debates about the meaning of patriotism itself. Bodnar probes how honor, brutality, trauma, and suffering have become highly contested in commemorations, congressional correspondence, films, soldier memoirs, and works of art. He concludes that Americans continue to be deeply divided over the War on Terror and how to define the terms of their allegiance—a fissure that has deepened as American politics has become dangerously polarized over the first two decades of this century.

Moral duties are regularly attributed to groups. We might think that the United Kingdom has a moral duty to defend human rights, that environmentalists have a moral duty to push for global systemic reform, or that the affluent have a moral duty to alleviate poverty. This book asks (i) whether such groups are apt to bear duties and (ii) what this implies for their members. It defends a ‘Tripartite Model’ of group duties, which divides groups into three fundamental categories. First, combinations are collections of agents that do not have any goals or decision-making procedures in common. Combinations cannot bear moral duties. Instead, we should re-cast their purported duties as a series of duties—one held by each agent in the combination. Each duty demands its bearer to ‘I-reason’: to do the best they can, given whatever they happen to believe the others will do. Second, coalitions are groups whose members share goals but lack decision-making procedures. Coalitions also cannot bear duties, but their alleged duties should be replaced with members’ several duties to ‘we-reason’: to do one’s part in a particular group pattern of actions, on the presumption that others will do likewise. Third, collectives have group-level procedures for making decisions. They can bear duties. Collectives’ duties imply duties for collectives’ members to use their role in the collective with a view to the collective doing its duty.

Bringing the insights from the earlier chapters in the book to bear on Nepal’s contentious post–civil war project of state restructuring, the conclusion looks at how discursive and performative practices of producing intimacies across social and geographic divides comprise a system of shifting and porous boundaries between similarity and difference, self and other, sometimes collapsing distinctions and often producing new ones. It suggests that the aesthetics of dohori, and its emotional resonances grounded in sensory musical experience, continues to inspire aspirations for more egalitarian social formations, while grounding the possibility of the new in reconfigurations of valued aspects of the old.

Destinations in Mind explores how objects depicting distant places helped Romans understand their vast empire. At a time when many sites were written about but only a few were represented in art, four distinct sets of artifacts circulated new information. Engraved silver cups list all the stops from Spanish Gades to Rome, while resembling the milestones that helped travelers track their progress. Vivid glass cups represent famous charioteers and gladiators competing in circuses and amphitheaters, and offered virtual experiences of spectacles that were new to many regions. Bronze bowls commemorate forts along Hadrian’s Wall with colorful enameling typical of Celtic craftsmanship. Glass bottles display labeled cityscapes of Baiae, a notorious resort, and Puteoli, a busy port, both in the Bay of Naples. These artifacts and their journeys reveal an empire divided not into center and periphery, but connected by roads that did not all lead to Rome. They bear witness to a shared visual culture that was not divided into high and low art, but united by extraordinary craftsmanship. New aspects of globalization are apparent in the multilingual place names that the vessels bear, in the transformed places that they visualize, and in the enriched understanding of the empire’s landmarks that they impart. With in-depth case studies, the book argues that the best way to comprehend the Roman empire is to look closely at objects depicting its fascinating places.

This chapter, which examines the place of religion during the Cold War years, suggests that there were conflicting attitudes toward religion in both the United States and the Soviet Union. It explains that Protestant suspicion of the Vatican complicated U.S.–Vatican relations while church leaders within the Soviet bloc were divided between those who advocated cooperation and those who preferred resistance and active opposition. The chapter also contends that religion provided the United States with a stick with which to beat the new communist regimes, and argues that the so-called religious Cold War influenced religion in the West and the developing world in a variety of ways.

This volume offers an organic discussion of Wang Bing's filmmaking across China’s marginal spaces and against the backdrop of the state-sanctioned 'China Dream'. Wang Bing's cinema gives voice to the subaltern. Focusing on contemporary China, his work testifies to a set of issues dealing with inequality, labour, and migration. His internationally awarded documentaries are considered masterpieces with unique aesthetics that bear reference to global film masters. Therefore, this investigation goes beyond the divides between Western and non-Western film traditions and between fiction and documentary cinema. Each chapter takes a different articulation of space (spaces of labour, history, and memory) as its entry point, bringing together film and documentary studies, Chinese studies, and globalization studies. This volume benefits from the author's extensive conversations with Wang Bing and insider observations of film production and the film festival circuit.

Questions about artistic value are not nicely uniform or all raised at the same level of inquiry. In this article they are divided up into three groups of issues: meta-aesthetic, ontological, and normative. The first of these concern the nature of a judgement of artistic value. The second concerns the nature of such value itself. The last concerns the core question of what is artistically valuable about art, and how one brings the various valuable features of a work to bear in arriving at an evaluation of the work. Though these are different questions, there are not sharp boundaries between them. The article begins with the latter two issues, saving meta-aesthetics for last.

For several centuries Cape Town has accommodated a great variety of musical genres which have usually been associated with specific population groups living in and around the city. Musical styles and genres produced in Cape Town have therefore been assigned an ìidentityî which is first and foremost social. This volume tries to question the relationship established between musical styles and genres, and social --in this case pseudo-racial --identities. In Sounding the Cape, Denis-Constant Martin recomposes and examines through the theoretical prism of creolisation the history of music in Cape Town, deploying analytical tools borrowed from the most recent studies of identity configurations. He demonstrates that musical creation in the Mother City, and in South Africa, has always been nurtured by contacts, exchanges and innovations whatever the efforts made by racist powers to separate and divide people according to their origin. Musicians interviewed at the dawn of the 21st century confirm that mixture and blending characterise all Cape Town's musics. They also emphasise the importance of a rhythmic pattern particular to Cape Town, the ghoema beat, whose origins are obviously mixed. The study of music demonstrates that the history of Cape Town, and of South Africa as a whole, undeniably fostered creole societies. Yet, twenty years after the collapse of apartheid, these societies are still divided along lines that combine economic factors and 'racial'categorisations. Martin concludes that, were music given a greater importance in educational and cultural policies, it could contribute to fighting these divisions and promote the notion of a nation that, in spite of the violence of racism and apartheid, has managed to invent a unique common culture.

Three challenges are highlighted in this chapter to the realization of the social investment strategy in our twenty-first-century world. The first such challenge—intertemporal politics—lies in the term ‘investment’, a willingness to forego some measure of current consumption in order to realize often uncertain gains in the future that would not occur otherwise, such as better schooling, employment, and wage outcomes for the next generation. Second, the conditions that enabled our post-war predecessors to invest heavily in future-oriented public goods—a sustained period of economic growth and historically exceptional tolerance for high levels of taxation—no longer obtain. Third, the millennial cohorts who will bear the costs of a new, post-industrial, investment strategy are more economically divided than earlier cohorts and face multiple demands raised by issues such as population aging and global warming, among others.

This chapter describes a long-drawn-out fiscal squeeze in the 1990s against the background of another sharp recession triggered by financial crisis. This episode spans the reigns of a divided Conservative Government which was unexpectedly re-elected in the 1992 election after changing its leader following a major tax revolt, but nevertheless succeeded in restraining public spending growth relative to growing GDP, and the early years of the succeeding ‘New Labour’ Government led by Tony Blair after a landslide victory in the 1997 election. The episode is notable for post-election tax hikes by both governments and for the fact that spending restraint plans announced by one government were followed by its successor for the first time since the 1920s—following a so-called ‘bear trap’ approach by the Conservatives, of announcing spending targets beyond their electoral term and challenging their political opponents to either accept those targets or face charges of planning a ‘tax bombshell’.

This book, based on new research, sheds light on the history of the Social Democrat Hnchakian Party, a major Armenian revolutionary party that operated in the Ottoman Empire, Turkish Republic, Russia, Persia and throughout the global Armenian diaspora. Divided into sections which cover the origins, ideology, and regional history of the SDHP, the book situates the history of the Hnchaks within debates around socialism, populism, and nationalism in the 19th and 20th centuries. The SDHP was not only an Armenian party but had a global Marxist outlook, and scholars in this volume bring to bear expertise in a wide range of histories and languages including Russian, Turkish, Persian and Latin American to trace the emergence and role this influential party played from their split with the Armenian Revolutionary Federation and the events of the Armenian genocide to the formation of the first Armenian Republic and then Soviet Armenia. Putting the Hnchaks in context as one of many nationalist radical groups to emerge in Eurasia in the late 19th century, the book is an important contribution to Armenian historiography as well as that of transnational revolutionary movements in general.

Este livro apresenta estudos desenvolvidos pelo autor desde a década de 1990 e que se valem das contribuições teóricas da sociologia de Pierre Bourdieu, das perspectivas oferecidas por alguns autores contemporâneos da Educação Comparada, em particular Jürgen Schriewer e António Nóvoa e da historiografia brasileira sobre a constituição do sistema educacional brasileiro. O livro se divide em três partes: na primeira, “A Universidade”, são apresentadas intervenções feitas pelo autor em encontros sobre as particularidades da didática no ensino superior; na segunda, “Estudos sobre o campo educacional brasileiro”, apresentam-se algumas perspectivas sobre a história da educação brasileira, bem como a organização e estruturação do campo educacional no nosso país, por meio do estudo comparado da imprensa pedagógica. Ao final, conclui pelo estudo de um intelectual que desempenhou um papel importante nesse campo durante várias décadas, o Professor José Mário Pires Azanha; a terceira e última parte, “A história da educação no Brasil”, examina as especificidades do ensino da História da Educação como disciplina escolar e também a estruturação da escola de massas e a universalização do ensino no nosso país.

This book focuses on digital approaches to capacity development, reflecting the greater interest in how digital tools and platforms can be used for capacity development in the ‘Global South’. While Covid-19 demonstrated some of the benefits of online learning, the widespread, often uncritical adoption of online tools driven by necessity has left many with an experience of ‘emergency online learning’. This book aims to assist in the design of technology-enhanced capacity development by sharing evidence of practices that are principled rather than rushed; inclusive rather than creating new digital divides. Part 1 sets out the main thinking that informs our overall approach and the frameworks that guide our practice. Part 2 explores a series of assumptions about technology-enhanced learning (TEL) that are common in the literature and against which we tested our data. It brings new evidence to bear on how TEL can be used more effectively as part of learning and capacity strengthening. Part 3 is designed as a practical guide to walk practitioners through the steps to create relevant, inclusive and sustainable digital learning interventions. Part 4 offers a collection of 16 case studies that illustrate how we have put the principles into practice. We have worked to evidence how technology can be leveraged effectively to enhance or strengthen capacities of individuals, teams or systems. We make clear that there are no magic bullets, that online approaches are not simply quicker or cheaper substitutes, and that solutions need to be selected carefully, designed well, and significant time invested if it is to work well. We hope Digital Technology in Capacity Development will be of interest to researchers and practitioners in a range of institutions, whether they are directly responsible for designing, delivering or evaluating new initiatives or whether they are advising or funding those who do.

A idade é uma das primeiras características que observamos em outras pessoas. O idadismo surge quando a idade é usada para categorizar e dividir as pessoas por atributos que causam danos, desvantagens ou injustiças, e minam a solidariedade intergeracional. O idadismo prejudica a nossa saúde e o bem-estar e constitui um grande obstáculo à formulação de políticas e ações eficazes em envelhecimento saudável, como foi reconhecido pelos Estados-Membros da Organização Mundial da Saúde (OMS) na Estratégia Global e No Plano de Ação sobre Envelhecimento e Saúde, e na Década do Envelhecimento Saudável (2021-2030). Em resposta, a OMS foi convidada a lançar com seus parceiros uma campanha global de combate ao idadismo, que inclui este relatório. Este relatório, elaborado pela OMS, pelo Alto Comissariado das Nações Unidas para os Direitos Humanos, pelo Departamento de Assuntos Econômicos e Sociais das Nações Unidas e pelo Fundo de População das Nações Unidas, destina-se a formuladores de políticas, profissionais, pesquisadores, agências de desenvolvimento e membros do setor privado e da sociedade civil. Após definir a natureza do idadismo, resumimos as melhores evidências sobre a escala, os efeitos e os determinantes do idadismo, e as estratégias mais eficazes para reduzi-lo. O relatório conclui com três recomendações para a ação baseadas em evidências para criar um mundo para todas as idades.

This book is one of the fruits of the Philosophy and Science of Self-Control project, a three-year project designed to explore the topic of self-control from a variety of angles: neuroscience; social, cognitive, and developmental psychology; decision theory; and philosophy. The book is divided into four main parts: “What is self-control and how does it work?”; “Temptation and goal pursuit”; “Self-control, morality, and law”; and “Extending self-control.” Part I explores conceptual and empirical questions about the nature of self-control and how self-control functions. Questions featured here include the following: How is self-control related to willpower and ego depletion? What are the cultural and developmental origins of beliefs about self-control? Does self-control entail competition between or coordination of elements of the mind? Is self-control a set of skills? What is inhibitory control and how does it work? How are attempts at self-control hindered or helped by emotions? How are self-control and decision-making related? A sampling of questions tackled in Parts II, III, and IV includes the following: How do one’s beliefs about one’s own ability to deal with temptation influence one’s behavior? What does the ability to avoid temptation depend on? How is self-control related to moral concerns and beliefs? How should juvenile responsibility be understood, and how should the juvenile justice system be reformed? How does the framing of possible outcomes bear on success at self-control? How are self-control and empathy related? Can an account of self-control help us understand moral responsibility and free will?

The Power of the In-Between: Intermediality as a Tool for Aesthetic Analysis and Critical Reflection gathers fourteen individual case studies where intermedial issues—issues concerning that which takes place in between media—are explored in relation to a range of different cultural objects and contexts, different methodological approaches, and different disciplinary perspectives. The cases investigate the intermediality of such manifold objects and phenomena as contemporary installation art, twentieth-century geography books, renaissance sculpture, media theory, and public architecture of the 1970s. They also bring together scholars from the disciplines of art history, comparative literature, theatre studies, musicology, and the history of ideas.Starting out from an inclusive understanding of intermediality as “relations between media conventionally perceived as different,” each author specifies and investigates “intermediality” in their own particular case; that is, each examines how it is inflected by particular objects, methods, and research questions. “Intermediality” thus serves both as a concept employed to cover an inclusive range of cultural objects, cultural contexts, methodological approaches, and so on, and as a concept to be modelled out by the particular cases it is brought to bear on. Rather than merely applying a predefined concept, the objectives are experimental. The authors explore the concept of intermediality as a malleable tool of research.This volume further makes a point of transgressing the divide between media history and semiotically and/or aesthetically oriented intermedial studies. The former concerns the specificity of media technologies and media interrelations in socially, politically, and epistemologically defined space and time, and the latter targets formal considerations of media objects and its various meaning-making elements. These two conventionally separated fields of research are integrated in order to produce a richer understanding of the analytical and historical, as well as the aesthetic and technological, conditions and possibilities of intermedial phenomena.

O Direito e seus meandros. Dinâmica pura. Nunca é só o Direito, muito menos é só a letra fria da lei. Interpretações, entendimentos, julgamentos, Cátedros e seus ensinamentos, direitos em conflito com outros direitos, o judiciário que diuturnamente tenta resolver a questão da lei em conflito com a justiça. A evolução do direito é feita todos os dias por aqueles que nele atuam. Acadêmicos cheios do ímpeto da juventude e de sua vontade de mudar o mundo que desenvolvem teses vanguardistas. Mestres que se empenham em estudar e ensinar a especificidade dentro de suas áreas de especialização. Advogados, que na busca de encontrar justiça para seus tutelados, criam novas teorias e teses e permitem que o direito floresça, frutifique. Magistrados, que imbuídos de isenção, mudam os rumos da vida de todos nós com suas decisões, amparadas na lei ou na justiça, mas sempre dentro dos limites do Direito. Estudos avançados em Direito, em seu volume 3 é um livro que nos apresenta um recorte desse rico universo, construído dia a dia por profissionais dos mais diferentes cantos do Brasil, com temas que vão desde a generalidade de direitos e garantias fundamentais até campos bem específicos do direito. Agraciada com a prazerosa responsabilidade de organizar e apresentar meus pares e seus trabalhos, nesta obra, passo a fazê-lo. Começamos o livro com um capítulo que traz um dos maiores desafios do judiciário atualmente: O enorme número de processos que comprometem a rapidez da solução dos litígios judiciais. Esse desafio trouxe ao legislador a necessidade de buscar formas de resolução consensual de conflitos. Em 1996 por meio da lei 9307, denominada lei da arbitragem, o legislador já buscava mecanismos de solução extrajudicial. A reforma do Código de Processo Civil de 2015, também privilegiou essa solução. Do Mato Grosso do Sul, o mestrando Edison França Lange Junior, Professor e Servidor Público em conjunto com o Doutor e advogado Albino Gabriel Turbay Junior nos trazem uma abordagem curiosa sobre o tema. Por meio do capítulo: RESOLUÇÃO CONSENSUAL DE CONFLITOS: COMUNICAÇÃO, COMPREENSÃO E HERMENÊUTICA, eles partem de um entendimento do que é conflito sob o prisma filosófico e antropológico. Os autores nos explicam como o pensamento humano muito vezes nos sabota quando pensamos em “acordo”, pois inconscientemente o “ceder” é entendido como perder e a dor da perda é maior que a satisfação do ganho. A comunicação é o que nos diferencia dos demais animais e privilegiar a composição de interesses para solucionar os conflitos nunca se fez tão urgente. Afinal é conversando que a gente se entende, não é mesmo? São Paulo, o estado mais populoso e mais rico do Brasil, nos enriquece com o Capítulo da Doutoranda, Professora e Advogada Valquíria Ortiz Tavares Costa que nos apresenta o enorme desafio de alcançar a cidadania. Em seu APRESENTAÇÃO capítulo intitulado: EDUCAÇÃO EM DIREITOS HUMANOS: CAMINHO PARA A CIDADANIA, ela nos lembra que a cidadania é condição imprescindível para que se forme um elo entre o indivíduo e o Estado, mas o seu exercício só pode ser viabilizado pela educação que municia a pessoa com o conhecimento necessário para lutar pelos seus direitos e cumprir com os seus deveres. Faço coro com seus argumentos, pois a educação é o único caminho que transforma a vida das pessoas e seu meio. Minas Gerais nos presenteia com o trabalho dos mestres em Direito Jefferson Prado Sifuentes e Paulo Henrique Loyola Vianna de Andrade que nos brindam com brilhante viagem que os meandros constitucionais guardam quanto ao aparente conflito de preceitos fundamentais entre a autonomia da vontade e o respeito do estado por essa autonomia frente à obrigação estatal de preservar garantias fundamentais. Por meio do capítulo: AUTONOMIA PRIVADA FRENTE À GARANTIA DE DIREITOS FUNDAMENTAIS E A PERPLEXIDADE DA RENÚNCIA E SEUS LIMITES CONSTITUCIONAIS eles nos esclarecem, afinal, pode um titular de direito, exercê-lo de forma infinita, desmedida? E o estado, pode limitar o direito de renúncia do titular de um direito? A balança, símbolo da justiça não representa apenas a busca do equilíbrio, do justo. Busca principalmente, e sempre ponderar dois direitos em aparente conflito. Nos idos de 1920 Ruy Barbosa já nos ensinava: “A justiça atrasada não é justiça, senão injustiça qualificada e manifesta”, mas foi somente em 2015 que nosso Código de Ritos, abarcou o princípio da razoável duração do processo, já integrado ao mundo jurídico por meio da Emenda Constitucional 45 de 2004. Do Paraná nos agraciam o advogado e colunista, Mestre em Direito, José Bruno Martins Leão e o Doutor e advogado Albino Gabriel Turbay Junior com aprofundada análise sobre a efetividade deste princípio diante da realidade do Poder Judiciário. No capítulo: O PRINCÍPIO DA DURAÇÃO RAZOÁVEL DO PROCESSO E SUA PERSPECTIVA NO CÓDIGO DE PROCESSO CIVIL DE 2015 várias reflexões são feitas, como por exemplo, se temos por certo que Justiça tardia não é justiça, como conciliar este ideal com a condição humana do julgador? Não seria a pressa inimiga da perfeição, como nos ensina o dito popular? E como enfrentar a questão da dilação devida e natural, que concerne ao próprio rito, a fim de respeitar o princípio do devido processo legal? Os ventos ditatoriais que sopraram por todo o mundo no século passado também chegaram aqui. Feridas foram deixadas e algumas histórias nunca foram esclarecidas. Da Bahia, o juiz leigo, Enéas Cardoso Neto, juntamente com Gabriela Santos Lima, discorrem de forma aguerrida, em seu capítulo intitulado: A SÚMULA 647 DO STJ, EFETIVAÇÃO DE REPARAÇÃO HISTÓRICA FEITA AS VÍTIMAS DE VIOLAÇÕES AOS DIREITOS HUMANOS OCORRIDAS DURANTE A DITADURA MILITAR BRASILEIRA (1964-1985) sobre a imprescritibilidade das ações indenizatórias por danos morais e materiais decorrentes de atos de perseguição política ocorridos no período do regime militar no Brasil, garantida com a recente publicação da súmula 647 do Superior Tribunal de Justiça. Àqueles que injustamente sofreram registro aqui o meu respeito e o desejo de que encontrem na reparação dos danos sofridos o conforto para a dor vivida. O avião recentemente completou um século de seu primeiro voo e o direito aeronáutico já alça voos bem altos. Transmutado de meio de transporte idílico em arma de guerra, normatizações internacionais se fizeram urgentes. A Doutoranda do Curso de ciências aeroespaciais da Força aérea e professora da academia da Força aérea desde 2010, do Campo Fontenelle, em Pirassununga, interior de São Paulo, Érika Rigotti Furtado, nos apresenta por meio do seu capítulo: AS HIPÓTESES LEGAIS DE EMPREGO DO PODER AÉREO BRASILEIRO E O TRIBUNAL PENAL INTERNACIONAL, como o Direito é indispensável quando está posto um embate entre a soberania nacional, objeto de proteção do Poder aéreo e a defesa da dignidade humana, valor defendido pelo Tribunal Penal Internacional. A recente reforma do código de processo civil (2015) externou uma preocupação há muito existente: o enorme número de processos nos tribunais a espera de julgamento. O Paraná, novamente presente por meio do Mestre e Procurador da Fazenda Nacional Elon Kaleb Ribas Volpi, do Doutor e advogado Albino Gabriel Turbay Junior e de seu colega Fabio Caldas Araújo nos demonstram, por meio de minuciosa pesquisa, realizada em seu capítulo: IRDR E OS REGULAMENTOS DOS TRIBUNAIS REGIONAIS FEDERAIS: IMPORTÂNCIA DA ISONOMIA DAS REGRAS, a importância do instituto do Incidente de Resolução de Demandas Repetitivas e de como ele pode evitar decisões contraditórias e diminuir a morosidade da justiça, mas principalmente investigam como os Tribunais Regionais Federais regulam tão importante tema, defendendo a importância de uma isonomia nas regras. Por fim, do Espírito Santo, apresento-lhes o trabalho desta advogada e servidora pública que subscreve esta apresentação, uma capixaba por hereditariedade e por escolha. O saneamento básico é um dos grandes desafios do nosso país e disso ninguém tem dúvida. Mas como gerir tão delicada questão quando se vive numa Região Metropolitana? Rios que se dividem, lixões que se multiplicam, águas que se cruzam, poderes que ora se repelem, ora convergem. Em histórica decisão o STF definiu como deve ser tratada a questão da titularidade dos referidos serviços em regiões metropolitanas, que é o que lhes apresento por meio do capítulo que fecha esta obra: EFEITOS NA PRESTAÇÃO DOS SERVIÇOS DE SANEAMENTO BÁSICO FACE A DEFINIÇÃO DA TITULARIDADE PELO STF NA ADIN 1842-5 Que esta obra, tão plural e tão singular ao mesmo tempo, possa expandir seus horizontes nos mais diversos aspectos alcançados pelo Direito.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.