Academic literature on the topic 'Batam Island politics'

Tourism has become a very promising industry in increasing economic development. Each region is competing to market their area as a tourist destination in order to get foreign exchange. All resources, such as natural resources, human resources, special interest resources, especially cultural resources, are all maximized for the advancement of tourism. In an effort to increase regional income, the Samosir Regency Government of North Sumatra Province took a breakthrough to attract tourists to visit Samosir Island. One of the efforts made is by demonstrating cultural tourism, which is the ritual performance of mangalahat horbo bius ritual. This show is held every year in the Horas Samosir Fiesta event. The mangalahat horbo bius ritual performance began in 2008 at Batu Hobon, Limbong Sagala Village, Sianjur Mulamula Samosir Sub District. Since it was made a ritual, the mangalahat horbo bius became a show on Samosir Island, there were pros and cons in the community where the Catholic Church supported the show as the way to spread religion. Meanwhile the Samosir Regency government as the initiator of the show, has the aim to attract the interest of the visit. The party who openly rejected the show was the Batak Christian Protestant Church (HKBP). Since the beginning, the mangalahat horbo bius ritual performance has experienced controversy in the community. The aim is to attract visits to the Samosir Island area to be counter productive. Therefore, at every mangalahat horbo bius ritual performance, the number of tourist visits to Samosir Island always decreases. In this case the local community is less supportive of the show while tourists visiting Samosir Island avoid the mangalahat horbo bius ritual show for reasons of showing sadism.

This article explores the limits of the multiple institutionalization of border control within the context of the Singapore-Johor-Riau Islands (SIJORI) interregional border, providing a detailed examination of three border control institutions, i.e. immigration, customs, and the Indonesian Maritime Security Agency (BAKAMLA: Badan Keamanan Laut Republik Indonesia) in Batam, Riau Islands Province, Indonesia. This article asks why, in a region with high institutional density and rapid economic growth, illicit practices remain omnipresent, and finds that this stems from incompatible border institution design and overemphasis on individual organizational interests. We find that individual institutions' tendencies to focus on their own goals compromises the common goal of security that justifies their presence. This has been exacerbated by the historical legacy of sectoral egotism that continues to divide Indonesia's public institutions.

Indonesia’s border region to Phillippines, especially to the Sangihe Islands which borders to southern, is mostly a less developed area. To accelerate development of this border region, Indonesia and the Philippines need to exercise a strategy which optimize social connectivity which has been existed since centuries by the Indonesian Sangihe people known as Sangir-Philippines (“Sapi”) or the Philippines-Sangir (“Pisang”). Although they are sovereign states now with their sovereign territorial rights, these facts do not prevent these peoples to continue their traditional cross border for the purpose of social, culture and economic activities. This paper examines how their social connectivity could be utilized to develop border area between Indonesia and the Philippine. By using qualitative methods, the data for this paper is collected from interviews, focus group discussions, field research and literature reviews.This paper concludes that social connectivity among Sapi/Pisang people on the Indonesian and the Philippines respective side raises some challenges such as problems of stateless people, illegal cross-border activities, and terrorism-related activities. However, this paper also found out some positive impacts from their social connectivities, such as the establishment of traditional cross-border cooperation and trade, the opening of the Davao-Bitung ferry line, and cooperation between regional governments. As a step forward, this research emphasizes the importance of strong political will and active participation from both countries in utilizing social connectivity to build a shared border region.Keywords: “Sapi”, “Pisang”, Border, Social Connectivity, Development, Indonesia, Philippine AbstrakKawasan Perbatasan Indonesia di Kepulauan Sangihe yang berbatasan dengan Filipina bagian selatan, tergolong sebagai daerah tertinggal. Untuk mempercepat pembangunan kawasan tersebut, Indonesia dan Filipina dapat melaksanakan strategi yang memanfaatkan konektivitas sosial yang sudah dibangun oleh masyarakat perbatasan yang dikenal dengan istilah Sangir-Philipina (Sapi) atau Philipina-Sangir (Pisang). Berdirinya Indonesia dan Filipina sebagai dua negara yang berdaulat sejak berakhirnya Perang Dunia II ternyata tidak menghentikan orang Sapi/Pisang untuk melakukan kegiatan lintas batas tradisional untuk tujuan sosial, budaya, dan ekonomi. Tulisan ini menganalisis bagaimana dampak negatif dan dampak positif dari konektivitas sosial di atas dalam membangun kawasan perbatasan Indonesia-Filipina. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif, pengumpulan data dilakukan melalui wawancara, diskusi kelompok terpimpin, penelitian lapangan dan studi pustaka. Tulisan ini menyimpulkan bahwa konektivitas sosial antar orang-orang Sapi/Pisang di sisi Indonesia dan di sisi Filipina menimbulkan masalah berupa orang-orang tanpa kewarganegaraan, kegiatan lintas batas ilegal, dan aktivitas terkait terorisme. Namun demikian, Tulisan ini juga menemukan dampak positif dari konektivitas sosial di atas berupa terjalinnya kerja sama lintas batas tradisional dan perdagangan, pembukaan jalur kapal feri Davao-Bitung, dan kerja sama antar pemerintah daerah. Sebagai langkah ke depan, penelitian ini menekankan pentingnya kehendak politik yang kuat dan partisipasi aktif dari kedua negara dalam memanfaatkan konektivitas sosial untuk membangun kawasan perbatasan bersama.

<p><em>Abstrak</em> - <strong>Kelahiran Republik Islam Iran tidak lepas dari peran Ayatollah Imam Khomeini, pemimpin spiritual ulama, sekaligus pemimpin politik yang sangat dihormati di Iran. Imam Khomeini adalah salah satu tokoh terpenting di balik revolusi Iran dan kelahiran Republik Islam Iran. Karena perannya dalam memimpin revolusi Iran bahwa Imam Khomeini ditunjuk sebagai Pemimpin Revolusi Islam, sebagaimana tercantum dalam konstitusi Iran yang disahkan pada bulan Desember 1979. Salah satu gagasan paling menonjol dalam pemikiran politik Imam Khomeini adalah idenya tentang Wilayatul Faqih (tata kelola faqih) yang pada dasarnya menuntut kepemimpinan pada umumnya, termasuk kepemimpinan politik, harus berada di tangan yang terpercaya. Pemikiran politik Imam Khomeini tentang Wilayatul Faqih yang menjadi bagian terpenting dalam struktur politik Republik Islam Iran adalah menekan imamah yang didefinisikan sebagai kepemimpinan religius dan politis serta dilakukan oleh faqih. Wilayatul faqih merupakan kelanjutan dari doktrin Imamah dalam teori politik Syiah khususnya Shia Imami. Struktur ini bukanlah ide baru dalam pemikiran kalangan Syi'ah. Imam Khomeini yang kemudian mengembangkan dan mempraktikkan wilayatul faqih ke dalam sistem pemerintahan modern Iran. Dalam menerapkan gagasannya, Imam Khomeini berhasil menggabungkan struktur pemerintahan religius dengan institusi demokrasi. Namun, Imam Khomeini memiliki definisi demokrasi yang berbeda dengan demokrasi murni dan demokrasi liberal. Dia mengatakan bahwa kebebasan demokratis harus dibatasi dan kebebasan yang diberikan harus dilakukan dalam batas-batas hukum Islam. Meski demikian dapat dikatakan bahwa konsep Wilayatul faqih merupakan salah satu varian demokrasi. Dalam konsep keseimbangan dan mekanisme penyelarasan (checks and balances) ini harus berjalan, meski lembaga tersebut berada di bawah kewenangan wali faqih. Menurut Imam Khomeini tanpa pengawasan Wilayatul faqih, pemerintah akan lalim. Jika peraturan tersebut tidak sesuai dengan kehendak Tuhan dan jika Presiden dipilih tanpa arahan faqih, peraturan tersebut tidak berlaku. Sistem pemerintahan Republik Islam Iran dapat diklasifikasikan ke dalam sistem demokrasi agama, apapun istilahnya diberikan; baik istilah "Teo-Demokrasi" Maududi, "Theistic Democracy" Moh. Natsir "Islamo-Demokrasi" Nurcholis Madjid, Demokrasi, Islam atau apapun yang mencapnya pada dasarnya sama. Sebagai konsekuensi logis, Implikasi struktur gagasan Khomeini tentang demokrasi Islam adalah model dan bentuk pemerintahan alternatif yang bisa menjadi referensi bagi negara-negara Muslim lainnya di masa depan.</strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong><em>Kata Kunci – </em></strong><em>Wilayatul Faqih, Implementasi, Sistem, Struktur</em></p><p> </p><p><em>Abstract</em><strong>-</strong><strong>The birth of the Islamic Republic of Iran can not be separated from the role of Ayatollah Imam Khomeini, a cleric's spiritual leader, as well as a highly respected political leader in Iran. Imam Khomeini was one of the most important figures behind the Iranian revolution and the birth of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Because of its role in leading the Iranian revolution that Imam Khomeini was appointed as Leader (leader) of the Islamic revolution, as listed in the Iranian constitution which was passed in December 1979.One of the most prominent ideas in the political thought of Imam Khomeini was his idea about Wilayatul Faqih (governance of the faqih) which basically calls for leadership in general, including political leadership, should be in trusted hands. Imam Khomeini's political thinking about Wilayatul Faqih who became the most important part in the political structure of the Islamic Republic of Iran is putting pressure on the Imamat which is defined as a religious and political leadership as well as carried by the faqih. Wilayatul faqih is a continuation of the doctrine of Imamat in Shi'i political theory in particular Shia Imami. This structure is not a new idea in the thinking among the Shi'a. Imam Khomeini who later develop and practice Wilayatul faqih into Modern Iranian system of government.In applying his ideas, Imam Khomeini succeeded in combining the religious government structure with democratic institutions. However, Imam Khomeini has a different definition of democracy with pure democracy and liberal democracy. He said democratic freedoms should be restricted and the freedom granted shall be exercised within the limits of Islamic law. Nevertheless it can be said that the concept Wilayatul faqih is one variant of democracy. In this concept of balance and alignment mechanisms (checks and balances) must be running, although the institution is located under the authority of guardians faqih. According to Imam Khomeini without the supervision of Wilayatul faqih, the government will be despotic. If the rule is inconsistent with God's will and if the President shall be elected without the direction of a faqih, the rule is not valid. System of government of the Islamic Republic of Iran can be classified into a religious democratic system, whatever the term is given; either the term "Teo-Democracy" Maududi, "Theistic Democracy" Moh. Natsir "Islamo-Democracy" Nurcholis Madjid, Democracy, Islam or anything that labeled him basically the same. As a logical consequence, Implications of the structure of Khomeini's notion of Islamic democracy is a model and an alternative form of government that could be a reference for other Muslim countries in the future. </strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><strong><em>Keyword - </em></strong><em>Wilayatul Faqih, Implementation, System, Structure</em>

-Johann Angerler, Achim Sibeth, Vom Kultobjekt zur Massenware; Kulturhistorische und kunstethnologische Studie zur figürlichen Holzschnitzkunst der Batak in Nordsumatra/Indonesien. Herbolzheim: Centaurus, 2003, 416 pp. [Sozialökonomische Prozesse in Asien und Afrika 8.] -Greg Bankoff, Eva-Lotta E. Hedman ,Philippine politics and society in the twentieth century; Colonial legacies, post colonial trajectories. London: Routledge, 2000, xv + 206 pp. [Politics in Asia Series.], John T. Sidel (eds) -Peter Boomgard, Andrew Dalby, Dangerous tastes; The story of spices. London: British Museum Press, 2002, 184 pp. -Max de Bruijn, G.J. Schutte, Het Indisch Sion; De Gereformeerde kerk onder de Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie. Hilversum: Verloren, 2002, 254 pp. [Serta Historica 7.] -Laura M. Calkins, Jacqueline Aquino Siapno, Gender, Islam, nationalism and the state in Aceh; The paradox of power, co-optation and resistance. London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2002, xxi + 240 pp. -H.J.M. Claessen, Deryck Scarr, A history of the Pacific islands; Passages through tropical time. Richmond: Curzon, 2001, xviii + 323 pp. -Matthew Isaac Cohen, Sean Williams, The sound of the ancestral ship; Highland music of West Java. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001, xii + 276 pp. -Freek Colombijn, Raymond K.H. Chan ,Development in Southeast Asia; Review and prospects. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2002, xx + 265 pp., Kwan Kwok Leung, Raymond M.H. Ngan (eds) -Heidi Dahles, Shinji Yamashita, Bali and beyond; Explorations in the anthropology of tourism. Translated and with an introduction by J.S. Eades, New York: Berghahn, 2003, xix + 175 pp. [Asian Anthropologies.] -Frank Dhont, Hans Antlöv ,Elections in Indonesia; The New Order and beyond. With contributions by Hans Antlöv, Syamsuddin Haris, Endang Turmudi, Sven Cederroth, Kaarlo Voionmaa. 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Abstract During the era of Reformasi the face of Indonesian politics was marked by, among other things, the kindling in a number of regions of the formalizing of Islamic law through regional bylaws, and in other areas through public policy. Efforts to achieve this started at the third level, that is at the level of regulating aspects of religious services and worship, going beyond Islamic family and economic law, and this was also the case with formalizing shariah law at national level.Despite the positive impacts of thissuch as improved security, seen from the perspective of the rights of non-Muslims the implementation of regional Islamic regulations or public policy is a threat, in part because of its positioning as something that may trigger the violation of non-Muslim rights. Examples of this are freedom of worship, freedom to establish schools, the right to take positions of leadership and inter-faith marriage. Moreover, parts of this implementation directly infringe the rights of non-Muslims, such as the obligation to wear a veil. From the Islamic legal perspective, shariah bylaws or regulation have also crossed the boundaries of traditional shariah law, particularly in the requirement to wear a veil and in freedom of worship. Shariah bylaws are a close reflection of traditional Islamic law. Because of this, the shariah law already embodied in regional legislation must be reinterpreted to make it something of benefit to people, providing a sound footing for accomodating such contemporary demands as basic human rights. In any case, the shariah that becomes formalised in bylaws should be progressive and modern, and this is the shariah law that needs to be publicised and supported. Key Words: shariah bylaws,dzimmî, mainstream, hudîûd, khalwat, jizyah, ahl al-kitâb, takwil,and istishlâh. ------- Abstak Selama era reformasi, wajah perpolitikan Indonesia ditandai dengan adanya, antara lain, menjamurnya jumlah daerah-daerah yang memberlakukan hukum Islam melalui peraturan daerah, melalui kebijakan publik.Usaha untuk memeroleh hal ini dilakukan dengan tiga tingkatan, yaitu pada tingkat pemberlakuan aspek-aspek keagamaan, pelayanan dan peribadatan, kemudian berlanjut pada masalah hukum ekonomi dan keluarga islami, dan hal ini juga menjadi masalah pemberlakuan hukum syariah pada tingkat nasional.Meskipun dampak positif semacam ini dapat meningkatkan keamanan, ditinjau dari perspektif hak-hak non-muslim terhadap pemberlakuan peraturan daerah atau kebijakan publik menjadi sebuah ancaman, dikarenakan posisinya sebagai sesuatu yang bisa memicu pelanggaran hak-hak non-muslim. Contohnya adalah kebebasan beribadah, kebebasan medirikan sekolah, hak untuk mengambil alih kepemimpinan dan perkawinan beda keyakinan. Di samping itu, sebagian dari implementasi ini dapat berpengaruh pada pelanggaran hak-hak non-muslim, misalnya kewajiban untuk memakai jilbab. Dari perspektif hukum Islam, hukum/peraturan syariah telah melanggar batas hukum syariah tradisional, khususnya dalam mewajibkan penggunaan jilbab dan kebebasan beribadah.Perda syariah merupakan refleksi hukum islam klasik. Hal ini dikarenakan hukum islam mencakup peraturan daerah yang harus ditafsirkan untuk memberikan manfaat bagi masyarakat, dengan menampung aspirasi suara bawah. Keywords: shariah bylaws,dzimmî, mainstream, hudîûd, khalwat, jizyah, ahl al-kitâb, takwil,and istishlâh.

Mangrove ecosystem in the coastal of Batam island has severe pressure due to the pace of development, they are activities of mangrove land conversion for development purposes such as shipyard industrial area, residential area, commercial area, tourism area, fish farming, illegal logging of mangrove wood for conventional charcoal industry for carbon, illegal logging of mangrove wood for use as scaffolds in physical development and even illegal logging mangrove wood flagpole for the benefit of political parties. The activities of the above has made the declining quality and quantity of mangrove ecosystems along the coast of Batam. this prompted the city government to do the restoration of mangrove ecosystem efforts. But recovery efforts are already underway to date have not shown significant results. There is no statistical data in the form of increase in mangrove area in Batam. According to our evaluation for mangrove ecosystem restoration program that has been done by the government, it can be concluded that one failure is not an active community participation. To achieve the success of recovery efforts in the area of coastal mangrove ecosystems among coastal area in Batam Island, the government should involve people's active participation as stakeholders in all stages of the mangrove ecosystem restoration program. Pattern recovery program topdown approach that had been done must be change to the peoples active participation.

Sharing this article, the act of writing and then having it read, legitimises the point of it – that is, we (and we speak on behalf of each other here) managed to negotiate western academic expectations and norms from a just-as-legitimate-but-not-always-heard female Buginese perspective written in Standard Australian English (not my first choice-of-language and I speak on behalf of myself). At times we transgressed roles, guiding and following each other through different academic, cultural, social, and linguistic domains until we stumbled upon ways of legitimating our entanglement of experiences, when we heard the similar, faint, drum beat across boundaries and journeys.This article is one storying of the results of this four year relationship between a Buginese PhD candidate and an Indigenous Australian supervisor – both in the writing of the article and the processes that we are writing about. This is our process of knowing and validating knowledge through sharing, collaboration and cultural exchange. Neither the successful PhD thesis nor this article draw from authoethnography but they are outcomes of a lived, research standpoint that fiercely fought to centre a Muslim-Buginese perspective as much as possible, due to the nature of a postgraduate program. In the effort to find a way to not privilege Western ways of knowing to the detriment of my standpoint and position, we had to find a way to at times privilege my way of knowing the world alongside a Western one. There had to be a beat that transgressed cultural and linguistic differences and that allowed for a legitimised dialogic, intersubjective dance.The PhD research focused on potential dialogue between Australian culture and Buginese culture in terms of feminism and its resulting cultural hybridity where some Australian feminist thoughts are applicable to Buginese culture but some are not. Therefore, the PhD study centred a Buginese standpoint while moving back and forth amongst Australian feminist discourses and the dominant expectations of a western academic process. The PhD research was part of a greater Indonesian tertiary movement to include, study, challenge and extend feminist literary programs and how this could be respectfully and culturally appropriately achieved. This article is written by both of us but the core knowledge comes from a Buginese standpoint, that is, the principal supervisor learned from the PhD candidate and then applied her understanding of Indigenous standpoint theory, Tuhiwahi Smith’s decolonising methodologies and Spivakian self-reflexivity to aid the candidate’s development of her dancing methodology. For this reason, the rest of this article is written from the first-person perspective of Dr Abbas.The PhD study was a literary analysis on five stories from Helen Garner’s Postcards from Surfers (1985). My work translated these five stories from English into Indonesian and discussed some challenges that occurred in the process of translation. By using Edward Said’s work on contrapuntal reading and Robert Warrior’s metaphor of the subaltern dancing, I, the embodied learner and the cultural translator, moved back and forth between Buginese culture and Australian culture to consider how Australian women and men are represented and how mainstream Australian society engages with, or challenges, discourses of patriarchy and power. This movement back and forth was theorised as ‘dancing’. Ultimately, another dance was performed at the end of the thesis waltz between the work which centred my Buginese standpoint and academia as a Western tertiary institution.I have been dancing with Australian feminism for over four years. My use of the word ‘dancing’ signified my challenge to articulate and engage with Australian culture, literature, and feminism by viewing it from a Buginese perspective as opposed to a ‘Non-Western’ perspective. As a Buginese woman and scholar, I centred my specific cultural standpoints instead of accepting them generally and therefore dismissed the altering label of ‘Non-Western’. Juxtaposing Australian feminism with Buginese culture was not easy. However, as my research progressed I saw interesting cultural differences between Australian and Buginese cultures that could result in a hybridized way of engaging feminist issues. At times, my cultural standpoint took the lead in directing the research or the point, at other times a Western beat was more prominent, for example, using the English language to voice my work.The Buginese, also known as the Bugis, along with the Makassar, the Mandar, and the Toraja, are one of the four main ethnic groups of the province of South Sulawesi in Indonesia. The population of the Buginese in South Sulawesi spreads into major states (Bone, Wajo, Soppeng, and Sidenreng) and some minor states (Pare-Pare, Suppa, and Sinjai). Like other ethnic groups living in other islands of Indonesia such as the Javanese, the Sundanese, the Minang, the Batak, the Balinese, and the Ambonese, the Buginese have their own culture and traditions. The Buginese, especially those who live in the villages, are still bounded strictly by ade’ (custom) or pangadereng (customary law). This concept of ade’ provides living guidelines for Buginese and consists of five components including ade’, bicara, rapang, wari’, and sara’. Pelras clarifies that pangadereng is ‘adat-hood’, a corpus of interlinked ruling principles which, besides ade’ (custom), includes also bicara (jurisprudence), rapang (models of good behaviour which ensure the proper functioning of society), wari’ (rules of descent and hierarchy) and sara’ (Islamic law and institution, derived from the Arabic shari’a) (190). So, pangadereng is an overall norm which includes advice on how Buginese should behave towards fellow human beings and social institutions on a reciprocal basis. In addition, the Buginese together with Makassarese, mind what is called siri’ (honour and shame), that is the sense of honour and shame. In the life of the Buginese-Makassar people, the most basic element is siri’. For them, no other value merits to be more detected and preserved. Siri’ is their life, their self-respect and their dignity. This is why, in order to uphold and to defend it when it has been stained or they consider it has been stained by somebody, the Bugis-Makassar people are ready to sacrifice everything, including their most precious life, for the sake of its restoration. So goes the saying.... ‘When one’s honour is at stake, without any afterthought one fights’ (Pelras 206).Buginese is one of Indonesia’s ethnic groups where men and women are intended to perform equal roles in society, especially those who live in the Buginese states of South Sulawesi where they are still bound strictly by ade’ (custom) or pangadereng (customary law). These two basic concepts are guidelines for daily life, both in the family and the work place. Buginese also praise what is called siri’, a sense of honour and shame. It is because of this sense of honour and shame that we have a saying, siri’ emmi ri onroang ri lino (people live only for siri’) which means one lives only for honour and prestige. Siri’ had to remain a guiding principle in my theoretical and methodological approach to my PhD research. It is also a guiding principle in the resulting pedagogical praxis that this work has established for my course in Australian culture and literature at Hasanuddin University. I was not prepared to compromise my own ethical and cultural identity and position yet will admit, at times, I felt pressured to do so if I was going to be seen to be performing legitimate scholarly work. Novera argues that:Little research has focused specifically on the adjustment of Indonesian students in Australia. Hasanah (1997) and Philips (1994) note that Indonesian students encounter difficulties in fulfilling certain Western academic requirements, particularly in relation to critical thinking. These studies do not explore the broad range of academic and social problems. Yet this is a fruitful area for research, not just because of the importance of Indonesian students to Australia, and the importance of the Australia-Indonesia relationship to both neighbouring nations, but also because adjustment problems are magnified by cultural differences. There are clear differences between Indonesian and Australian cultures, so that a study of Indonesian students in Australia might also be of broader academic interest […]Studies of international student adjustment discuss a range of problems, including the pressures created by new role and behavioural expectations, language difficulties, financial problems, social difficulties, homesickness, difficulties in dealing with university and other authorities, academic difficulties, and lack of assertiveness inside and outside the classroom. (467)While both my supervisor and I would agree that I faced all of these obstacles during my PhD candidature, this article is focusing solely on the battle to present my methodology, a dialogic encounter between Buginese feminism and mainstream Australian culture using Helen Garner’s short stories, to a Western process and have it be “legitimised”. Endang writes that short stories are becoming more popular in the industrial era in Indonesia and they have become vehicles for writers to articulate the realities of social life such as poverty, marginalization, and unfairness (141-144). In addition, Noor states that the short story has become a new literary form particularly effective for assisting writers in their goal to help the marginalized because its shortness can function as a weapon to directly “scoop up” the targeted issues and “knock them out at a blow” (Endang 144-145). Indeed, Helen Garner uses short stories in a way similar to that described by Endang: as a defiant act towards the government and current circumstances (145). My study of Helen Garner’s short stories explored the way her stories engage with and resist gender relations and inequality between men and women in Australian society through four themes prevalent in the narratives: the kitchen, landscape, language, and sexuality. I wrote my thesis in standard Australian English and I complied with expected forms, formatting, referencing, structuring etc. My thesis also included the Buginese translations of some of Garner’s work. However, the theoretical approaches that informed my analysis cannot be separated from the personal. In the title, I use the term ‘dancing’ to indicate a dialogue with white Australian women by moving back and forth between Australian culture and Buginese culture. I use the term ‘dancing’ as an extension of Edward Said’s work on contrapuntal reading but employ it as a signifier of my movement between insider and outsider (of Australian feminism), that is, I extend it from just a literary reading to a whole body experience. According to Ashcroft and Ahluwalia, the “essence of Said’s argument is to know something is to have power over it, and conversely, to have power is to know the world in your own terms” (83). Ashcroft and Ahluwalia add how through music, particularly the work of pianist Glenn Gould, Said formulated a way of reading imperial and postcolonial texts contrapuntally. Such a reading acknowledges the hybridity of cultures, histories and literatures, allowing the reader to move back and forth between an internal and an external standpoint of cultural references and attitudes in “an effort to draw out, extend, give emphasis and voice to what is silent or marginally present or ideologically represented” (Said 66). While theorising about the potential dance between Australian and Buginese feminisms in my work, I was living the dance in my day-to-day Australian university experience. Trying to accommodate the expected requirements of a PhD thesis, while at the same time ensuring that I maintained my own personal, cultural and professional dignity, that is ade’, and siri’, required some fancy footwork. Siri’ is central to my Buginese worldview and had to be positioned as such in my PhD thesis. Also, the realities that women are still marginalized and that gender inequality and disparities persist in Indonesian society become a motivation to carry out my PhD study. The opportunity to study Australian culture and literature in that country, allowed me to increase my global and local complexity as an individual, what Pieterse refers to as “ a process of hybridization” and to become as Beck terms an “actor” and “manager’’ of my life (as cited in Edmunds 1). Gaining greater autonomy and reconceptualising both masculinity and femininity, while dominant themes in Garner’s work, are also issues I address in my personal and professional goals. In other words, this study resulted in hybridized knowledge of Australian concepts of feminism and Buginese societies that offers a reference for students to understand and engage with different feminist thought. By learning how feminism is understood differently by Australians and Buginese, my Indonesian students can decide what aspects of feminist ideas from a Western perspective can be applied to Buginese culture without transgressing Buginese customs and habits.There are few Australian literary works that have been translated into Indonesian. Those that have include Peter Carey’s True History of the Kelly Gang (2007) and My Life is a Fake (2009), James Vance Marshall’s Walkabout (1957), Emma Darcy’s The Billionaire Bridegroom (2010) , Sally Morgan’s My Place (1987), and Colleen McCullogh’s The Thorn Birds (1978). My translation of five short stories from Postcards from Surfers complemented these works and enriched the diversity of Indonesian translations of world literary works, the bulk of which tends to come from the United Kingdom, America, the Middle East, and Japan. However, actually getting through the process of PhD research followed by examination required my supervisor and I to negotiate cross-cultural terrain, academic agendas and Western expectations of what legitimate thesis writing should look like. Employing Said’s contrapuntal pedagogy and Warrior’s notion of subaltern dancing became my illegitimate methodological frame.Said points out that contrapuntal analysis means that students and teachers can cross-culturally “elucidate a complex and uneven topography” (318). He adds that “we must be able to think through and interpret together experiences that are discrepant, each with its particular agenda and pace of development, its own internal formations, its internal coherence and system of external relationships, all of them co-existing and interacting with others” (32). Contrapuntal is a metaphor Said derived from musical theory, meaning to counterpoint or add a rhythm or melody, in this case, Buginese and Anglo-Australian feminisms. Warrior argues for an indigenous critique of how power and knowledge is read and in doing so he writes that “the subaltern can dance, and so sometimes can the intellectual” (85). In his rereading of Spivak, he argues that subaltern and intellectual positions can meet “and in meeting, create the possibility of communication” (86). He refers to this as dancing partly because it implicitly acknowledges without silencing the voices of the subaltern (once the subaltern speaks it is no longer the subaltern, so the notion of dancing allows for communication, “a movement from subalternity to something else” (90) which can mark “a new sort of non-complicitous relationship to a family, community or class of origin” (91). By “non-complicit” Warrior means that when a member of the subaltern becomes a scholar and therefore a member of those who historically silence the subaltern, there are other methods for communicating, of moving, between political and cultural spaces that allow for a multiplicity of voices and responses. Warrior uses a traditional Osage in-losh-ka dance as an example of how he physically and intellectually interacts with multiple voices and positions:While the music plays, our usual differences, including subalternity and intellectuality, and even gender in its own way, are levelled. For those of us moving to the music, the rules change, and those who know the steps and the songs and those who can keep up with the whirl of bodies, music and colours hold nearly every advantage over station or money. The music ends, of course, but I know I take my knowledge of the dance away and into my life as a critic, and I would argue that those levelled moments remain with us after we leave the drum, change our clothes, and go back to the rest of our lives. (93)For Warrior, the dance becomes theory into practice. For me, it became not only a way to soundly and “appropriately” present my methodology and purpose, but it also became my day to day interactions, as a female Buginese scholar, with western, Australian academic and cultural worldviews and expectations.One of the biggest movements I had to justify was my use of the first person “I”, in my thesis, to signify my identity as a Buginese woman and position myself as an insider of my community with a hybrid western feminism with Australia in mind. Perrault argues that “Writing “I” has been an emancipatory project for women” (2). In the context of my PhD thesis, uttering ‘I’ confirmed my position and aims. However, this act of explicitly situating my own identity and cultural position in my research and thesis was considered one of the more illegitimate acts. In one of the examiner reports, it was stated that situating myself centrally was fraught but that I managed to avoid the pitfalls. Judy Long argues that writing in the female first person challenges patriarchal control and order (127). For me, writing in the first person was essential if I had any chance of maintaining my Buginese identity and voice, in both my thesis and in my Australian tertiary experience. As Trinh-Minh writes, “S/he who writes, writes. In uncertainty, in necessity. And does not ask whether s/he is given permission to do so or not” (8).Van Dijk, cited in Hamilton, notes that the west and north are bound by an academic ethnocentrism and this is a particular area my own research had to negotiate. Methodologically I provided a comparative rather than a universalising perspective, engaging with middle-class, heterosexual, western, white women feminism but not privileging them. It is important for Buginese to use language discourses as a weapon to gain power, particularly because as McGlynn claims, “generally Indonesians are not particularly outspoken” (38). My research was shaped by a combination of ongoing dedication to promote women’s empowerment in the Buginese context and my role as an academic teaching English literature at the university level. I applied interpretive principles that will enable my students to see how the ideas of feminism conveyed through western literature can positively improve the quality of women’s lives and be implemented in Buginese culture without compromising our identity as Indonesians and Buginese people. At the same time, my literary translation provides a cultural comparison with Australia that allows a space for further conversations to occur. However, while attempting to negotiate western and Indonesian discourses in my thesis, I was also physically and emotionally trying to negotiate how to do this as a Muslim Buginese female PhD candidate in an Anglo-Australian academic institution. The notion of ‘dancing’ was employed as a signifier of movement between insider and outsider knowledge. Throughout the research process and my thesis I ‘danced’ with Australian feminism, traditional patriarchal Buginese society, Western academic expectations and my own emerging Indonesian feminist perspective. To ensure siri’ remained the pedagogical and ethical basis of my approach I applied Edward Said’s work on contrapuntal reading and Robert Warrior’s employment of a traditional Osage dance as a self-reflexive, embodied praxis, that is, I extended it from just a literary reading to a whole body experience. The notion of ‘dance’ allows for movement, change, contact, tension, touch and distance: it means that for those who have historically been marginalised or confined, they are no longer silenced. The metaphoric act of dancing allowed me to legitimise my PhD work – it was successfully awarded – and to negotiate a western tertiary institute in Australia with my own Buginese knowledge, culture and purpose.ReferencesAshcroft., B., and P. Ahluwalia. Edward Said. London: Routledge, 1999.Carey, Peter. True History of the Kelly Gang: A Novel. Random House LLC, 2007.Carey, Peter. My Life as a Fake: A NNovel. Random House LLC, 2009.Darcy, Emma. Billionaire Bridegroom 2319. Harlequin, 2010.Endang, Fransisca. "Disseminating Indonesian Postcoloniality into English Literature (a Case Study of 'Clara')." Jurnal Sastra Inggris 8.2: 2008.Edmunds, Kim. "The Impact of an Australian Higher Education on Gender Relations in Indonesia." ISANA International Conference "Student Success in International Education", 2007Garner, Helen. Postcards from Surfers. Melbourne: McPhee/Gribble, 1985.Hamilton, Deborah, Deborah Schriffrin, and Heidi E. Tannen, ed. The Handbook of Discourse Analysis. Victoria: Balckwll, 2001.Long, Judy. 1999. Telling Women's Lives: Subject/Narrator/Reader/Text. New York: New York UP, 1999.McGlynn, John H. "Silent Voices, Muted Expressions: Indonesian Literature Today." Manoa 12.1 (2000): 38-44.Morgan, Sally. My Place. Fremantle Press, 1987.Pelras, Christian. The Bugis. Oxford: Blackwell, 1996. Perreault, Jeanne. Writing Selves: Contemporary Feminist Autography. London & Minneapolis: University of Minnesota, 1995.Pieterse, J.N. Globalisation as Hybridisation. In M. Featherstone, S. Lash, and R. Robertson, eds., Global Modernities. London: Sage Publications, 1995.Marshall, James V. Walkabout. London: Puffin, 1957.McCullough, C. The Thorn Birds Sydney: Harper Collins, 1978.Minh-ha, Trinh T. Woman, Native, Other: Writing, Postcoloniality and Feminism. Bloomington: Indiana University, 1989.Novera, Isvet Amri. "Indonesian Postgraduate Students Studying in Australia: An Examination of Their Academic, Social and Cultural Experiences." International Education Journal 5.4 (2004): 475-487.Said, Edward. Culture and Imperialism. New York: Vintage Book, 1993. Smith, Linda Tuhiwai. Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples. Zed Books, 1999.Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty. "Can the Subaltern Speak?" In C. Nelson and L. Grossberg, eds., Marxism and Interpretation of Culture. Chicago: University of lllinois, 1988. 271-313.Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty. In Other Worlds: Essays in Cultural Politics. New York: Routledge, 1988.Warrior, Robert. ""The Subaltern Can Dance, and So Sometimes Can the Intellectual." Interventions: International Journal of Postcolonial Studies 13.1 (2011): 85-94.

Introduction Eating is one of the most quintessential activities of human life. Because of this primacy, eating is, as food anthropologist Sidney Mintz has observed, “not merely a biological activity, but a vibrantly cultural activity as well” (48). This article posits that the current awareness of climate change in the Western world is animating such cultural activity as the Slow Food movement and is, as a result, stimulating what could be seen as an evolutionary change in popular foodways. Moreover, this paper suggests that, in line with modelling provided by the Slow Food example, an increased awareness of the connections of climate change to the social injustices of food production might better drive social change in such areas. This discussion begins by proposing that contemporary foodways—defined as “not only what is eaten by a particular group of people but also the variety of customs, beliefs and practices surrounding the production, preparation and presentation of food” (Davey 182)—are changing in the West in relation to current concerns about climate change. Such modification has a long history. Since long before the inception of modern Homo sapiens, natural climate change has been a crucial element driving hominidae evolution, both biologically and culturally in terms of social organisation and behaviours. Macroevolutionary theory suggests evolution can dramatically accelerate in response to rapid shifts in an organism’s environment, followed by slow to long periods of stasis once a new level of sustainability has been achieved (Gould and Eldredge). There is evidence that ancient climate change has also dramatically affected the rate and course of cultural evolution. Recent work suggests that the end of the last ice age drove the cultural innovation of animal and plant domestication in the Middle East (Zeder), not only due to warmer temperatures and increased rainfall, but also to a higher level of atmospheric carbon dioxide which made agriculture increasingly viable (McCorriston and Hole, cited in Zeder). Megadroughts during the Paleolithic might well have been stimulating factors behind the migration of hominid populations out of Africa and across Asia (Scholz et al). Thus, it is hardly surprising that modern anthropogenically induced global warming—in all its’ climate altering manifestations—may be driving a new wave of cultural change and even evolution in the West as we seek a sustainable homeostatic equilibrium with the environment of the future. In 1962, Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring exposed some of the threats that modern industrial agriculture poses to environmental sustainability. This prompted a public debate from which the modern environmental movement arose and, with it, an expanding awareness and attendant anxiety about the safety and nutritional quality of contemporary foods, especially those that are grown with chemical pesticides and fertilizers and/or are highly processed. This environmental consciousness led to some modification in eating habits, manifest by some embracing wholefood and vegetarian dietary regimes (or elements of them). Most recently, a widespread awareness of climate change has forced rapid change in contemporary Western foodways, while in other climate related areas of socio-political and economic significance such as energy production and usage, there is little evidence of real acceleration of change. Ongoing research into the effects of this expanding environmental consciousness continues in various disciplinary contexts such as geography (Eshel and Martin) and health (McMichael et al). In food studies, Vileisis has proposed that the 1970s environmental movement’s challenge to the polluting practices of industrial agri-food production, concurrent with the women’s movement (asserting women’s right to know about everything, including food production), has led to both cooks and eaters becoming increasingly knowledgeable about the links between agricultural production and consumer and environmental health, as well as the various social justice issues involved. As a direct result of such awareness, alternatives to the industrialised, global food system are now emerging (Kloppenberg et al.). The Slow Food (R)evolution The tenets of the Slow Food movement, now some two decades old, are today synergetic with the growing consternation about climate change. In 1983, Carlo Petrini formed the Italian non-profit food and wine association Arcigola and, in 1986, founded Slow Food as a response to the opening of a McDonalds in Rome. From these humble beginnings, which were then unashamedly positing a return to the food systems of the past, Slow Food has grown into a global organisation that has much more future focused objectives animating its challenges to the socio-cultural and environmental costs of industrial food. Slow Food does have some elements that could be classed as reactionary and, therefore, the opposite of evolutionary. In response to the increasing homogenisation of culinary habits around the world, for instance, Slow Food’s Foundation for Biodiversity has established the Ark of Taste, which expands upon the idea of a seed bank to preserve not only varieties of food but also local and artisanal culinary traditions. In this, the Ark aims to save foods and food products “threatened by industrial standardization, hygiene laws, the regulations of large-scale distribution and environmental damage” (SFFB). Slow Food International’s overarching goals and activities, however, extend far beyond the preservation of past foodways, extending to the sponsoring of events and activities that are attempting to create new cuisine narratives for contemporary consumers who have an appetite for such innovation. Such events as the Salone del Gusto (Salon of Taste) and Terra Madre (Mother Earth) held in Turin every two years, for example, while celebrating culinary traditions, also focus on contemporary artisanal foods and sustainable food production processes that incorporate the most current of agricultural knowledge and new technologies into this production. Attendees at these events are also driven by both an interest in tradition, and their own very current concerns with health, personal satisfaction and environmental sustainability, to change their consumer behavior through an expanded self-awareness of the consequences of their individual lifestyle choices. Such events have, in turn, inspired such events in other locations, moving Slow Food from local to global relevance, and affecting the intellectual evolution of foodway cultures far beyond its headquarters in Bra in Northern Italy. This includes in the developing world, where millions of farmers continue to follow many traditional agricultural practices by necessity. Slow Food Movement’s forward-looking values are codified in the International Commission on the Future of Food and Agriculture 2006 publication, Manifesto on the Future of Food. This calls for changes to the World Trade Organisation’s rules that promote the globalisation of agri-food production as a direct response to the “climate change [which] threatens to undermine the entire natural basis of ecologically benign agriculture and food preparation, bringing the likelihood of catastrophic outcomes in the near future” (ICFFA 8). It does not call, however, for a complete return to past methods. To further such foodway awareness and evolution, Petrini founded the University of Gastronomic Sciences at Slow Food’s headquarters in 2004. The university offers programs that are analogous with the Slow Food’s overall aim of forging sustainable partnerships between the best of old and new practice: to, in the organisation’s own words, “maintain an organic relationship between gastronomy and agricultural science” (UNISG). In 2004, Slow Food had over sixty thousand members in forty-five countries (Paxson 15), with major events now held each year in many of these countries and membership continuing to grow apace. One of the frequently cited successes of the Slow Food movement is in relation to the tomato. Until recently, supermarkets stocked only a few mass-produced hybrids. These cultivars were bred for their disease resistance, ease of handling, tolerance to artificial ripening techniques, and display consistency, rather than any culinary values such as taste, aroma, texture or variety. In contrast, the vine ripened, ‘farmer’s market’ tomato has become the symbol of an “eco-gastronomically” sustainable, local and humanistic system of food production (Jordan) which melds the best of the past practice with the most up-to-date knowledge regarding such farming matters as water conservation. Although the term ‘heirloom’ is widely used in relation to these tomatoes, there is a distinctively contemporary edge to the way they are produced and consumed (Jordan), and they are, along with other organic and local produce, increasingly available in even the largest supermarket chains. Instead of a wholesale embrace of the past, it is the connection to, and the maintenance of that connection with, the processes of production and, hence, to the environment as a whole, which is the animating premise of the Slow Food movement. ‘Slow’ thus creates a gestalt in which individuals integrate their lifestyles with all levels of the food production cycle and, hence to the environment and, importantly, the inherently related social justice issues. ‘Slow’ approaches emphasise how the accelerated pace of contemporary life has weakened these connections, while offering a path to the restoration of a sense of connectivity to the full cycle of life and its relation to place, nature and climate. In this, the Slow path demands that every consumer takes responsibility for all components of his/her existence—a responsibility that includes becoming cognisant of the full story behind each of the products that are consumed in that life. The Slow movement is not, however, a regime of abstention or self-denial. Instead, the changes in lifestyle necessary to support responsible sustainability, and the sensual and aesthetic pleasure inherent in such a lifestyle, exist in a mutually reinforcing relationship (Pietrykowski 2004). This positive feedback loop enhances the potential for promoting real and long-term evolution in social and cultural behaviour. Indeed, the Slow zeitgeist now informs many areas of contemporary culture, with Slow Travel, Homes, Design, Management, Leadership and Education, and even Slow Email, Exercise, Shopping and Sex attracting adherents. Mainstreaming Concern with Ethical Food Production The role of the media in “forming our consciousness—what we think, how we think, and what we think about” (Cunningham and Turner 12)—is self-evident. It is, therefore, revealing in relation to the above outlined changes that even the most functional cookbooks and cookery magazines (those dedicated to practical information such as recipes and instructional technique) in Western countries such as the USA, UK and Australian are increasingly reflecting and promoting an awareness of ethical food production as part of this cultural change in food habits. While such texts have largely been considered as useful but socio-politically relatively banal publications, they are beginning to be recognised as a valid source of historical and cultural information (Nussel). Cookbooks and cookery magazines commonly include discussion of a surprising range of issues around food production and consumption including sustainable and ethical agricultural methods, biodiversity, genetic modification and food miles. In this context, they indicate how rapidly the recent evolution of foodways has been absorbed into mainstream practice. Much of such food related media content is, at the same time, closely identified with celebrity mass marketing and embodied in the television chef with his or her range of branded products including their syndicated articles and cookbooks. This commercial symbiosis makes each such cuisine-related article in a food or women’s magazine or cookbook, in essence, an advertorial for a celebrity chef and their named products. Yet, at the same time, a number of these mass media food celebrities are raising public discussion that is leading to consequent action around important issues linked to climate change, social justice and the environment. An example is Jamie Oliver’s efforts to influence public behaviour and government policy, a number of which have gained considerable traction. Oliver’s 2004 exposure of the poor quality of school lunches in Britain (see Jamie’s School Dinners), for instance, caused public outrage and pressured the British government to commit considerable extra funding to these programs. A recent study by Essex University has, moreover, found that the academic performance of 11-year-old pupils eating Oliver’s meals improved, while absenteeism fell by 15 per cent (Khan). Oliver’s exposé of the conditions of battery raised hens in 2007 and 2008 (see Fowl Dinners) resulted in increased sales of free-range poultry, decreased sales of factory-farmed chickens across the UK, and complaints that free-range chicken sales were limited by supply. Oliver encouraged viewers to lobby their local councils, and as a result, a number banned battery hen eggs from schools, care homes, town halls and workplace cafeterias (see, for example, LDP). The popular penetration of these ideas needs to be understood in a historical context where industrialised poultry farming has been an issue in Britain since at least 1848 when it was one of the contributing factors to the establishment of the RSPCA (Freeman). A century after Upton Sinclair’s The Jungle (published in 1906) exposed the realities of the slaughterhouse, and several decades since Peter Singer’s landmark Animal Liberation (1975) and Tom Regan’s The Case for Animal Rights (1983) posited the immorality of the mistreatment of animals in food production, it could be suggested that Al Gore’s film An Inconvenient Truth (released in 2006) added considerably to the recent concern regarding the ethics of industrial agriculture. Consciousness-raising bestselling books such as Jim Mason and Peter Singer’s The Ethics of What We Eat and Michael Pollan’s The Omnivore’s Dilemma (both published in 2006), do indeed ‘close the loop’ in this way in their discussions, by concluding that intensive food production methods used since the 1950s are not only inhumane and damage public health, but are also damaging an environment under pressure from climate change. In comparison, the use of forced labour and human trafficking in food production has attracted far less mainstream media, celebrity or public attention. It could be posited that this is, in part, because no direct relationship to the environment and climate change and, therefore, direct link to our own existence in the West, has been popularised. Kevin Bales, who has been described as a modern abolitionist, estimates that there are currently more than 27 million people living in conditions of slavery and exploitation against their wills—twice as many as during the 350-year long trans-Atlantic slave trade. Bales also chillingly reveals that, worldwide, the number of slaves is increasing, with contemporary individuals so inexpensive to purchase in relation to the value of their production that they are disposable once the slaveholder has used them. Alongside sex slavery, many other prevalent examples of contemporary slavery are concerned with food production (Weissbrodt et al; Miers). Bales and Soodalter, for example, describe how across Asia and Africa, adults and children are enslaved to catch and process fish and shellfish for both human consumption and cat food. Other campaigners have similarly exposed how the cocoa in chocolate is largely produced by child slave labour on the Ivory Coast (Chalke; Off), and how considerable amounts of exported sugar, cereals and other crops are slave-produced in certain countries. In 2003, some 32 per cent of US shoppers identified themselves as LOHAS “lifestyles of health and sustainability” consumers, who were, they said, willing to spend more for products that reflected not only ecological, but also social justice responsibility (McLaughlin). Research also confirms that “the pursuit of social objectives … can in fact furnish an organization with the competitive resources to develop effective marketing strategies”, with Doherty and Meehan showing how “social and ethical credibility” are now viable bases of differentiation and competitive positioning in mainstream consumer markets (311, 303). In line with this recognition, Fair Trade Certified goods are now available in British, European, US and, to a lesser extent, Australian supermarkets, and a number of global chains including Dunkin’ Donuts, McDonalds, Starbucks and Virgin airlines utilise Fair Trade coffee and teas in all, or parts of, their operations. Fair Trade Certification indicates that farmers receive a higher than commodity price for their products, workers have the right to organise, men and women receive equal wages, and no child labour is utilised in the production process (McLaughlin). Yet, despite some Western consumers reporting such issues having an impact upon their purchasing decisions, social justice has not become a significant issue of concern for most. The popular cookery publications discussed above devote little space to Fair Trade product marketing, much of which is confined to supermarket-produced adverzines promoting the Fair Trade products they stock, and international celebrity chefs have yet to focus attention on this issue. In Australia, discussion of contemporary slavery in the press is sparse, having surfaced in 2000-2001, prompted by UNICEF campaigns against child labour, and in 2007 and 2008 with the visit of a series of high profile anti-slavery campaigners (including Bales) to the region. The public awareness of food produced by forced labour and the troubling issue of human enslavement in general is still far below the level that climate change and ecological issues have achieved thus far in driving foodway evolution. This may change, however, if a ‘Slow’-inflected connection can be made between Western lifestyles and the plight of peoples hidden from our daily existence, but contributing daily to them. Concluding Remarks At this time of accelerating techno-cultural evolution, due in part to the pressures of climate change, it is the creative potential that human conscious awareness brings to bear on these challenges that is most valuable. Today, as in the caves at Lascaux, humanity is evolving new images and narratives to provide rational solutions to emergent challenges. As an example of this, new foodways and ways of thinking about them are beginning to evolve in response to the perceived problems of climate change. The current conscious transformation of food habits by some in the West might be, therefore, in James Lovelock’s terms, a moment of “revolutionary punctuation” (178), whereby rapid cultural adaption is being induced by the growing public awareness of impending crisis. It remains to be seen whether other urgent human problems can be similarly and creatively embraced, and whether this trend can spread to offer global solutions to them. References An Inconvenient Truth. 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Since Batain Island was targeted for development by Soeharto's New Order government in the late-1960s, it has undergone a significant transformation, physically, economically and politically. This study describes and analyses that transformation. Whilst the results of development on Batam Island before 1988 were quite limited, and highly reliant on the oil industry, changes to the investment regime in 1989, as well as other reforms, has brought farreaching changes - a massive influx of investment and the growth of an export-oriented manufacturing sector. What was once a sparsely populated island of subsistence farmers and fishermen is today a seemingly thriving manufacturing, industrial and tourism area. Through an examination of domestic factors, such as state and non-state institutions, individuals and business, as well as external factors such as international economic conditions and foreign capital, the study also considers what the experiences of developing Batam Island tell us about the policy-making processes in Indonesia, and about Indonesian political economy under the New Order in general. It is argued that Indonesian political economy is characterised by what might best be described as elite politics. Patrimonialism and the closely-connected features of patronclient relationships and intra-elite politicking have consistently dominated the policymaking processes under the New Order government presided over by President Soeharto. This is not to deny the existence of other influences. Indonesian societal groups have demonstrated that they can have policy input. Likewise, external variables have affected the policy environment However, whilst societal influences are not a major constraint on the Indonesian state's policy-makers, it is recognised that policy-making is not confined simply to actors within the state apparatus. In tracing Batam's development, various political and economic interactions become apparent - between domestic and international variables, between public and private interests, between state and civil society, and within the state itself - illustrating that while the main focus of studies of Indonesian political economy should be on the state, nonstate influences must also be analysed in order to explain how political and economic actions in Indonesia are best understood.