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Journal articles on the topic 'Barbarian'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 27 April 2022

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1

Deane, Bradley. "IMPERIAL BARBARIANS: PRIMITIVE MASCULINITY IN LOST WORLD FICTION." Victorian Literature and Culture 36, no. 1 (March 2008): 205–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150308080121.

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Cecil Rhodes, the “Colossus” of late Victorian empire, proudly proclaimed himself a barbarian. He spoke of his taste for things “big and simple, barbaric, if you like,” and boasted that he conducted himself “on the basis of a barbarian” (Millin 165, 242). His famous scholarships designed to turn out men fit for imperial mastery required success in “manly outdoor sports,” a criterion Rhodes privately called the proof of “brutality” (Stead 39). Yet while Rhodes celebrated qualities he called barbaric or brutal, his adversaries seized upon the same rhetoric to revile him. During the Boer War, for instance, the tactics by which Rhodes and his friends tightened their grip on South Africa were boldly condemned by Henry Campbell-Bannerman as “methods of barbarism.” Similarly, G. K. Chesterton denounced Rhodes as nothing more than a “Sultan” who conquered the “East” only to reinforce the backward “Oriental” values of fatalism and despotism (242–44). This strange consensus, in which Rhodes and his critics could agree about his barbarity, reflects a significant uncertainty about late Victorian imperial ambitions and their relationship to “barbarism.” Clearly, the term was available both to the empire's critics as a metaphor for unprincipled or indiscriminate violence and to imperialists as a justification for their efforts to bring civilization to the Earth's dark places, to spread the gospel, and to enforce the progress of history that the anthropologist E. B. Tylor called “the onward movement from barbarism” (29). But Rhodes's cheerful assertion of his own barbarity represents something altogether different: the apparent paradox of an imperialism that openly embraces the primitive. Nor was Rhodes alone in sounding this particularly troubling version of the barbaric yawp. During the period of the New Imperialism (1871–1914), Victorian popular culture became engrossed as never before in charting vectors of convergence between the British and those they regarded as primitive, and in imagining the ways in which barbarians might make the best imperialists of all. This transvaluation of savagery found its most striking expression in the emergence of a wildly popular genre of fiction: stories of lost worlds.

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2

Evgeniy O., Tretyakov. "“Time of the Barbarians”: The Phenomenon of Barbarism in the Film Brother 2 by Aleksey Balabanov." Humanitarian Vector 16, no. 4 (October 2021): 179–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/1996-7853-2021-16-4-179-188.

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This article presents a look at Aleksey Balabanov’s program film Brother 2 (2000). The hero is the embodiment of the concept of “new barbarism”. The research methodology includes structural-semiotic, mythopoetic and motivational aspects of the analysis of the work of cinematography. Political and ethical meanings were revealed in the image of Danila Bagrov, but the research carried out clearly shows the features of a barbarian in him. Like the creator of Conan the Barbarian Robert Howard, Aleksey Balabanov states that it is the barbarian who is the hero of the current era. In a world that has “moved from its place”, this “new barbarian” brings unbending will and his own rigid moral guidelines. But if in the first film Brother barbarism looks advantageous, combining strength and ethics – even if insight does not occur, and the barbarian goes to conquer new lands, then in the second film of the diptych the hero goes through violence as usual, with cynicism. Formally, he wins, but existentially he fails. Therefore, the mighty force of the “new barbarian” manifests itself locally, in small ways and is realized in private confrontations. There is no worthy test for Bagrov’s heroism, because the world does not correspond to its scale, and therefore the hero is restless – the truly barbaric fullness of vitality does not protect against existential fear. The discrepancy between the attitudes of the barbarian hero and the position of the intellectual director unmasks the author’s alienation from the principles and common truths of the character and complicates the film with dramatic connotations. Keywords: Aleksey Balabanov, Brother 2, phenomenon of barbarism, existentialism, post- and-decolonial thought

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3

Stadter, Philip A. "Barbarian Comparisons." Ploutarchos 12 (November 3, 2015): 65–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0258-655x_12_5.

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When comparing two heroes, who both fought barbarians, Plutarch does not draw parallels between Greek and Roman campaigns. Instead, in the four pairs of Parallel Lives studied here (Pyrrh.-Mar., Them.-Cam., Cim.-Luc., Alex.-Caes.), Plutarch broadens the significance of barbarian contact, allowing the barbarian enemy, the external Other, to draw attention to Hellenic traits of freedom, culture, and prudence in his heroes and in their cities, both Greek and Roman. Equally important, this Other serves to uncover traces of the barbarian in those same heroes and cities.

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4

YOUNG, ANDREW T. "Hospitalitas: Barbarian settlements and constitutional foundations of medieval Europe." Journal of Institutional Economics 14, no. 4 (August 29, 2017): 715–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174413741700039x.

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AbstractA rough balance of political power between monarchs and a militarized landed aristocracy characterized medieval Western Europe. Scholars have argued that this balance of power contributed to a tradition of limited government and constitutional bargaining. I argue that 5th- and 6th-century barbarian settlements created a foundation for this balance of power. The settlements provided barbarians with allotments of lands or taxes due from the lands. The allotments served to align the incentives of barbarian warriors and Roman landowners, and realign the incentives of barbarian warriors and their leadership elite. Barbarian military forces became decentralized and the warriors became political powerful shareholders of the realm.

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5

ΓΚΟΥΤΖΙΟΥΚΩΣΤΑΣ, Ανδρέας Ε. ""τοῦ βάρβαρον κλύδωνα βαρβάρων στόλῳ μετατρέποντος…" Μία πρόταση ερμηνείας της ψηφιδωτής επιγραφής των κτιστών από τον ναό του Αγίου Δημητρίου." BYZANTINA SYMMEIKTA 24, no. 1 (November 5, 2014): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.1123.

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<em></em>Summary<br /> <br /> The study presents a different interpretation of the inscription that accompanies the well known mosaic of the donors of St Demetrius’ church in Thessaloniki: <br /> “Κτίστας θεωρεῖς τοῦ πανενδόξου δόμου ἐκεῖθεν ἔνθεν μάρτυρος Δημητρίου τοῦ βάρβαρον κλύδωνα βαρβάρων στόλῳ μετατρέποντος κ(αὶ) πόλιν λυτρουμένου”.<br /> Until ten years ago the prevailing opinion among researchers was that the fourteenth word should be read as στόλω(ν) rather than στόλῳ, since in their opinion this made the meaning of the inscription clearer: “…St Demetrius drew away the wild storm (βάρβαρον κλύδωνα) caused by the barbarian fleet or even the barbarian flood/crowd of the barbarian fleet”. The inscription is traditionally connected with the attack of the Avaroslavs against Thessaloniki in 614 mentioned in St Demetrius’ Miracles (Περί τῆς κατασκευῆς τῶν πλοίων τῶν Δρουγουβιτῶν, Σαγουδατῶν, Βελεγεζιτῶν καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν). <br /> The transcription (στόλῳ) and the new interpretation (…St Demetrius sent a ferocious storm against the barbarian fleet) proposed by G. Velenis (2003), who also connects the inscription with the attack of 614, are now the most accepted (D. Feissel, W. Hörandner, A. Paul, A. Rhoby), although Ar. Mentzos (2010) and Ch. Bakirtzis (2012) expressed different views based on a different meaning and syntax of the participle μετατρέποντος as well as the meaning of the word “στόλῳ”. According to the first scholar, St. Demetrius always turns away the ferocious storm of the barbarian attacks (βάρβαρον κλύδωνα βαρβάρων) through the defensive preparation (στόλῳ), while according to the latter St. Demetrius turned away the barbarian storm of the barbarians (βάρβαρον κλύδωνα βαρβάρων) through his invisible army (στόλῳ). Both these scholars disconnect the epigram from a specific attack, like that of 614.<br /> In our opinion, however, none of the above interpretations is satisfactory. The meaning of the verb μετατρέπω is indeed “overthrow”, “turn back/away”, and its object is normally in the accusative. The object of the participle μετατρέποντος is the noun κλύδωνα modified by the adjective βάρβαρος. This phrase means not only the “wild storm” but also the “wave of barbarians” or even the “flood of barbarians” that was turned away by St. Demetrius (μετατρέποντος) who used their own fleet (βαρβάρων στόλῳ) against them. Such an interpretation is supported by the narrative of St Demetrius’ Miracles concerning the attack of 614, which says that the patron of the city walked on the sea and troubled the ships of the Slavs, which became entangled and some were overturned. The men who fell into the sea tried to save themselves by grabbing hold of those ships that continued to sail, but these were also overturned, and the men aboard them turned their swords on those who were trying to grasp hold of and clamber on to them, cutting off their arms and killing them (οἱ τῶν ἑτέρων ναύκληροι τῶν πρὸς αὐτοὺς προϊεμένων τὰς χεῖρας μετὰ ξιφῶν ἀπέτεμνον, ἄλλος ἄλλῳ κατὰ τῆς κεφαλῆς τὸ ξίφος ἀπέπεμπεν, ἕτερος δὲ τὸν ἕτερον λόγχῃ ἐτίτρωσκε, καὶ ἕκαστος τὴν ἑαυτοῦ σωτηρίαν πραγματευόμενος τοῦ ἑτέρου ἐχθρὸς ἐγίνετο). And so the barbarians fought amongst themselves and the sea of the Thermaikos Gulf became red with their blood. This was the turning point in the unsuccessful attack against Thessaloniki. The other divine intervention that helped the Thessalonians, according to the Miracles, was a wind that suddenly blew up and dispersed the rest of the barbarians’ ships (ἐναπομείνασας ναυκέλλας) which were forced to sail to the east and to the west of the city without being able to attack. <br /> In conclusion, the inscription, which refers to the mainly naval invasion of 614, as is implied by the use of the words κλύδωνα and στόλῳ, describes the intervention of St Demetrius, who turned back the “barbarian wave”, that is the barbarians, using their own fleet and causing them to kill one another.

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6

Mathisen, Ralph. "Provinciales, Gentiles, and Marriages between Romans and Barbarians in the Late Roman Empire." Journal of Roman Studies 99 (November 2009): 140–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3815/007543509789745025.

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Codex Theodosianus 3.14.1, issued in the early 370s, has been understood in the past to indicate a ban on all marriages between ‘Romans’ and ‘barbarians’. But this interpretation contradicts evidence that Roman-barbarian marriages occurred with great frequency, and the lack of any other evidence for such a ban. This study argues that the specific wording of the law, referring to gentiles (barbarian soldiers) and provinciales (residents of provinces), suggests that the ban was imposed to ensure the continued performance of specific duties incumbent upon these two classes of individuals, and had nothing to do with ethnicity-qua-ethnicity.

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7

Budanova, Vera. "The Cognitive Map of Barbarity: Term, Notion, Innovative Essence." ISTORIYA 12, no. 8 (106) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016978-4.

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The article presents a historical review and theoretical analysis of the cognitive map of barbarity as the basis for studying the basic terminology that has developed in barbaristics. For the first time, an attempt is made to analyze the cognitive potential of barbaristics, referring to its conceptual structure. The most significant terms, notions and innovative essences, their role in the structure of the barbarian's cognition are considered. It is emphasized that in the processes of symbol formation there was a movement from notion to innivative essence, in the study of the history of barbarity — from notional to conceptual cognition. The conditions of the general expansion of the archaic semantics of the term “barbarian” and the features of its translation and transmutation in time and space are considered. The key characteristics of the notion of “barbarity” as a stable socio-cultural phenomenon are identified and disclosed in historical retrospect. The emerging notions of «new» and «latent» barbarity are specially analyzed.

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8

Vedeshkin, Mikhail A. "“A Barbarian by Birth, Yet a Hellen in Everything Else”." Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 26, no. 2 (December 18, 2020): 425–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700577-12341384.

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Abstract The Christianisation of the Roman Empire in the 4th-5th centuries led to a blurring of the traditional ethnocultural dichotomy (Barbarians – Romans), and to the emergence of a new type of social division on the basis of religion: pagan – Christian. The present article is devoted to the analysis of the image of a “pious” (pagan) barbarian, formed in Late Antique pagan historiography. The conclusion is made that pagans saw their barbarian coreligionists as the defenders of their faith against the anti-pagan state policy. Comparing pagan barbarians to their fellow Christian tribesmen, they tried to prove that only pagans can be true allies of Rome. Finally, the military successes of the pagan warlords served as evidence of the active participation of the gods in the affairs of their followers and acted as an argument for the preservation of the traditional forms of worship.

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9

MITCHELL, LYNETTE G. "GREEKS, BARBARIANS AND AESCHYLUS' SUPPLIANTS." Greece and Rome 53, no. 2 (September 27, 2006): 205–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383506000283.

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Ten years after producing the Persians in 472 BC, in which Greeks and barbarians are locked in conflict with each other, Aeschylus in the Suppliants explores the inextricable intertwining of Greekness and barbarity. While even in the Persians Aeschylus recognizes the ultimate ‘kinship' between Greek and barbarian (the women of Atossa's dream – one wearing Persian robes, the other Dorian – are described as ‘sisters of one race': Aesch. Pers. 180–7), in the Suppliants the poet develops this theme and casts it in sharper relief. In this later play, now generally accepted (despite archaic or archaizing elements) to have been produced in the late 460s, Aeschylus is more actively interested in the ways in which kinship both intersects with and is complicated by cultural polarity, and at the same time undercuts and complicates ‘Otherness'.

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10

Boletsi, Maria. "Barbarian Encounters: Rethinking Barbarism in C. P. Cavafy's and J. M. Coetzee's Waiting for the Barbarians." Comparative Literature Studies 44, no. 1 (2007): 67–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cls.2007.0027.

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11

Harrison, James R. "Paul’s “Indebtedness” to the Barbarian (Rom 1:14) in Latin West Perspective." Novum Testamentum 55, no. 4 (2013): 311–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685365-12341445.

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Abstract In moving the geographical focus of his mission from the Greek East to the Latin West (Rom 15:23-24, 28; cf. 1:9-10, 13), Paul states that he was indebted to “Greek and barbarian” (1:14). Paul’s language of “indebtedness” not only relativises the ethnic and linguistic divide of antiquity (v. 14 a), but also cultural and educational stereotypes, including the denigration of barbarians (v. 14 b). The apostle’s thought here should not be restricted to the evangelisation of the Latin West and the pastoral care of its churches, even though that is the focus of the pericope (vv. 8b-9a, 11-12a, 13b, 15-17). His language of “indebtedness” occurs in various contexts, several of them social (1:14a; 4:4; 13:8; 15:1, 27). It evokes the world of Roman political and social parlance, with its interplay of imperial patronage and the reciprocation of favour in the western provinces where many barbarian tribes resided. After examining renderings of barbarians in select Roman writers and the Augustan triumphal iconography, the article explores the notion of “obligation” in the Gallic and Spanish inscriptions. The author proposes that Romans 1:14 articulates what “indebtedness” meant for the believer’s mission to the marginalised people groups outside of the body of Christ. This would enable Paul’s house-churches not only to embrace the peoples from barbarian tribes with whom the Romans had patronal relations, but also those tribes in the Latin West whom the Romans had punished for their non-compliance.

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12

Babadağ, Murad, Ela Cindoruk, Hakan Gencol, Gamze Güven, and Gökhan Karakuş. "Barbarian Rhapsody." Design Journal 12, no. 3 (December 2009): 383–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2752/146069209x12530928086487.

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13

Twidle, Hedley. "Barbarian Phase." Wasafiri 36, no. 2 (April 3, 2021): 29–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02690055.2021.1879478.

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14

Tsirvoulis, Georgios, Bojan Novaković, Zoran Knežević, and Alberto Cellino. "Dynamical properties of Watsonia asteroid family." Proceedings of the International Astronomical Union 9, S310 (July 2014): 180–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743921314008217.

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AbstractIn recent years, a rare class of asteroids has been discovered by Cellino et al. (2006), with its distinguishing characteristic being the anomalous polarimetric properties of its members. Named Barbarians, after (234) Barbara, the prototype of the class, these asteroids show negative polarization at unusually high phase-angles compared to normal asteroids. Motivated by the fact that some of the few discovered Barbarians seemed to be related to the Watsonia asteroid family, Cellino et al. (2014) performed a search for more Barbarians among its members. A positive result of this search led to the conclusion that Watsonia is indeed an important repository of Barbarian asteroids. Based on these findings, we decided to analyze this family in detail.

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15

Trifiletti, Elena, Rossella Falvo, Carla Dazzi, and Dora Capozza. "Political orientation and images of the United States in Italy." Social Behavior and Personality: an international journal 40, no. 1 (February 1, 2012): 85–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2224/sbp.2012.40.1.85.

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Image theory was used in this study to assess the images that Italian adults with different political ideologies have of the United States. In addition to the ally, barbarian, enemy, and imperialist images, a new image, that of the father, was introduced. It was found that right-wing respondents endorsed the father and ally images of Americans, while left-wing respondents perceived Americans as barbarians. The theoretical and practical implications of the findings are discussed.

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16

Schoos, Daniel J. "Inventing the Barbarian." Ancient Philosophy 14, no. 2 (1994): 377–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil199414213.

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17

Johnson, Dominic. "The Aesthete Barbarian." Art History 35, no. 3 (May 14, 2012): 664–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8365.2012.00909.x.

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18

Butler, Shane. "Cicero the Barbarian." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 135, no. 2 (March 2020): 357–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2020.135.2.357.

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Late Into The Night, I Sit Alone in My Study, Listening. in This, I Am Not Unlike The Title Character of Italo Calvino's “A King Listens,” one of three stories that make up his Under a Jaguar Sun, first published as a collection in 1986. The aim of Calvino's king is the acoustic surveillance of his realm, every corner of which is connected to the throne room by a twisting network of resonant tubes. Day in, day out, he listens, learning much, but feeling very little.This royal listener would later capture the imagination of the philosopher Adriana Cavarero, who opens her book For More than One Voice with a close reading of the story. For Cavarero, Calvino's king is very much like philosophy in its traditional Western form, listening for bodiless, universal logos, the Greek word for “word” that ancient philosophy uses to designate the rational order of the cosmos. In the story, the king is brought to his knees, suddenly and unexpectedly, by the sound of a woman singing. For Cavarero, this single, singular voice embodies the particularity that philosophy traditionally excludes in the name of the universal.

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19

Harrison, Thomas. "Reinventing the Barbarian." Classical Philology 115, no. 2 (April 1, 2020): 139–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/708032.

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20

Lazarević, Velibor. "Man as barbarian." Bastina, no. 51 (2020): 539–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bastina30-26970.

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Immoderate, rapid development of humanity demands immoderate exploitation of natural resources and regular environment deterioration. On the other hand, moderate consumption would mean a moderate exploitation of natural resources. Thus, instead of the consumption society should be created a safeguard one which would preserve the nature from exaggerated exploitation and pollution. In the last decades, instead of market economy the advocates of ecological or sustainable economy are appearing, and in order to preserve biosphere the industrial economy would be replaced by the ecological one. By the use of chemical protective or incentive agents, man deteriorated life of Divine creatures, birds, bees and other insects as the native plant pollinators. Man paradoxically polluted the air, poisoned the water, soil and plants by which he feeds himself. Almost all arable lands are poisoned by chemistry (artificial fertilizers, pesticides, herbicides). This process, instead of being slowed down is being accelerated. As the self-proclaimed master of the planet, man is, at the same time, the greatest destroyer. In order not to be the criminal of nature in the future but its fried, man should develop a new ecological consciousness - human ecology, ethical relationship toward nature, give up profit selfish interests, sightless exploitation, dirty and war technology and become the one and the same with nature since the destruction and robbery of nature are one of contemporary civilization inhumanities being made by man at his own harm. Besides being barbarian against nature, man is also barbarian against his fellow-countrymen (dissidents, other believers, poor and rich ones...). None as man is so powerful at other man harm inflict; he causes wars, revolutions, terrorism, and hate against other and own people as the ideal of world peace-making neither exists nor is desirable.

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21

Thompson, Blaise. "“Colan” the Barbarian?" Chesterton Review 38, no. 1 (2012): 334–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/chesterton2012381/256.

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22

Bailey, Donald M. "A Barbarian Found." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 89, no. 1 (December 2003): 254–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751330308900118.

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23

Spanjer, Jerry. "Conan the Barbarian." TBV – Tijdschrift voor Bedrijfs- en Verzekeringsgeneeskunde 20, no. 10 (December 2012): 469. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12498-012-0219-8.

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24

Smith, Adam T. "Still Waiting for the Barbarians." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 29, no. 4 (October 30, 2019): 706–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774319000404.

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It seems almost preordained that James Scott, a scholar who moves with profound agility between the worlds of anthropology and political science, should eventually work his way onto the intellectual terrain of the barbarian. Barbarians play a foundational role in the formation of both disciplines, populating both anthropology's ‘savage slot’ (Trouillot 2003) and political science's prelapsarian ‘state of nature’ (Palmeri 2016). In Scott's most recent book, Against the Grain, the barbarians who helped to shape the world's earliest states play a variety of consequential roles. They are at once the forces of resistance to centralizing power, the refugees seeking respite from sovereignty's infringements and the brigands of the borderlands who provide the slave labour and mercenaries that prop up the fragile state.

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25

Norbert Faszcza, Michał. "Migracje ludności podczas rzymskiego podboju Galii w latach 58–51 przed Chr. Próba ujęcia historyczno-antropologicznego." Prace Historyczne 148, no. 2 (2021): 233–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.21.018.13855.

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Migrations during the Roman conquest of Gaul in 58–51 BC: A historical and anthropological approach Caesar’s Commentarii de bello Gallico are a unique Roman source containing information on barbarian migrations in the 1st century BC. Despite numerous studies dedicated to Caesar’s narrative style, there still is a lack of reflection on the possible causes of migrations and the attitude of wandering barbarians to the Roman rule. Contemporary scholars have a tendency to see barbarians as Rome’s ‘eternal’ enemies, and often assume that they ‘must’ have manifested aggressive attitudes. By incorporating anthropological reflection and adopting the ‘other’s’ perspective, it is possible to better understand mechanisms prompting barbarians to look for a new homeland. No less of an important aspect is the reconstruction of Caesar’s way of presenting the phenomenon of migration, which allows us to explain why he treated it as hostile in every case.

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Wilczyński, Marek. "Droga na szczyt i droga w otchłań – kilka uwag o karierze Flawiusza Stilichona." Vox Patrum 69 (December 16, 2018): 681–705. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3281.

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The most important factors responsible for development of an impressive career of Flavius Stilicho were: his family ties with Theodosians’ dynasty, the way he reorganized the Roman army, military victories, how he drummed up senate’s support for his political aims and the balanced policy of using and stopping the barbarian tribes. Protecting emperor Honorius, cooperating simultaneously with pagan and Christian fractions in the senate, achieving military success and defending borders of the Roman Empire against barbarians raids, Stilicho de facto was reigning the state in the name of his son-in-law, Honorius. Paradoxically, the same factors contributed to the downfall of the master-in-chief in 404-408 A.D. The conflict with his wife, Serena, and his son-in-law, Honorius, the mutiny in the army called-up by the reforms of Stilicho, some disagreements with the senate caused by the case of Melania the Younger and compensation for Alaric and, at last, the invasion of barbarian tribes on Gaul in 406 A.D. destroyed the carefully built career of Flavius Stilicho. He didn’t decide to keep his high rank by triggering off a civil war, what differed him clearly from his followers, Flavius Aetius and Flavius Ricimer.

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Антипенко, А. В., Т. Н. Смекалова, А. М. Новичихин, and С. А. Мульд. "BRASS BRIDLE SETS OF THE LATE SARMATIAN PERIOD FROM THE NORTH PONTIC REGION." Краткие сообщения Института археологии (КСИА), no. 262 (November 15, 2021): 224–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.25681/iaras.0130-2620.262.224-243.

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Статья посвящена уникальному факту использования редкого сплава -латуни для изготовления деталей конского снаряжения позднесарматского времени. Комплексный анализ археологического материала включал исследование морфологии вещей и вариаций химического состава металла изделий. Полученные данные были сопоставлены с результатами анализа сплавов боспорских монет конца II в. н. э. Это позволило предположить три возможных варианта поступления уздечных наборов из редкого иноземного материала латуни к варварам Северного Причерноморья: 1) путем изготовления наборов в местной варварской среде мастерами-литейщиками с использованием переплавленных боспорских латунных монет; 2) производство снаряжения в мастерских Боспора для даров представителям варварской знати; 3) амуницией с латунными принадлежностями снабжались варварские всадники, находившиеся на службе у боспорских царей. The paper explores a unique fact of using a rare alloy, i.e. brass, to make horse trappings details in the Late Sarmatian period. The comprehensive analysis of the archaeological material included a study of the artifact morphology and variability of the chemical composition of the metal the artifacts were made from. The data obtained were compared with the data on the analyzed alloys used to make Bosporan coins at the end of the 2nd century. This comparison suggested three possible variants explaining how the barbarians living in the North Pontic region got hold of the bridle sets made from rare material, i.e. brass, produced in other lands: 1) the sets were produced in the local barbarian environment by craftsmen-casters with the use of remelted Bosporan coins; 2) the horse trappings were produced in Bosporan workshops to be given to barbarian elite as gifts; 3) ammunition with brass items was given to barbarian horse riders who served to the Bosporan kings.

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Dirlik, Arif. "“Like a Song Gone Silent”: The Political Ecology of Barbarism and Civilization in Waiting for the Barbarians and The Legend of the Thousand Bulls." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 1, no. 3 (December 1991): 321–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.1.3.321.

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Of all the ideas that have gone into shaping our conception of history, those that are products of the juxtaposition of the civilized against the barbarian are among the most fundamental, universal, and persistent. History as we know it is the account of civilization which, in this conception, is another way of saying a break with and subsequent conquest of nature and the creation of a physical and social space within which men (and to a lesser extent, women) can overcome the animality of their natures to become human beings. Outside that space is the realm of the barbarian: a realm without history, a realm represented as that which civilization seeks not to be and in which humanity is once again subject to nature and animality. While the boundaries of the two realms may shift and, with them, our ideas of what it means to be civilized (and therefore human), there is little disputing that the conflict between civilization and barbarism is a grand metahistorical theme around which we have thought and written history.

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Sarantis, Alexander. "MILITARY ENCOUNTERS AND DIPLOMATIC AFFAIRS IN THE NORTH BALKANS DURING THE REIGNS OF ANASTASIUS AND JUSTINIAN." Late Antique Archaeology 8, no. 2 (January 25, 2013): 759–808. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134522-90000025a.

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Balkan history in the late 5th to 6th c. A.D. period is viewed by scholars as, at best, a respite from a series of devastating barbarian raids and, at worst, as another stepping-stone on the path to the inevitable loss of imperial control over the region. This paper redresses these perceptions by portraying the reigns of Anastasius and Justinian as a period in which the Romans/Byzantines were taking the initiative and ‘winning’ in their military and diplomatic dealings with the barbarians. These emperors devoted considerable political energy and economic and military resources to restoring imperial military authority in the northern Balkans.

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Kroll, Paul W., Henri Michaux, and Sylvia Beach. "A Barbarian in Asia." Journal of the American Oriental Society 107, no. 4 (October 1987): 831. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/603360.

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Gömöri, George, Sándor Csoóri, and Mátyás Domokos. "Barbarian Prayer: Selected Poems." World Literature Today 64, no. 3 (1990): 500. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40146772.

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Wilcox, Joel. "Barbarian Psyche in Heraclitus." Monist 74, no. 4 (1991): 624–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/monist199174435.

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Powell, P. "The New Barbarian Manifesto." Journal of Strategic Information Systems 8, no. 4 (December 1999): 449–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0963-8687(00)00032-9.

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Chesterton, G. K. "Hitler Branded a Barbarian." Chesterton Review 31, no. 1 (2005): 100–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/chesterton2005311/261.

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CUNLIFFE, LESLIE. "PETER FULLER: Internal Barbarian?" Journal of Art & Design Education 10, no. 2 (June 1991): 129–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1476-8070.1991.tb00280.x.

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Nordvig, Mathias. "From Barbarian to Lord." Religionsvidenskabeligt Tidsskrift 74 (March 25, 2022): 743–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/rt.v74i.132138.

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ABSTRACT: The chapter investigates the influence of Männerbund-theories on Neopagan, alt-right author Jack Donovan’s literature from 2012 to 2021. As an author and opinion-maker, Donovan has proposed a radical deconstruction of American society and rebuilding in male tribal gangs. This anarcho-libertarian vision for society, coupled with strong misogynist tendencies, has been a core element in the so-called ‘manosphere’ discussions in the rise of the American alt-right, and Donovan’s associations with these groups has earned him a reputation as a white supremacist. This chapter discusses the historical influences on Donovan’s thinking in a perspective that looks beyond attempts to categorize the author’s political position. RESUME: Dette kapitel undersøger indflydelsen fra Männerbund-teorier på den neopaganistiske, amerikanske alt-right-forfatter Jack Donovans litteratur i perioden 2012 til 2021. Som forfatter og meningsdanner har Donovan foreslået en komplet omkalfatring af det amerikanske samfund til en tilstand bestående af mandsdominerede stammesamfund. Denne anarko-libertarianske vision for et samfund har sammen med forfatterens omfattende misogyni været et kerneelement i den såkaldte ‘mandesfære’- debat, der har fulgt den amerikanske alt-right-bevægelse fra begyndelsen. Donovans associationer med alt-right-grupper og individer har resulteret i, at han har fået et ry som fortaler for hvidt herredømme. Dette kapitel diskuterer de historiske indflydelser på Donovans tænkning i et perspektiv, der ser udover forskellige forsøg på at kategorisere forfatterens politiske tilhørsforhold.

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Colás, Alejandro. "Barbary Coast in the expansion of international society: Piracy, privateering, and corsairing as primary institutions." Review of International Studies 42, no. 5 (June 3, 2016): 840–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210516000152.

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AbstractFrom the ‘long’ sixteenth century the Ottoman regencies of North Africa operated as major centres of piracy and privateering across the Mediterranean Sea. Though deemed by emerging European powers to be an expression of the ‘barbarian’ status of Muslim and Ottoman rulers and peoples, piracy, and corsairing in fact played a major role in the development of the ‘primary’ or ‘master’ institutions of international society such as sovereignty, war, or international law. Far from representing a ‘barbarian’ challenge to the European ‘standard of civilization’, piracy and privateering in the modern Mediterranean acted as contradictory vehicles in the affirmation of that very standard.This article explores how Barbary piracy, privateering, and corsairing acted as ‘derivative’ primary institutions of international society. Drawing on recent ‘revisionist’ accounts of the expansion of international society, it argues that piracy and corsairing simultaneously contributed to the construction of law and sovereignty across the Mediterranean littoral whilst also prompting successive wars and treaties aimed at outlawing such practices. The cumulative effect of these complex historical experiences indicates that primary institutions of international society owe much more to ‘barbarism’ and ‘illegality’, an indeed to international stratification uneven development, than is commonly acknowledged.

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Lehmann, Jörg. "Civilization versus Barbarism." Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 7, no. 1 (March 1, 2015): 51–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2015.070103.

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In French history textbooks published after France's defeat in the Franco-Prussian War of 1870 to 1871, the presentation of the war and its outcome frequently include the myth of France's revanche and depictions of the Prussian enemy as barbarians. Other textbooks presented a narrative of progress in which the French Third Republic is shown as the endpoint of a process of advancing civilization. While the idea of a French revanche can be regarded as a founding myth of the Third Republic, the narrative of progress can be seen as an echo of this myth, cleansed of the concept of the enemy as barbarian, which constitutes a national master narrative.

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Madgearu, Alexandru. "The periphery against the center: The case of Paradunavon." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 40 (2003): 49–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0340049m.

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The "mixobarbarians" in Paradunavon, confronted with the force of Pechengs entered under a new domination, a local and barbarian one, that replaced the central Byzantine administration. The centrifugal trends were expressed in this case by the settlement of a barbarian power in Paradunavon.

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Konstan, David, and William S. Anderson. "Barbarian Play: Plautus' Roman Comedy." Phoenix 49, no. 1 (1995): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088365.

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Spisak, April. "Barbarian Lord by Matt Smith." Bulletin of the Center for Children's Books 68, no. 1 (2014): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bcc.2014.0687.

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Fodstad, Harald, Marwan I. Hariz, Hidehiro Hirabayashi, and Chihiro Ohye. "Barbarian Medicine in Feudal Japan." Neurosurgery 51, no. 4 (October 2002): 1015–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00006123-200210000-00030.

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Fodstad, Harald, Marwan I. Hariz, Hidehiro Hirabayashi, and Chihiro Ohye. "Barbarian Medicine in Feudal Japan." Neurosurgery 51, no. 4 (October 2002): 1015–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1227/00006123-200210000-00030.

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Stevenson, Deborah. "Tiny Barbarian by Ame Dyckman." Bulletin of the Center for Children's Books 74, no. 10 (2021): 423. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bcc.2021.0294.

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Wilczyński, Marek. "Exercitus barbarorum. Organizacja i działania wojsk ludów germańskich osiadłych w V i VI wieku w basenie Morza Śródziemnego." Vox Patrum 63 (July 15, 2015): 287–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3565.

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Organization of the armies of the barbarian states that emerged on the coasts of the Mediterranean Sea in the 5th and 6th centuries can only partially be reconstructed. Primary sources and archeological records vary depending on the state. The preserved evidence relating to the military power of the Vandals and Goths is relatively good, much less is known about the Svevs. All of the discussed barbarian armies were presumably grouped into units based on ten. Better insight can only be provided into the top military ranks. An interesting issue presented in the thesis is to what degree the former tribal structures were preserved and how far the Roman models were followed by the barbaric people. None of the armies of the kingdoms referred to above can fully be compared with the Germanic army that existed in the north of the Medieval Europe, which inevitably leads to substantive errors. All the foregoing kingdoms had armies mostly composed of native warriors which, however, did not guarantee their purely Germanic character. The author tries to determine to what extent the Roman population or inhabitants of certain provinces, e.g. the Moors joined the military organizations of kingdoms under the Germanic rule. Examples of the Roman officers and commanders who sought carrier in the Gothic army or representatives of subdued nations serving in the Vandals’ navy or auxiliaries encourage to perform further study in this field.

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Salinas Campos, Maximiliano. "Civilizar a los bárbaros. La historiografía como discurso ordenador de la ‘Polis’: Chile 1980 - 2010." Sílex 10, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 51–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.53870/uarm2020.n121.

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El modelo historiográfico oficial en Chile entre 1980 y 2010 obedeció casi del todo al paradigma ‘civilización / barbarie’ de Occidente. Este canon estuvo inspirado en pensadores anglosajones como Paul Johnson, Samuel Huntington y Eric Hobsbawm, quienes visitaron Chile en aquellos años. El binomio ‘civilización / barbarie’ republicano se inicia con la influencia capital e inconmovible de Andrés Bello, quien determinó los modos de ‘escribir’ la historia, junto a otros pensadores europeos del siglo xix. Desde allí no se ha dejado de comprender el tiempo colectivo como un ‘nomos’ lineal de orden público. En estas condiciones, pensar la historia es una forma particular de hacer política: civilizar a los bárbaros. The official historiographic model in Chile between 1980 and 2010 was almost entirely due to the paradigm ‘civilization / barbarity’ of the West. This canon was inspired by Anglo-Saxon thinkers such as Paul Johnson, Samuel Huntington and Eric Hobsbawm, who visited Chile in those years. The republican ‘civilization / barbarism’ binomial begins with the capital and unmoved influence of Andrés Bello, who determined the ways of ‘writing’ history, along with other 19th-century European thinkers. From there, collective time has not been understood as a linear ‘nomos’ of public order. In these conditions, thinking about history is a particular way of doing politics: civilizing barbarians.

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Stanley, Sharon. "John Stuart Mill, Children's Liberty, and the Unraveling of Autonomy." Review of Politics 79, no. 1 (2017): 49–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670516000723.

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AbstractIn On Liberty, John Stuart Mill famously excluded children and so-called barbarians from his otherwise broad grant of liberty to human beings. While many scholars have analyzed and criticized the barbarian exclusion, little attention has been focused on the denial of liberty to children. This article argues that Mill's theory of liberty rests on an untenable dividing line between childhood dependence and adult autonomy. The processes of discipline and socialization to which children are subject render them incapable as adults of achieving the kind of autonomy that Mill prescribes. Using relational autonomy as an alternative to Mill's model of autonomy, I propose that we should neither flatly deny liberty to children nor present absolute independence as a normative ideal for adults.

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MORALEE, JASON. "MAXIMINUS THRAX AND THE POLITICS OF RACE IN LATE ANTIQUITY." Greece and Rome 55, no. 1 (March 3, 2008): 55–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383507000319.

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The anonymous Epitome de Caesaribus (25.1) introduces the emperor C. Julius Verus Maximinus (235–8 CE) for the first time as ‘Maximinus Thrax’. This is now a generally acceptable name for the emperor, despite the fact that it appears only once, here in the fourth century. So iconic is this geographical label, however, that the curious treatment of his origins by the most detailed sources, Herodian and the Historia Augusta, can be obscured. While both state that his birthplace was Thrace, they also point out that his origins were racially mixed. Herodian, a contemporary historian, calls Maximinus the son of mixobarbaroi, ‘mixed-barbarians’; a century and a half later, the Historia Augusta, in a long, largely fanciful biography, calls him a semibarbarus, a ‘half-barbarian’. His brief rule was therefore remembered as inaugurating a precedent that would come to plague the empire for decades: an emperor of dubious, even mongrel origins, elected by the troops, would bring cruelty and chaos to the state. This article considers how the Historia Augusta in particular used racial terms to highlight the difference between the legitimate rule of the senate and the illegitimate subversion of its authority by a half-barbarian from the periphery of the empire. This racial profile was fully formed only in the fourth century and is reflected in a range of other sources, demonstrating that contemporary political concerns brought to the fore debates on the dangers of racial mixing.

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Ricci Still, Lucy C. "Lying or Laying in the Arms of a Barbarian: A Look at the Relationship between the Magistrate and Barbarian Girl in J.M. Coetzee’s "Waiting for the Barbarians"." International Journal of Literary Humanities 13, no. 2 (2015): 17–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/2327-7912/cgp/v13i02/58301.

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Bearden, Elizabeth. "Painting Counterfeit Canvases: American Memory Lienzos and European Imaginings of the Barbarian in Cervantes's Los trabajos de Persiles y Sigismunda." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 121, no. 3 (May 2006): 735–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/003081206x142850.

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I propose a new reading of the intersection of image and text as a site for reworkings of barbarian identity in Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra's last work, Los trabajos de Persiles y Sigismunda: Historia setentrional (1617). Through narrative manipulations of the half–barbarian character Antonio el mozo's relation to painting, Cervantes crafts complex interrelations among American pictographic language, European alphabetism, and colonial models of barbarian identity to demonstrate the adaptability and ingenuity of indigenous people. I analyze the function of ekphrastic passages that reflect American pictographic language and demonstrate the influence of Mexican painting on the literature of the Spanish golden age. Descriptions of paintings in the Persiles ultimately provide a metafictional critique of European paradigms of graphic representation and challenge the authority of European colonial rationalizations of power dynamics in the New World. (EB)

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