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Journal articles on the topic 'Baptist minister; Protestant Christianity'
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1
Kosek, Joseph Kip. "“Just a Bunch of Agitators”: Kneel-Ins and the Desegregation of Southern Churches." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 23, no. 2 (2013): 232–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2013.23.2.232.
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AbstractCivil rights protests at white churches, dubbed “kneel-ins,” laid bare the racial logic that structured Christianity in the American South. Scholars have investigated segregationist religion, but such studies tend to focus on biblical interpretation rather than religious practice. A series of kneel-ins at Atlanta's First Baptist Church, the largest Southern Baptist church in the Southeast, shows how religious activities and religious spaces became sites of intense racial conflict. Beginning in 1960, then more forcefully in 1963, African American students attempted to integrate First Baptist's sanctuary. When they were alternately barred from entering, shown to a basement auditorium, or carried out bodily, their efforts sparked a wide-ranging debate over racial politics and spiritual authenticity, a debate carried on both inside and outside the church. Segregationists tended to avoid a theological defense of Jim Crow, attacking instead the sincerity and comportment of their unwanted visitors. Yet while many church leaders were opposed to open seating, a vibrant student contingent favored it. Meanwhile, mass media—local, national, and international—shaped interpretations of the crisis and possibilities for resolving it. Roy McClain, the congregation's popular minister, attempted to navigate a middle course but faced criticism from all sides. The conflict came to a head when Ashton Jones, a white minister, was arrested, tried, and imprisoned for protesting outside the church. In the wake of the controversy, the members of First Baptist voted to end segregation in the sanctuary. This action brought formal desegregation—but little meaningful integration—to the congregation.
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Homer, Michael W. "Seeking Primitive Christianity in the Waldensian Valleys: Protestants, Mormons, Adventists and Jehovah's Witnesses in Italy." Nova Religio 9, no. 4 (May 1, 2006): 5–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2006.9.4.005.
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During the nineteenth century, Protestant clergymen (Anglican, Presbyterian, and Baptist) as well as missionaries for new religious movements (Mormons, Seventh-day Adventists and Jehovah's Witnesses) believed that Waldensian claims to antiquity were important in their plans to spread the Reformation to Italy. The Waldensians, who could trace their historical roots to Valdes in 1174, developed an ancient origins thesis after their union with the Protestant Reformation in the sixteenth century. This thesis held that their community of believers had preserved the doctrines of the primitive church. The competing churches of the Reformation believed that the Waldensians were "destined to fulfill a most important mission in the Evangelization of Italy" and that they could demonstrate, through Waldensian history and practices, that their own claims and doctrines were the same as those taught by the primitive church. The new religious movements believed that Waldensians were the best prepared in Italy to accept their new revelations of the restored gospel. In fact, the initial Mormon, Seventh-day Adventist, and Jehovah's Witness converts in Italy were Waldensians. By the end of the century, however, Catholic, Protestant, and Waldensian scholars had debunked the thesis that Waldensians were proto-Protestants prior to Luther and Calvin.
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Tóth, Sára. "“We Are Not Aliens in the Universe”." Religion and the Arts 25, no. 1-2 (March 24, 2021): 147–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685292-02501012.
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Abstract Marilynne Robinson, in her novels and essays, sets out to retrieve a foundational strain of religious experience, one that has been minimized or even repressed in most branches of the Protestant tradition. This is what, following Paul Ricœur, American theologian David Tracy calls “the manifestation orientation” in religious expression. Building on Tracy’s distinction between “manifestation and proclamation” within Christianity, I identify and analyze a shift of emphasis from the “proclamation orientation” of Robinson’s first novel, Housekeeping, with its presentation of human existence as radically homeless and alienated, to “manifestation” in Robinson’s later work. In the Gilead novels, while preserving the proclamation orientation of Protestantism through an indictment of social injustice, she corrects the one-sided Protestant emphasis on divine transcendence and human sin, affirming a fundamental “at-home-ness” (Tracy) in the universe. Through her fictional Protestant minister and a creative rereading of classical Protestant theologians, Robinson offers an imaginative alternative to Weberian accounts of Protestant spirituality.
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Ernst, Eldon G. "The Emergence of California in American Religious Historiography." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 11, no. 1 (2001): 31–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2001.11.1.31.
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On Sunday, October 23, 1983, a notable event occurred in San Francisco. A celebration of music, word, and prayer commemorated the five-hundredth birthday of the great Protestant reformer, Martin Luther. Leaders of the Episcopal, Baptist, Methodist, Presbyterian, Congregational, and Lutheran traditions took part in the service. Representatives of many other denominations marched in the processional singing “A Mighty Fortress Is Our God.” Choral settings from the Greek Orthodox service framed the liturgy. Most remarkable, the Roman Catholic archbishop of San Francisco opened the ceremony, and the event took place in St. Mary's Cathedral. Reformation-rooted Protestant Christianity thus was recognized by a broad panorama of world Christian traditions that had lived side by side for well over a century in the strongly Catholic City of Saint Francis by the Golden Gate.
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Louis, Bertin M. "Touloutoutou and Tet Mare Churches: Language, Class and Protestantism in the Haitian Diaspora of the Bahamas." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 41, no. 2 (April 18, 2012): 216–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429812441308.
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Within Haiti’s growing transnational Protestant community, there are different types of churches and adherents that practice traditional forms of Protestant Christianity (such as the Adventist, Methodist and Baptist faiths) and Pentecostal/Charismatic forms of Protestant Christianity. Using Michèle Lamont’s work on symbolic boundaries, I explore how Haitian Protestants living in New Providence, Bahamas, differentiate these two major Haitian Protestant church cultures through the use of denigrating terms about differing religious traditions. Churches which practice traditional forms of Haitian Protestantism, for example, are sometimes called touloutoutou churches. Churches where Pentecostal/Charismatic forms of Haitian Protestantism are practiced are sometimes referred to as tet mare churches by some Haitian Protestants. In addition, practitioners’ descriptions reflect issues of social class and contested notions of Christian authenticity among Haitian Protestants in the Bahamas. Dans la communauté haïtienne protestante transnationale, il existe différents types d’églises et de fidèles qui forment une pratique traditionnelle du christianisme protestant (comme les adventistes, méthodistes et les religions Baptiste) et pentecôtiste / charismatique qui forment le christianisme protestant. Avec l’utilisation du travail de Michèle Lamont sur les frontières symboliques, j’explore comment les protestants haïtiens vivant à New Providence, Bahamas, peuvent faire la différence entre ces deux grandes cultures haïtiennes grâce à l’utilisation des termes dénigrants au sujet de traditions religieuses différentes. Les églises haïtiennes qui pratiquent les formes traditionnelles du protestantisme, par exemple, sont parfois appelées « églises touloutoutou ». D’autre part, les églises où les formes pentecôtiste / charismatique du protestantisme haïtien sont pratiquées sont parfois dénommés « églises tèt mare » pour certains protestants haïtiens. En outre, les descriptions des praticiens reflètent les questions de classe sociale et les notions d’authenticité chrétienne attaquée chez les protestants haïtiens aux Bahamas.
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Cherenkov, Mychailo M. "Transformations of the socio-theological position of Ukrainian evangelical Protestantism." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 45 (March 7, 2008): 135–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2008.45.1905.
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Ukrainian evangelical Protestantism is a significant factor in the religious life of the country, not only because of its quantitative characteristics, but also because of its differentness, the identity of dominant national traditions and the situation of political situations. Representing the Eastern image of Western Christianity, the openness to the spiritual experience of the world church community, the evangelical communities are the most dynamic in their development, in new attempts at topical theological synthesis, and in establishing inter-denominational bridges. Evangelical Protestantism means, above all, evangelical Baptist Christians and Evangelical Christians, separating them, on the one hand, from the historical churches and, on the other, from the latest Protestant movements.
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Hart, D. G. "Divided between Heart and Mind: the Critical Period for Protestant Thought in America." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 38, no. 2 (April 1987): 254–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900023071.
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In 1854, Philip Schaff, professor of church history at Mercersburg Theological Seminary and minister of the German Reformed Church, reported to his denomination on the state of Christianity in America. Although the American Church had many shortcomings, according to Schaff the United States was ‘by far the most religious and Christian country in the world’. Many Protestant leaders, however, took a dimmer view of Christianity's prospects. In the middle decades of the nineteenth century, a nagging sense prevailed that traditional theology was no longer capable of integrating religion and culture, or piety and intelligence. Bela Bates Edwards, a conservative New England divine, complained of the prevalent opinion ‘that an intellectual clergyman is deficient in piety and that an eminently pious minister is deficient in intellect’. Edwards was not merely lamenting the unpopularity of Calvinism. A Unitarian writer also noted a burgeoning ‘clerical skepticism’. Intelligent and well-trained men who wished to defend and preach the Gospel, he wrote, ‘find themselves struggling within the fetters of a creed by which they have pledged themselves’. An 1853 Memorial to the Bishops of the Protestant Episcopal Church summed up the doubts of Protestant clergymen when it asked whether the Church's traditional theology and ministry were ‘competent to the work of preaching and dispensing the Gospel to all sorts and conditions of men, and so adequate to do the work of the Lord in this land and in this age’.
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Gushee, David P. "Evangelicals and Politics: A Rethinking." Journal of Law and Religion 23, no. 1 (2007): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400002575.
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I understand my primary task in this essay to be to take you inside the world of evangelical political reflection and engagement. Though I actually grew up Roman Catholic and attended the liberal Union Theological Seminary in New York, I am by now an evangelical insider, rooted deeply in red state mid-South America, a member of a Southern Baptist church (actually, an ordained minister), a teacher at a Tennessee Baptist university, and a columnist for the flagship Christianity Today magazine. Due to the blue state/red state, liberal/conservative boundary-crossing that has characterized my background, I am often called upon to interpret our divided internal “cultures” one to another. Trained to be fair-minded and judicious in my analysis and judgments (though not always successful in meeting the standards of my training), I seek to help bridge the culture wars divide that is tearing our nation apart.As one deeply invested in American evangelicalism, most of my attention these days now goes to the internal conversation within evangelical life about our identity and mission, especially our social ethics and political engagement. In this essay I will focus extensively on problems I currently see with evangelical political engagement, addressing those from within the theological framework of evangelical Christianity and inviting others to listen in to what I am now saying to my fellow evangelicals.
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Brewer, Brian C. "“To Defer and Not to Hasten”: The Anabaptist and Baptist Appropriations of Tertullian's Baptismal Theology." Harvard Theological Review 106, no. 3 (July 2013): 287–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816013000126.
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Regardless of the historiographical arguments made over the course of the last century regarding the relationship between Baptists and Anabaptists in the seventeenth century, every historian of Christianity must concede at least a typological connection between the two movements. Seventeenth-century Baptists shared numerous theological convictions with their sixteenth-century forerunners, including the novel ideas of the separation of church and state, the freedom of the individual conscience, and a voluntary ecclesiology which restricted the practice of baptism and church membership to professing adult Christians. Historians have likewise noted that the two movements differed from their magisterial Protestant counterparts in that each viewed its movement as a restoration of the church to first-century practices rather than as a mere reformation of the church to some previous era of perceived relative purity which remained under the auspices of government.
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Collins, John. "Ghanaian Christianity and Popular Entertainment: Full Circle." History in Africa 31 (2004): 407–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003570.
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In this paper I look at the relationship between Christianity and popular entertainment in Ghana over the last 100 years or so. Imported Christianity was one of the seminal influences on the emergence of local popular music, dance, and drama. But Christianity in turn later became influenced by popular entertainment, especially in the case of the local African separatist churches that began to incorporate popular dance music, and in some cases popular theatre. At the same time unemployed Ghanaian commercial performing artists have, since the 1980s, found a home in the churches. To begin this examination of this circular relationship between popular entertainment and Christianity in Ghana we first turn to the late nineteenth century.The appearance of transcultural popular performance genres in southern and coastal Ghana in the late nineteenth century resulted from a fusion of local music and dance elements with imported ones introduced by Europeans. Very important was the role of the Protestant missionaries who settled in southern. Ghana during the century, establishing churches, schools, trading posts, and artisan training centers. Through protestant hymns and school songs local Africans were taught to play the harmonium, piano, and brass band instruments and were introduced to part harmony, the diatonic scale, western I- IV- V harmonic progressions, the sol-fa notation and four-bar phrasing.There were two consequences of these new musical ideas. Firstly a tradition of vernacular hymns was established from the 1880s and 1890s, when separatist African churches (such as the native Baptist Church) were formed in the period of institutional racism that followed the Berlin Conference of 1884/85. Secondly, and of more importance to this paper, these new missionary ideas helped to establish early local popular Highlife dance music idioms such as asiko (or ashiko), osibisaaba, local brass band “adaha” music and “palmwine” guitar music. Robert Sprigge (1967:89) refers to the use of church harmonies and suspended fourths in the early guitar band Highlife composition Yaa Amponsah, while David Coplan (1978:98-99) talks of the “hybridisation” of church influences with Akan vocal phrasing and the preference of singing in parallel thirds and sixths in the creation of Highlife.
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Hale, Frederick. "FORECASTING THE FUTURE OF RELIGION IN THE 1920s: RAMSDEN BALMFORTH’S POST-ORTHODOX PROGNOSTICATIONS." Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 41, no. 2 (December 18, 2015): 18–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-4265/88.
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Standing at the apogee of post-Protestant theological liberalism, the scholarly Unitarian minister Ramsden Balmforth, who served the Unitarian Church in Cape Town from 1897 until 1937, responded to a broad spectrum of issues affecting South African religious, political and economic life. Having been moulded by Fabian socialism in his native Yorkshire, however, and informed by the theology of such denominational fellows as Joseph Estlin Carpenter during his student years in Oxford, he remained relatively marginalised on the ecclesiastical landscape of South Africa. Despite this quasi-isolation, Balmforth sought in the late 1920s to predict the future of Christianity or religious life generally not only in his adopted homeland, but also on an international scale. In the present article his conceptualisation is analysed in the historical context of his theological liberalism generally, and a critique of his prognostications is offered which highlights Balmforth’s failure to come to grips with the fact that his liberalism, which he regarded as a virtually inevitable product of cultural history, had failed to make nearly any inroads on the increasingly complex kaleidoscope of South African Christianity.
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Fisher, Linford D. "Evangelicals and Unevangelicals: The Contested History of a Word, 1500–1950." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 26, no. 2 (2016): 184–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2016.26.2.184.
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Abstract“Not Evangelical”! and who is this,With serpent’s tongue, that dares the sentence hiss?1—Day K. Lee, Universalist minister, 1841Recent academic use of the word “evangelical” in American history has been surprisingly static. Drawing upon scholars of “evangelicalism,” historians have been tied to an “essentialist,” or doctrinal, definition of evangelicalism that stretches unbroken from the early eighteenth century to the present. Such ahistorical readings, however, obscure a far more interesting and complex reality. This essay argues that from the Protestant Reformation through the early twentieth century, to be “evangelical” was most often a Protestant-inflected way of being in the world, which at times could have multiple, changing, and contested doctrinal associations. It was a flexible and dynamic idiom, intended to communicate a relative biblical authenticity by those who wielded it. In particular, this essay seeks to recover three overlooked dimensions of the use of the word “evangelical”: first, the firmly Protestant and even anti-Catholic implication of the term that spanned the history of Protestantism from the 1520s to the twentieth century; second, the relative authenticity, “true-Christian” usage, which contained within it a strong “primitivist” impulse with reference to New Testament Christianity; and third, the contested nature of the word, particularly in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, when “evangelical” identity supposedly started to become more recognizable.
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Kries, Douglas. "Tocqueville's Unfinished Manuscript on Ireland." Review of Politics 74, no. 4 (2012): 631–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670512000782.
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AbstractIn the summer of 1835, Alexis de Tocqueville visited Ireland. Within the travelogue that he kept while on his journey, there exists an incomplete manuscript in which Tocqueville uses the literary device of the tableau to attempt a general explanation of Ireland's political and religious problems. The present essay explains why this manuscript, whose uniqueness has not previously been recognized fully, must be separated from the rest of the Irish journals, studied in relation to other Tocquevillian tableaux, and scrutinized carefully for its teaching on religion and politics. The essay then attempts an interpretation of the manuscript, which Tocqueville titled A Catholic Priest and a Protestant Minister in Ireland, especially as it bears on the question of Christianity and politics in Democracy in America. It concludes by considering whether Tocqueville once considered revising A Catholic Priest for possible inclusion in Democracy in America and why Tocqueville eventually abandoned the manuscript.
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McGowan, Andrew. "CHARLES HADDON SPURGEON: WHAT CAN WE LEARN FROM HIM FOR TODAY?" VERBUM CHRISTI: JURNAL TEOLOGI REFORMED INJILI 6, no. 2 (October 14, 2019): 133–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.51688/vc6.2.2019.art3.
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In this article, the author gives an account of the life and theology of C.H. Spurgeon (1834-1892), the famous Reformed Baptist Minister, who preached in London in the second half of the nineteenth century. The account demonstrates that Spurgeon was not only the most renowned preacher of his day, most of whose sermons were published and are still read widely today but also an author who published many volumes. In addition to his work as preacher and writer, Spurgeon built children’s orphanages, started a theological college and assisted in many noble causes. As part of this benevolent work, his church contributed large sums to support poor relief.
Having told Spurgeon’s story, the article then indicates six areas of Spurgeon’s life and ministry which are helpful for us today: his Passion for Souls; his Devotion to Prayer and Study; His attitude to the Bible & Expository Ministry; his Pastoral Ministry; His Practical Christianity; and His refusal to compromise on the truth of the gospel.
KEYWORDS: Spurgeon, ministry, preach, Bible
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Cogley, Richard W. "The Fall of the Ottoman Empire and the Restoration of Israel in the “Judeo-centric” Strand of Puritan Millenarianism." Church History 72, no. 2 (June 2003): 304–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700099868.
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For the American Puritan minister Increase Mather, the battle of Armageddon would be “the most terrible day of battel that ever was.” “Asia is like to be in a flame of war between Israelites and Turks,” he wrote in The Mystery of Israel's Salvation, “[and] Europe between the followers of the Lamb and the followers of the beast.” In the Asian and European spheres of action, or so Mather anticipated, God's Israelite and Protestant armies would “overthrow great Kingdoms, and make Nations desolate, and bring defenced Cities into ruinous heaps.” The inevitable victory would reshape the course of history, for the destruction of Roman Catholic and Ottoman power would be accompanied by the conversion of the Jews and the lost tribes of Israel to Christianity and by their restoration to their ancestral homeland in Palestine. Then would come the birth of the millennium in Jerusalem and the subsequent spread of the kingdom of Jesus Christ throughout Europe, the Middle East, and the rest of the world.
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Basu Roy, Tiasa. "Spirituality and Conflict in Healthcare: The History of the Canadian Baptists and Medical Mission in Orissa, 1900–1970." Histories 1, no. 2 (June 3, 2021): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/histories1020011.
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It was from the middle of the eighteenth century that discussions regarding the strategies taken up by the Protestant missionaries to propagate the Gospel generated the issue of healthcare and medical facilities among people in India. Medical mission, which hitherto was not considered, started to gain importance and reaped positive results in terms of curing individuals and its trustworthiness among tribes residing in the frontier regions. However, this developed a separatist religious identity among the population, which apparently did not appear lethal, but later culminated in the fragmentation and impeachment of solidarity among the adivais (tribal) and vengeance from the Hindu population. This article will show how the Canadian Baptist Mission, with its primary aim of spreading the Kingdom of God among the tribal Savaras in the Ganjam district of Orissa, undertook measures for serving health issues and provided medical facilities to both the caste Oriyas and the tribal Savaras. Although medical activities oriented towards philanthropy and physical well-being, medical mission was not limited to healing illness and caring for all, but also extended to spreading the word of God and influencing the people to embrace Christianity as well, which invited political troubles into the region.
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van Lieburg, Fred. "Interpreting the Dutch Great Awakening (1749–1755)." Church History 77, no. 2 (May 12, 2008): 318–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640708000565.
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In 1754, the Scottish minister John Gillies (1712–1796) published a collection of historical accounts concerning “remarkable periods of the success of the Gospel.” Its composer was a spider in a web of correspondents in Europe and North America who believed they were living in an extraordinary time of revival in Christianity. Collective conversions and signs of repentance and faith were reported from all parts of the world and placed in a large eschatological perspective. After the Protestant Reformation—the climax of church history since the New Testament—a great decline had set in comparable to the Middle Ages. The “Great Awakening” seemed to recapture the spirit of the first Pentecost and offered prospects for a further extension of God's Kingdom. By means of missionary work among the heathen peoples, the Gospel would reach the ends of earth. Finally, after the collective conversion of the Jews and a millennium of peace, the time would come for the Lord of the Church to appear on the clouds of heaven to gather the harvest of all times.
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PARRATT, JOHN. "Saroj Nalini Arambam Parratt (1933–2008)." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 19, no. 3 (July 2009): 383–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186309009882.
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Arambam Saroj Nalini was born in Imphal, in the then princely state of Manipur, on June 2nd 1933. Her father was a well-known and respected educationalist and government officer. During the war years he was posted to Jiribam, where she received her first education, and later transferred to a convent school in Haflong. She proceeded to Calcutta University, where she became the first Meetei woman to obtain BA and MA degrees, majoring in Philosophy. While in Calcutta she enjoyed close friendship with Christian Naga students, and converted to Christianity. She was baptised at the Lower Circular Road Baptist church, whose minister, Walter Corlett had himself served in Imphal during the war years. The Christian faith was to become a dominant influence on her future life. She came to Britain in the late 1950s to study theology, and obtained a Bachelor of Divinity degree from London University in 1961. Shortly after she married John Parratt. When their desire to work in India was frustrated they decided to work elsewhere in the developing world, initially in Nigeria, where Saroj became a tutor in philosophy at the University of Ile-Ife. When her husband was offered a research fellowship by the Australian National University she enrolled for a PhD in the Department of Asian Studies there, under the supervision of the eminent indologist A.L.Basham. Despite the frequent absences of her husband on field work in Papua-New Guinea and having to care for three young children, the bulk of the thesis was completed before she returned to Manipur for further extended field work in 1972. The doctorate was awarded three years later, one of her examiners being Professor Suniti Kumar Chatterji, who (unusually for the time) himself had a deep interest in India's north-eastern region. Her thesis was published in 1980 (Firma KLM, Calcutta) as The Religion of Manipur. It marked the beginning of a new phase in writing on Manipur by its rigorous application of critical methodology both in the collection and in the analysis of field data, and had considerable influence on younger Meetei scholars.
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Kaplan, Lisabeth, and Paul Roochnik. "The Jewish Obligation to Stand Up against Islamophobia in the United States." American Journal of Islam and Society 21, no. 3 (July 1, 2004): 175–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v21i3.1788.
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First they came for the communists, and I did not speak out –because I was not a communist;Then they came for the socialists, and I did not speak out –because I was not a socialist;Then they came for the trade unionists, and I did not speak out –because I was not a trade unionist;Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out –because I was not a Jew;Then they came for me –and there was no one left to speak out for me.The German anti-Nazi Protestant minister, Martin Niemoeller, spoke thesepoignant words following the end of World War II. Pastor Niemoellerreminds us that whenever society singles out a specific minority for abuse,the rest of society must resist. What folly it is to believe that during a timeof insecurity and suspicion, any minority – religious, ethnic, or political –can long enjoy immunity from oppression. The Jewish people, perhapsmore than other minorities, has an intimate familiarity with the plight ofthe scapegoat, a 2,000 year history of diaspora and minority status, withall the cruelty and violence that has accompanied this experience. In thiswork, we will cite Biblical sources, cultural traditions, and rabbinic teachings to express the inescapable obligation of Jews to stand in solidaritywith Muslims in their time of need.Make no mistake about it: Muslims now confront unprecedented discriminationand harassment in the United States. In a recent report, theAmerican-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee (ADC) reports a significantincrease in the frequency of hate crimes and acts of discriminationperpetrated against Arabs (both Muslims and Christians) and non-ArabMuslims.1 The list includes hundreds of acts of physical violence, some 60incidents of Arab or Muslim passengers being prevented from traveling onairlines simply because of their “profile,” several hundred employmentdiscrimination cases, and serious concerns arising from the USA PatriotAct. Tabloid media and bigoted radio talk show hosts contribute to anatmosphere of Islamophobia, and some Americans associate the word“Muslim” or “Arab” with “terrorist.” Shortly after the 9/11 attacks, conservativepundit Ann Coulter, commenting on Arab and Muslim countries,suggested that “we should invade their countries, kill their leaders andconvert them to Christianity.”2 An Islamophobic atmosphere has takenhold in the United States, targeting Muslims not for any crime, but merelyfor being Muslims ...
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Hale, Frederick. "Ramsden Balmforth on the Reformation and the Evolution of Christianity: A Post-Protestant South African Perspective." Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 43, no. 2 (December 7, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-4265/2190.
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Theologians and historians of the Protestant Reformation have often interpreted it in terms that are strongly determined by their own concerns. One such writer was Ramsden Balmforth (1862-1942), a prominent Unitarian minister and public intellectual in Cape Town from 1897 until the late 1930s. An advocate of Darwinian evolutionary thinking, liberal theology, religious freedom, the comparative study of religions, and social reform, this transplanted Yorkshireman perceived the Reformation as an important stage in the Judaeo-Christian tradition, one marked by liberation from the spiritual and intellectual shackles of Catholicism. However, he regarded it as a truncated and ultimately reactionary reform movement which substituted the authority of the Bible and creedal formulations for that of the Roman Catholic power structure. Balmforth called for a “new Reformation” which would resume the liberation of religious life.
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"Finding the God of Noah: The Spiritual Journey of a Baptist Minister From Christianity to the Laws of Noah." Nova Religio 1, no. 2 (April 1, 1998): 322–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.1998.1.2.322.
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