Academic literature on the topic 'Balkans – Influence ottomane'
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Journal articles on the topic "Balkans – Influence ottomane"
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Dalillah Mohd Isa, Ammalina, Napisah Karimah Ismail, Firuz Akhtar Mohamad Bohari, Lily Hanefarezan Asbulah, Nor Syamimi Mohd, Nur Ainul Basyirah Alias, Nurliyana Mohd Talib, and Afeez Nawfal Mohd Isa. "THE ROLE OF ISLAM IN SOCIO-CULTURAL TRANSFORMATION OF THE BALKAN SOCIETY, 1354-1450." International Journal of Advanced Research 11, no. 09 (September 30, 2023): 47–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/17501.
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The entrance of the Ottomans in the Balkans in the 14th century brought about significant changes in European history. The Balkans, which had been administered by the Byzantine Roman Empire with Christian church influence, were now conquered by the Ottoman Empire, which introduced new administrative structures and organisations with Islamic influences. This has influenced the socio-cultural makeup of the community, particularly at the conclusion of Sultan Murad IIs reign. The purpose of this study is to examine the role of Islam in the socio-cultural transformations of Balkan society from the early years of Ottoman rule until the end of Sultan Murad II reign. This study employs a qualitative research method through content analysis, as well as descriptive and deductive analysis. According to the findings of this study, Islam played an active part in influencing the socio-culture of Balkan society during Ottoman rule in a multitude of ways. The first is to lay the groundwork for the Ottoman governments administrative and legal systems. The second is to prioritise the provision of Islamic infrastructure and facilities and waqf institutions in order to promote the Muslim community and the Balkan region. Third, assigning the obligation of preaching and spreading Islam to all Muslims, and last, promoting a better lifestyle change in accordance with Islamic principles, among Balkans who have recently adopted Islam.
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Czamańska, Ilona. "Wasale, trybutariusze, sojusznicy. Charakter relacji państw bałkańskich z Turcją osmańską w XIV wieku." Slavia Meridionalis 11 (August 31, 2015): 37–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2011.003.
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Vassals, tributaries, allies. The nature of the relations of the Balkan states with the Ottoman Turkey in the 14th centuryIn the second half of the fourteenth century, more than twenty political bodies functioned in Balkans, which were more or less independent, often in conflicts with each other, joining into leagues and alliances.The Ottomans were a valuable ally, with which the Balkan rulers came in close political and military relationships. The study of evolution and the nature of these relations meets serious difficulties due to lack of surviving documents, defining the nature of bilateral relations of the Ottomans with particular Balkan states, while other sources, usually from a later period, are not very precise. The difficulties of interpretation concern such fundamental matters as the chronology of Turkish conquests, conflicts and peace agreements. However, the analysis of preserved source material leads to the following conclusions:1. Subordination of the Balkan countries by the Ottomans was a long-term process, and their relationships with the Balkan states were diverse in nature.2. Payment of the tribute for the benefit of the Turks could, but did not have to mean the entry into vassal relations, however gave an evidence about the entry into peaceful relations.3. Orhan, Murad I and Bajezid I were satisfied on the territory of Europe with the establishment of the allied, tributary relationships and over the time with the strengthening of own vassal position. However, at the end of the fourteenth century, all the Balkan states were at some stage of such relations, mostly on the last of them.4. Entry into close, family relations with the ruling sultan meant usually a close political and military cooperation. Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian wives of the sultans had the right to remain in the Christian faith and often exerted a strong political influence. The support and protection of the closest relatives of the wife was fulfilled by the Turkish rulers. Thanks to it, for example Serbia of Stefan Lazarević was essentially strengthened, becoming at the same time the most serious support of Bajezid I in the Balkans.
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Dema, Violeta. "TURKEY’S SOFT POWER POLICY TOWARDS THE BALKANS." SCIENCE International Journal 2, no. 2 (May 31, 2023): 49–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/sciencej020249d.
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According to the official policy of Turkey, the Balkans are considered “as a sphere of influence since Turkey is also a Balkan country. The country pursues its main objectives in the region of “maintaining and strengthening peace, stability and sustainable development”, and that it “continues to support the accession of all the countries of the region to Europe and Euro-Atlantic institutions. “. In the “Balkan” policy of Turkey, a major role plays its diplomatic institution TIKA (Türk İşbirliği ve Koordinasyon Ajansı Başkanlığı, Turkish Agency for Cooperation and Coordination„, created in 1992 and active in the region since its creation. The case of the presence of Turkey in the Balkans is particularly interesting because the country maintains a rich and complex historical relationship with its Balkan neighbors.Its ancestor, the Ottoman Empire, deeply marked the region for more than five centuries.If the new Turkish Republic maintains Relatively limited relations with its former Ottoman provinces, the liberal opening of Turkish foreign policy by Turgut Özal from the 1980s marked a gradual return of Turkey to the region.
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Bandžović, Safet. "Wars and ways of deosmanization of the Balkans (1912-1923)." Historijski pogledi 3, no. 3 (May 28, 2020): 7–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.3.7.
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The dramatic currents of the history of the 19th and 20th centuries in the Balkans cannot be seen in a more comprehensive way, separate from the wider European / world context, geopolitical order, influence and consequences of the interesting logics of superpowers, models of de-Ottomanization and Balkanization. At the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, the Ottoman Empire was in a difficult position, pressured by numerous internal problems, exposed to external political pressures, conditions and wars. Crises and Ottoman military defeats in the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) and the "Great War" (1914-1918), along with the processes of de-Ottomanization and fragmentation of the territories in which they lived and the growth of divisions, disrupted the self-confidence of Muslims. Expulsions and mass exoduses of entire populations, especially Muslims, culminated in the Balkan wars. Bosniaks, as well as Muslims in the rest of "Ottoman Europe", found themselves in the ranks of several armies in the "Great War". Many Muslims from the Balkans, who arrived in the vast territory of the Empire in earlier times as refugees, also fought in the units of the Ottoman army. In that war it was defeated. On its remnants, a new state of Turkey (1923) was created after the Greco-Ottoman war (1919-1922).
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Agolli, Kevin. "The geopolitical influence of Turkey in the Western Balkans." Jus & Justicia 15, no. 2 (2021): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.58944/genz5318.
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Turkey’s role in the Balkan peninsula can be considered age-old since medieval times. The study of the new line of Turkish foreign policy from 2002 to 2021, as well as the doctrine of neo-Ottomanism, mark a great importance in the ideation of the methodology. This need is influenced by a number of factors. Turkey has a historical past in the Balkans; after the coming to power of the AKP in 2002, its leader Recep Tayyip Erdoğan wanted to reawaken the “unified” relationship of the Balkan states with Turkey at the head. Also, the empowerment that Turkey has received during the last 15 years has strengthened its influence in three different regions. The Balkan region, just like in the period of the Ottoman Empire, is an existential part of the implementation of the doctrine of neo-Ottomanism in Turkish foreign policy, as well as a connecting bridge that Turkey has with Western Europe. This study aims to offer an approach that seeks to discover the cause of Turkey’s relations with the Balkan countries and Turkey’s geopolitical influence in this region. This paper suggests that the growth of Turkey’s influence in the Balkans has come as a result of Turkey’s own reconceptualization of its role in the international arena after 2002. The method selected in this study is the interpretative one, which refers to the secondary data produced by well-known authors of international relations, official documents, institutions, etc.
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Avakova, R. A., and A. K. Koksegenov. "Source Analysis of Turkism in the Balkan Languages." Iasaýı ýnıversıtetіnіń habarshysy 131, no. 1 (March 30, 2024): 30–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.47526/2024-1/2664-0686.03.
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The connection of Turkic tribes with the peoples of the Balkan Peninsula has a long history. With the conquest of the Ottoman Empire, the influence of the Turks on the countries living in the Balkan region increased, and this situation led to significant changes for the Balkan peoples. Words of Turkic origin in the Balkan languages became the basis for the study of Turkic influence in the Balkans. Researchers should first of all determine from which language Turkic vocabulary was introduced. The term “Orientalism” is widely used by linguists to define words and phrases from any Eastern language (Turkish, Arabic, Persian). First, since orientalism entered the Balkan languages through the Ottoman Turkish language, which was spoken by the majority of the inhabitants of the Ottoman Empire and its territories, many researchers used the term “Turkism” to denote the characteristics of the way of life of the eastern countries. When linguists of the XVIIIXIX centuries defined the term “Turkism”, they relied on a small number and insufficient information about the origin of Eastern words. The purpose of this study is to make a detailed description and detailed analysis of the words that have entered the Turkic language in the Balkan languages. The research focuses on Romanian, Serbian, and Albanian languages, where the most Turkic words can be found.
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Mrgić, Jelena. "Aqua vitae – Notes on Geographies of Alcohol Production and Consumption in the Ottoman Balkans." Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 12, no. 4 (December 23, 2017): 1309. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v12i4.14.
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The paper addresses the beginning of brandy distillation in the Ottoman Balkan, the transfer of technology, commerce and taxation, as well as patterns of consumption. Those patterns include rules of alcohol production, distribution and use according to religion, class and gender, i.e. restrictions and their transgressions. Linguistic, documentary and narrative sources are deployed in building a multifaceted picture. Production of various spirits, foremost plum brandy in the Ottoman Balkans, and the usage of alcohol drinks could be viewed as an area where private and public, official and clandestine, permitted and forbidden mixed and coexisted, and influenced Ottoman political and religious system.
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Karic, Enes. "The Arabic Cultural Influence on the Balkans." American Journal of Islam and Society 20, no. 1 (January 1, 2003): 107–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v20i1.3033.
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The CaseIt was with great pleasure that I accepted the invitation from Dr. YahyaMahmud bin Junayd and Dr. Awadh al-Badi to be with you today. I am veryhappy to be able to speak to you on this special occasion about an importantand very large topic: the Arabic cultural influence on the Balkans. I am particularlyglad to be speaking on this theme in the hall of this eminent institute,the King Faisal Centre for Islamic Studies and Research.I will begin by saying that I shall not deal at length with either the historyor the geography of the Balkans, for I am justified in assuming that theaudience I am addressing today is familiar with these, at least in outline. Ishall therefore proceed at once to the topic itself.Arabic and Islamic influences began to reach the Balkan peninsulawell before the Turks and the start of Ottoman imperial rule in the fifteenthcentury. Museums throughout the Balkans still contain items from theperiod of the first contacts of the Balkan peoples with the Arabs of Sicily,southern Italy, and al-Andalus. We thus find Arabic utensils, for examplethe ibrig,1 which we also call ibrik, with exactly the same meaning inBosnian as in Arabic. It is the same in the Serbian and Croatian languages,too.The archives of Dubrovnik contain a large collection of Arabic manuscriptsthat show clearly what kind of goods were traded between Arabtraders and those of the Balkans over many centuries. But Arab traders didnot only bring with them Arabic customs, books, items, ideas, and principles;the Slavs themselves, who served first in the military with the Arabs ...
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Lityński, Adam. "Od Wielkiej Serbii do Królestwa SHS. Historyka ustroju uwag kilka." Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica 20, no. 2 (2021): 145–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/mhi.2021.20.02.10.
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In the 19th century, the Balkan problem was a major political issue in Europe. The Balkans were under the rule of the Ottoman Empire for hundreds of years. Other great empires became increasingly involved in Balkan affairs: the Russian Empire and the Habsburg Empire of Austria (after 1867 Austria-Hungary). They divided the Balkans into their spheres of influence. The nations of the Balkans were culturally diverse. The process of forming the consciousness of nations was complicated; nationalisms and conflicts were growing. Religions were of great importance – Catholicism, Orthodoxy, Islam. Apart from tiny Montenegro, only the Serbs have fought heroically for independence since the early 19th century, making great sacrifices. Gradually they gained it: first, autonomy within the Ottoman Empire, then they became an independent principality, and finally an independent kingdom. From the mid-19th century until the end of World War I, they passed a total of five constitutions: 1835, 1869, 1888/9, 1901, 1903. They were based partly on the French (1814, 1830) and Belgian (1831) Basic Laws. All constitutions were relatively modern and liberal, at a high European level. In the article the author analyses and presents the most important contents of these constitutions. Over the years, a conviction was developed that it was Serbia that would unite and liberate the Balkan nations under its leadership. The author shows how the end of the First Great War brought a clash between the idea of a Greater Serbia and the ambitions of the Balkan nations living under Austro-Hungarian rule. The Kingdom of Serbs-Croats-Slovenes (Kingdom SHS) was established-full of internal troubles from the beginning.
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ĐUKANOVIĆ, DRAGAN. "KEY CONCEPTS OF SERBIAN RULERS ON THE ISSUE OF THE ALLIANCE OF THE BALKAN STATES AND PEOPLES FROM 1860 TO 1912." Kultura polisa, no. 44 (March 8, 2021): 159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.51738/kpolisa2021.18.1r.3.01.
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Since the middle of the 19th century, ideas related to the mutual rapprochement of the Balkan states and the creation of their broader associations have appeared within the ruling circles in Serbia. In that sense, the author analyzes the concepts of the Balkan unions of the rulers from the Serbian dynasty Obrenović (Prince Mihailo, King Milan and King Aleksandar), as well as King Petar I Karađorđević starting from 1860 to 1912. These concepts of the Balkan alliance, whether they were autochthonous or otherwise the result of the influence of the leading political factors of the then European order, did not have a significant foothold in the then public of Serbia. However, at the beginning of the 20th century, the concept of a transient inclusive Balkan alliance aiming to liberate certain parts of the Balkans from the Ottoman Empire prevailed, and after its success in 1912, it was modified by the abandonment of Bulgaria. Also, despite the undoubtedly unfavorable international influences and the aspiration of the Balkan states to round up their ethnic territories, there was no genuine possibility to realize the concept of Balkan interstate solidarity during the second half of the 19th century.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Balkans – Influence ottomane"
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Belbachir, Walid. "L'établissement des chemins de fer dans les Balkans à l'époque ottomane : structuration de l'espace et organisation des échanges (1856-1913)." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AIXM0449.
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Titre de la Thèse : L'établissement des chemins de fer dans les Balkans à l'époque ottomane : structuration de l'espace et organisation des échanges (1856-1913)Rejoindre l'Orient, voici sans doute l'une des obsessions de l'Occident. Peut-être l'épopée d'Alexandre le Grand a t-elle contribué à construire cet objectif quasi mystique. Quoi qu'il en soit, le XIXe siècle est celui de sa rationalisation. L'invention de la locomotive et celle du navire à vapeur permettent d'amorcer un processus de mise en réseau du monde. Sur les cinq continents, les villages, les villes et les ports s'interconnectent progressivement, engendrant une mondialisation des flux commerciaux et humains. Ce mouvement est orchestré par les grandes puissances européennes, dont le pouvoir est fondé sur la conquête de nouveaux marchés et sur l'importation des matières premières essentielles à leur essor. Londres et Bombay forment alors deux pivots incontournables, permettant de rediriger les flux en circulation à l'échelle trans-continentale. Entre ces deux points, Suez joue le rôle d'interface entre la mer Rouge et la Méditerranée. Au cours de la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle, l'espace balkanique est progressivement intégré à ce système-monde. L'introduction du rail y induit une profonde redéfinition des rapports de force, que ceux-ci soient d'ordre économique, militaire ou politique. A ce titre, la mise en place de voies ferrées dans les Balkans, à l'époque sous domination de l'Empire ottoman, résulte d'une imbrication de stratégies d'influence, s'exprimant à différentes échelles. Cette thèse se propose de les mettre en lumièreReaching the East : this is undoubtedly one of the obsessions of the West. Maybe Alexander the Great's conquests contributed to forge this quasi-mystical aim. Wherever it comes from, the XIXth century is the one of its rationalization. Inventions such as steam locomotive and steamship allow to begin a global networking process. On five continents, villages, cities and ports, are progressively interconnected, generating a globalization of human and trade flows. This movement is orchestrated by the major European powers, whose expansion is based on the conquest of new markets and on the importation of natural resources required for their development. London and Mumbay play at that time a pivotal role, allowing to reroute flows in circulation at the inter-continental scale. Between these two major cities, Suez is an unavoidable crossing point between the Mediterranean and the Red Sea. During the second half of the XIXth century, the Balkan space is progressively integrated to this world-system. In that region, the introduction of railway induces a radical restructuring of power relations, whether political, economical or military. For this reason, the establishment of railways in the Balkans results from an interlacing of influencing strategies, articulated at various scales. This thesis sets out to highlight them
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Prévost, Stéphanie. "La Question d'Orient dans la culture politique britannique : réception et influences (1875-1898)." Thesis, Tours, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010TOUR2017.
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Cette thèse étudie la réception de la Question d'Orient au Royaume-Uni entre la crise orientale de1875-6 et celle de 1894-8, ainsi que son incidence sur la culture politique britannique. Preuves à l'appui, nous remettrons en cause les deux positions historiographiques prépondérantes selon lesquelles la Question d'Orient était, à l'époque pour le Royaume-Uni, une simple question diplomatique et que son incidence sur la culture politique britannique se limitait à l'affrontement entre Gladstone et Disraeli entre 1876 et 1880. Nous argumenterons, au contraire, que les influences de la Question d'Orient sur le Royaume-Uni vont bien au-delà de 1880 et sont, dans le dernier quart du dix-neuvième siècle, multiples et extrêmement complexes. Sans remettre en cause son aspect diplomatique et géopolitique, il nous faudra également considérer son incidence rhétorique,culturelle et idéologique sur la politique britanniqueThis dissertation explores the reception of the Eastern Question in Britain between the 1875-6 Eastern crisis (marked by the 'Bulgarian atrocities') and that of 1894-8 (which corresponds to the episode of the 'Armenian massacres' and to its consequences), as well as the impact it had on British political culture. l will rely on contemporary evidence to question the two main historiographical positions that the Eastern Question was, at the time, just a diplomatic issue and that ~ts only impact on British political culture was the contest that opposed Disraeli and Gladstone between 1876 and 1880. Instead, it will be argued here that the impact of the Eastern Question in Britain goes well beyond 1880 and is both multi-faceted and extremely complex. Without down playing its diplomatic and geopolitical relevance, l will seek to assess its rhetorical, cultural and ideological influences on British politics
Books on the topic "Balkans – Influence ottomane"
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Poulos, Panagiotis C., and Aspasia Theodosiou. Ottoman intimacies, Balkan musical realities. Helsinki: Suomen Ateenan-instituutin säätiö, 2013.
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Uluslararası Balkan Tarihi Araştırmaları Sempozyumu (5th : 2017 : Bled, Slovenia) and Uluslararası Balkan Tarihi Araştırmaları Komitesi, eds. Osmanlı dönemi Balkanlar'da gündelik hayat: Daily life in the Balkans in the Ottoman Empire era. Ankara: Gece Kitaplığı, 2018.
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Vryōnēs, Spyros. The fate and fortunes of the legacy of Saints Cyril and Methodios in the Balkans during the period of the Ottoman Empire (fourteenth-eighteenth century). Toronto: Canadian Institute of Balkan Studies, 1998.
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Ivkovska, Velika. Ottoman Era Town in the Balkans: The Case Study of Kavala. Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.
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Ivkovska, Velika. Ottoman ERA Town in the Balkans: The Case Study of Kavala. Taylor & Francis Group, 2022.
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Ivkovska, Velika. Ottoman Era Town in the Balkans: The Case Study of Kavala. Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.
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Ottoman Era Town in the Balkans: The Case Study of Kavala. Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.
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Ottoman Era Town in the Balkans: The Case Study of Kavala. Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.
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Buchanan, Donna Anne. Balkan Popular Culture and the Ottoman Ecumene: Music, Image, and Regional Political Discourse. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Incorporated, 2007.
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Balkan popular culture and the Ottoman ecumene: Music, image, and regional political discourse. Lanham, Md: Scarecrow Press, 2008.
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Bitkova, Tatiana. "Does Romania Belong to the Balkans? Opinions of Politicians, Experts, Scientists and Images of Everyday Life." In The Balkans Familiar and Unfamiliar: Events, Persons, Narratives. 18th-21st Centuries, 525–49. Institute of Slavic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/7576-0477-0.5.2.
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Romania's belonging to the Balkan region is a controversial issue from the point of view of Romanian politicians, experts and historians. Many of them believe that Romania is not part of the Balkans neither geographically nor politically. However, it is obvious that culturally and historically Romania still bears the features of the so-called “Balkanism”, due to the Ottoman past shared with other countries of the Balkan Peninsula. These features are relevant both for today's socio-political situation and for everyday life. When studying the architectural heritage of modern Romania, both Ottoman and Byzantine roots are revealed, which links it to the Balkan culture. This is most pronounced in Wallachia and to a certain extent in Moldova. Transylvania is famous for monuments of German medieval Gothic, as well as Austro-Hungarian Baroque art. Thus, the visual art of Transylvania (as well as the Banat) is difficult to correlate with “Balkanism”. Despite the desire to present Romania as a non-Balkan country, its leaders are interested in the countries of the Balkan region, being in close cooperation with them. The greatest attention is paid to relations with the Western Balkans and, fi rst of all, with Serbia. Romania's position in the Western Balkans is determined by the support of the Euro-Atlantic aspirations of the countries of this region, but Romania is not indifferent to the influence of Russia and Turkey here. Summing up all the factors mentioned above we may draw a conclusion that the question of Romania's belonging to the Balkans has, first of all, political significance for its ruling elite.
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Güvener, Duygu, and Cenk Güray. "Adakale’nin saklı türkülerindeki bektaşilik hatıraları." In Rumeli'nin Gözcüsü Seyyid Ali Sultan, 181–89. Seçek Azınlık Eğitim ve Kültür Derneği, 2024. https://doi.org/10.59402/eeb01202413.
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During the years of the Ottoman Empire's rule in the Balkans, Adakale located at the crossroads of Austria-Hungary, Serbia and Romania, where most of the inhabitants were Turks, was ceded to Romania with the Treaty of Lausanne signed in 1923, and was submerged in 1970 due to the construction of a dam. Some of the islanders migrated to Turkey and some to various cities in Romania. Throughout its history, Adakale has been a part of the defense system of the Ottoman as a military base in the Danube, where political turmoil has occurred. Despite the political and social difficulties in history, Adakale has continued to preserve Turkish culture. Folk songs, which bear the traces of the Ottoman's last-land in Balkans, reflect the multicultural life of Anatolian and Balkan societies. Although the Adakale has not existed concretely, the symbol of Adakale still lives in the memory of peoples as a symbol of "living together”. The bearer of this memory is the folk songs produced by the people of Adakale. The presence of janissaries in the region ensured that Bektashi beliefs had an impact on both sides of the Danube and on the mixed population of the Balkans. The use of Bektashi symbols in Adakale folk songs can be considered that the region has been under the influence of Bektashism for many years. The aim of this study is to examine the folkloric heritage of Adakale region to search for the signs of Bektashism and Janissary culture that have been effectively experienced there.
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Bozhinov, Vojn. "Recep Tayyip Erdogan's Imperial Ambitions in the Balkans. Is the Emergence of a New Ottoman Turkey Possible?" In The Balkans Familiar and Unfamiliar: Events, Persons, Narratives. 18th-21st Centuries, 564–70. Institute of Slavic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/7576-0477-0.5.4.
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The paper analyses the main directions of domestic and foreign policy of the 12th President of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, in the context of realizing his imperial ambitions by returning Ottomanism to the Balkans. The fundamental principles of neo-Ottomanism as the main ideological pillar of the regime are considered. Facts are presented that testify to the territorial claims of Ankara to the former Ottoman provinces of the Balkans and the use of compact Turkish / Muslim population groups in Bulgaria, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Albania, Kosovo, Serbia, etc. in order to expand its influence in South-Eastern Europe. The transformations in the economy are revealed, specific information about the increased militarization of Turkey is given. The conclusion is made about a relatively favorable prospect for the return of Ottomanism to the Balkan region and, consequently, for satisfying the imperial ambitions of the Turkish president.
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Methodieva, Milena B. "The Ottoman Imperial Context." In Between Empire and Nation, 11–32. Stanford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9781503613379.003.0002.
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This chapter begins with an overview of the Ottoman imperial context and the processes leading to formation of Muslim communities in the Balkans. Then it turns to the events leading to the establishment of modern Bulgaria. The Bulgarian uprisings of the 1870s and the Russo-Ottoman War of 1877–78 were crucial events. They had important consequences for intercommunal relations, as well as for the emergence of civilizational and humanitarian discourses that influenced the views of Bulgarians, Ottomans, and Bulgaria’s Muslims. Hailed by Bulgarians as their “liberation war,” the Russo-Ottoman War was a formative experience for the Muslims as it was accompanied by violence, mass flight, and destitution. The chapter underscores the unique features of the 1878 San Stefano and Berlin Treaties that sought to provide guarantees for the protection for all communities, including, for the first time, the Muslims.
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"NOTULE 1. LES BEKTÂCHÎ ET LEUR INFLUENCE DE L'ANATOLIE AUX BALKANS." In Byzantins et ottomans, 271–72. Piscataway, NJ, USA: Gorgias Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/9781463233624-007.
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Nikitina, Tatiana. "The Greek Revolution of 1821 and Its Significance for the National Liberation Movement of the Greeks in the Ottoman Lands at the Beginning of the 20th Century." In 1821 in the History of Balkan Peoples (On the 200th anniversary of the Greek Revolution), 227–44. Institute of Slavic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences; Hellenic Cultural Center, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/0469-5.14.
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The chapter examines the influence of the Greek revolution of 1821 on the national liberation movement of the Greeks in the Ottoman lands at the beginning of the twentieth century. The nation building among the Greeks was a long process; the beginning was laid in 1830, and the last lands inhabited by them were annexed only after the Second World War (the Dodecanese Islands in 1947). For more than 100 years, the struggle of the Greeks living on the territory of the Ottoman Empire for reunification with Greece endured. There were movements in Thessaly, Epirus, Crete, and Macedonia. The national liberation movement was especially active in the early twentieth century in Macedonia and Crete. In Macedonia, with its diverse ethnic composition, the national interests of the Balkan countries, many of which considered a significant part of Macedonia as their ancestral territory, collided. The great powers, for which this region was of strategic importance, were also involved in the conflict in Macedonia. Based on the status quo policy in the Balkans, the European powers put forward a project of reforms in Macedonia on the basis of preserving the supreme power of the Ottoman Empire. During the reforms, Greece supported them on the one hand, and on the other, unofficially supported armed detachments that went to Macedonia to support their fellow tribesmen. The “Thessaloniki Organization” created by Greece was a secret society built on the principle of “Filiki Eteria” of the period of the revolution of 1821. At the beginning of the twentieth century, a powerful national liberation movement unfolded in Crete. In 1905, an insurrection led to a change of the island’s governor, and in 1908, the Cretans proclaimed the reunification of the island with Greece. However, the great powers did not allow this. The final reunification of Crete with Greece took place only during the Balkan Wars, after which most of the Ottoman lands were annexed to Greece.
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İzeti, Metin. "Seyyid Ali Sultan’ın izini sürmek: Makedonya’da Bektaşi tekkeleri ve Bektaşiler." In Rumeli'nin Gözcüsü Seyyid Ali Sultan, 139–49. Seçek Azınlık Eğitim ve Kültür Derneği, 2024. https://doi.org/10.59402/eeb01202410.
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Undoubtedly, Bektashism is one of the most influential Sufi movements in the Balkans. For the Bektashi order, the Balkans had and has been of primary importance. For this reason, Bektashism has a special place in the cultural, social and political life of its inhabitants among the existing orders to which the people living in the Balkans and especially in the Albanian regions belong. The influence of the Bektashis on the Albanians, who have the largest population among the Muslims living in Macedonia, is very much and is a research topic in itself. It is possible to say that Bektashism settled in the Balkans in two ways. The first is at the beginning of the XIII. century, the wandering dervishes before the Ottomans came to these regions settled in empty and secluded lands and built their tekkes The second aspect of the spread of Bektashism in Macedonia was through the Bektashi fathers who came gradually and on different occasions after the Ottomans had completely conquered these places. Seyyid Ali Sultan, one of the most famous traveler dervishes of this early Bektashi path, preached in Eastern Greece, Eastern Bulgaria and Southern Romania, telling people about Islam and Bektashism. Later, this process continued with the settlement of the Bektashi fathers, who flocked to the Albanian regions, especially with the closure of the Bektashi tekkes in 1826.
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Razhdavichka-Kiessling, Evelina. "People of Wealth and Influence: The Case of the Khadzhitoshev Family (1770s–1870s)." In Wealth in the Ottoman and Postottoman Balkans. I.B.Tauris, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350989726.ch-002.
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Aganson, Olga. "National liberation movement in Macedonia as a factor in Great Britain’s Balkan Policy." In Slavs and Russia: The Balkans in the Whirlwind of National Liberation Movements (To the 200th Anniversary of the Beginning of the Greek Revolution of 1821–1829), 242–57. Institute of Slavic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/7576-0478-7.13.
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The paper examines Great Britain’s approach to the national liberation movement in Macedonia in early 20th century. The Macedonian question is put into a wider international context and it is stated that Britain’s interest in this local issue was caused by some revision of its Near-Eastern strategy which shaped direction of the Balkan policy. The prospective realignment of international system as an a result subjugation of the Ottoman empire, which was a multi-regional power with a function of geopolitical staple, as well as rising German influence pushed London to revise its attitude towards the rise of the national movement in European provinces of the Ottoman Empire. Special attention is drawn to the mechanism and methods of Britain’s Balkan policy during the Macedonian crisis of 1903.
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"Conclusion. Bedreddîn Et Son Rôle : Un Bilan Très Provisoire Pour Une Influence Majeure." In Islam mystique et révolution armée dans les Balkans ottomans, 113–14. Piscataway, NJ, USA: Gorgias Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/9781463233631-006.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Balkans – Influence ottomane"
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Özgün, Tevfik Orçun, and Onur Koçak. "Turkey-Macedonia Relations from Cultural and Historical Perspective." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.00975.
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Balkans can be defined as a region which had been under different cultures’ and civilizations’ reign, and experienced different nations, religions and cultures. It is likely possible to see the effects of these multicultural and multinational structure on international politics and economy. In that sense, Macedonia is inevitably placed in an important point for Balkan and Ottoman history, and even for international politics. It is very possible to see Turkish influence on Macedonia, which -ruled by Ottoman for 542 years- has gained its independence, as a result of disintegration of Yugoslavia in 1991.When we take a look at condensing political and economic relations between Macedonia and Turkey, the effect of shared cultural and historical heritage on regional and wide economic development and cooperation can be seen with no huge effort. From that point of view, Ottoman Empire’s historical, sociological and cultural effect on sustainable and improvable economic relations are a topic of discussion. If we focus on the changing balance in Europe, resulted by disintegration of Yugoslavia, and developing approaches towards Macedonia, Turkey’s relations with Greece and other regional countries become very important, which are still being operated in terms of development and sustaining. In this study, Turkey’s attitude in recognition of Macedonia, and structure of Turkic population in Macedonia will be inspected and from Macedonia perspective, international politics and economic cooperation will be examined with historical, political and cultural emphasis.
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Constantinov, Valentin. "Political-military cooperation projects and their realization north of the Danube (1444-1456)." In Latinitate, Romanitate, Românitate. Conferinţa ştiinţifică internaţională, Ediția a 7-a. Moldova State University, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.59295/lrr2023.12.
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The political advance of the Ottoman Empire in the Balkans was certainly a great challenge for the Christian powers of Europe. It was the first time that Christendom was basically on the defensive in front of a military colossus that announced its supremacy in the Balkans, but also on the entire old continent. It was at that time that the unparalleled personality of Iancu de Hunedoara emerged north of the Danube. Through energetic actions he tried to impose his will north of the Danube. However, the creation of a confederation under his leadership that would actively participate in anti-Ottoman military operations came up against, on the one hand, the political choices of the extra-Carpathian Romanian countries and, on the other, the intentions of the Polish royalty to maintain their influence in Moldavia. This was one of the main causes of the crisis in Moldavia before Stephen the Great took the throne.
Reports on the topic "Balkans – Influence ottomane"
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Vuksanović, Vuk. Between Emotions and Realism: Two Faces of Turkish Foreign Policy in the Balkans. Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, June 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55042/wzvw6831.
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Turkey’s more assertive posture towards the Balkans is neglected compared to the commentariat that deals with Russia and China. To fill this policy gap, the research team of the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP) has conducted research based on the analysis of secondary source material and, even more importantly, on fieldwork interviews that involved 16 sources, academics and think tank researchers based in Istanbul and Ankara. Although the consulted sources have different backgrounds and political sympathies, the research established a presence of common themes. Namely, Turkish foreign policy in the Balkans has two aspects. The first is based on emotions, where Turkish foreign policy towards the region is framed by Turkey’s special ties with the region based on shared history, social connections, identity factors and the legacy of the Ottoman Empire. The Balkan country that is most frequently mentioned in the context of special ties with Turkey is Bosnia and Herzegovina, in light of socio-cultural ties and the fact that it is a country in which the Ottoman legacy is felt most strongly. The second approach is rooted in traditional foreign policy realism derived from an objective and calculated assessment of the regional balance of power and one’s own interests. Within this approach, Turkey is trying, for security and strategic reasons, to act pragmatically and be effective in the Balkans without entangling itself in crises that could impede its regional influence. This approach leads Turkey towards engaging Serbia, the region’s strategically consequential country, because Ankara is deeply convinced that if it wishes to be effective in the Balkans, it needs to have a partnership with Belgrade. In doing so, it must strike a balance between emotions and realism. It needs to walk the fine line between nurturing ties with communities with which it has cultural and religious ties, like Bosniaks and Albanians, while avoiding alienating countries whose partnership Ankara needs to be able to succeed in the Balkans, such as Serbia.