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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Balkan war, 1912-13

Academic literature on the topic 'Balkan war, 1912-13'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 26 July 2024

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Balkan war, 1912-13"

1

Vučković, Vladimir. "LONDONSKA KONFERENCIJA, STVARANjE ALBANSKE DRŽAVE 1912. GODINE I ODNOSI BALKANSKIH SAVEZNIKA." Leskovački zbornik 63 (October 2023): 125–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/lz-lxiii.125v.

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The First Balkan War was by its significance and consequences a far more serious event than it was believed up until today. One of the reasons for this could be the start of the Great War which to the largest extent cast a shadow on everything that came before it. However, at conferences in London in 1912/13, decisions were made that would greatly impact the future of the Balkans and Europe as well. The liberation of the great area of European Turkey by Balkan allies came as a big surprise to European forces. The banishment of Turks from Europe further disturbed Europe, especially Austro-Hungary and Russia. The new boarders in the Balkans were supposed to reflect the power and influence of great powers in their geopolitical combinations. Austro-Hungary managed to defeat Russian influence by creating the Albanian state, which Serbia had to accept. Even such a success did not satisfy Vienna, so they embarked on diplomatic action to persuade Bulgarian representatives to attack former allies and thus break up the Balkan alliance, one of the more serious works of Russian diplomacy in the Balkans. Due to their megalomaniacal aspirations for dominance in the Balkans, Bulgaria attacked Serbia and Greece and thus caused the second Balkan War.

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Bregu, Edit, and Irvin Faniko. "The War of Shkodra in the Framework of the Balkan Wars, 1912-1913." Journal of Educational and Social Research 11, no. 1 (January 17, 2021): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/jesr-2021-0013.

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Before starting the First Balkan War, the Great Powers were not prepared for a quick victory of the young Balkan allies against an old empire, as it was until 1912 the Great Ottoman Empire. At the Ambassadors Conference in London, Austro-Hungary argued that the involvement of Shkodra City was essential to the economy of the new Albanian state. Meanwhile Russia did not open the way for solving the Shkodra problem, Russian diplomats thought how to satisfy Serbia's ambitions in Northeast Albania, respectively in Kosovo Beyond those considerations of a political character, on 8 October 1912, was the youngest member of the Balkan Alliance, the Shkodra northern neighbor, Montenegro, that rushed to launch military actions, thus opening the first campaign of the First Balkan War. The Montenegrin military assault, as its main strategic objective in this war, was precisely the occupation and annexation of the historic city of Shkodra, a city with a big economic and cultural importance for the Albanian people and territory. Received: 7 September 2020 / Accepted: 13 December 2020 / Published: 17 January 2021

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Ayşe Bilge Gürsoy, Assoc Prof. "Preserving the Memories by Music: The Collective Conscious in Balkan Songs." International Journal of Arts, Humanities & Social Science 04, no. 07 (July 14, 2023): 14–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.56734/ijahss.v4n7a3.

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Music not only affects the soul but also is a language that we express ourselves and a memory that records our experiences. As seen in the examples of Balkan history, these experiences can be migration, separation, death, and war. Balkan history can be called the history of migrations and wars. Especially the 1878 Ottoman-Russian War, the 1912-13 Balkan Wars, and the First World War caused the migrations of Turks. The recurrent waves of mass migration to mainland Turkey from the Balkans since the late 19th century continuing up to today, about 1/5 of Turkey’s population today is of Balkan origin (Kut, 1997, 42). The pain of migration, separation, suffering, and death seem to live in folk songs called ‘Rumeli Türküleri’ meaning folk songs of Rumelia that draw boundaries between Bulgaria, Greece, and Turkey today. I aim to show the effects of migrations, and wars on people through the study of music. First, I will mention Balkan's historic background, and then I will analyze the lyrics of Rumelian songs together with two examples of songs from Bulgaria and Kosova and analyze the style and rhythm of selected songs. Finally, I will mention how Balkan music keeps legends alive and how it serves as a bridge of friendship between Anatolia and the Balkans today. To show this, I will analyze the folk song ‘Drama Bridge’, which is about Drama that remained within the Greek boundaries after the Balkan Wars, and which is used in the 2010 ECOC (European Capital of Culture) project in Istanbul for the immigrants in Greece and Turkey to understand each other.

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Christopoulos, Marianna. "Anti-Venizelist criticism of Venizelos’ policy during the Balkan Wars (1912-13)." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 39, no. 2 (2015): 249–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307013100015378.

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Although the Balkan Wars are regarded as a defining moment in modern Greek history that led to the expansion of Greek territory, they also constitute an important chapter in the history of internal Greek politics: the Greek prime minister Eleftherios Venizelos consolidated his position as the country’s most competent politician; the Palace, at the head of the victorious Greek army, regained much of its lost prestige after the unsuccessful Greco-Turkish war of 1897; and most importantly, the old parties began to function as a united front against Venizelos. This reaction was majorly triggered by Venizelos’ handling of the country’s foreign affairs in 1912-13. The anti-Venizelists’ rhetoric against Venizelos diplomacy invested heavily in tradition and the role of the king and was a harbinger of the national schism of 1915-16.

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Çetinkaya, Y. Doğan. "ATROCITY PROPAGANDA AND THE NATIONALIZATION OF THE MASSES IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE DURING THE BALKAN WARS (1912–13)." International Journal of Middle East Studies 46, no. 4 (October 9, 2014): 759–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743814001056.

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AbstractDuring the Balkan Wars (1912–13), the mobilization of the home front became significant for the belligerent states, which initiated propaganda activities demonizing their enemies and galvanizing the emotions of their publics. This paper explores one type of such mobilization efforts from above, atrocity propaganda, through which states sought to invoke hatred and mobilize public support for war by focusing on the atrocities (mezalim) that their coreligionists had suffered at the hands of enemies. Although the term “atrocity propaganda” has been used exclusively in the context of World War I in the historiography, the practice it describes was effectively utilized during the earlier Balkan Wars. In the Ottoman Empire, both state and civil initiatives played crucial roles in the making of atrocity propaganda, which was disseminated through intense coverage in the Turkish-language press. The imagery it employed shifted with the onset of the wars, becoming increasingly shocking. Atrocity propaganda contributed to the well-known radicalization of nationalism in the late Ottoman Empire.

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Stojanović, Dubravka. "Being a Trainee Historian in Belgrade, 1989." Comparative Southeast European Studies 69, no. 2-3 (September 1, 2021): 399–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2021-0019.

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Abstract The author reflects on the year 1989 when she was a newly hired trainee historian at the Institute for the History of the Serbian Labor Movement in Belgrade. The topic she was assigned in the Institute was the relationship of the Serbian Social Democratic Party to the war goals of Serbia 1912–1918. As her reading and writing progressed, by 1991 what the Serbian social democrats wrote about the Balkan Wars of 1912/13 began approaching her own political views. However, their antiwar positions at the beginning of the twentieth century sounded like a real feat compared to the virtually monolithic support for the war of 1991. This is how the author’s first research left her with the bitter impression that history, the seeming magistra vitae, had really taught nobody anything given that Serbian society was falling into the same trap as some 70 years before.

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7

Markovich, Slobodan. "Anglophiles in Balkan Christian states (1862-1920)." Balcanica, no. 40 (2009): 95–145. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0940093m.

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The life stories of five Balkan Anglophiles emerging in the nineteenth century - two Serbs, Vladimir Jovanovic (Yovanovich) and Cedomilj Mijatovic (Chedomille Mijatovich); two Greeks, Ioannes (John) Gennadios and Eleutherios Venizelos; and one Bulgarian, Ivan Evstratiev Geshov - reflect, each in its own way, major episodes in relations between Britain and three Balkan Christian states (Serbia, the Hellenic Kingdom and Bulgaria) between the 1860s and 1920. Their education, cultural patterns, relations and models inspired by Britain are looked at, showing that they acted as intermediaries between British culture and their own and played a part in the best and worst moments in the history of mutual relations, such as the Serbian-Ottoman crisis of 1862, the Anglo-Hellenic crisis following the Dilessi murders, Bulgarian atrocities and the Eastern Crisis, unification of Bulgaria and the Serbo-Bulgarian War of 1885, the Balkan Wars 1912-13, the National Schism in Greece. Their biographies are therefore essential for understanding Anglo-Balkan relations in the period under study. The roles of two British Balkanophiles (a Bulgarophile, James David Bourchier, and a Hellenophile, Ronald Burrows) are looked at as well. In conclusion, a comparison of the Balkan Anglophiles is offered, and their Britain-inspired cultural and institutional legacy to their countries is shown in the form of a table.

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Svircevic, Miroslav. "The new territories of Serbia after the Balkan Wars of 1912-1913 the establishment of the first local authorities." Balcanica, no. 44 (2013): 285–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1344285s.

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In the Balkan Wars of 1912-13, the Kingdom of Serbia wrested Old Serbia and Macedonia from Ottoman rule. The process of instituting the constitutional order and local government institutions in the liberated and annexed areas was phased: (1) the building of provisional administration on the instructions of government inspectors and the head of the Military Police Department; (2) implementation of the Decree on the Organization of the Liberated Areas of 14 December 1912; and (3) implementation of the Decree on the Organization of the Liberated Areas of 21 August 1913. Finally, under a special royal decree issued in 1913, implementation began of some sections of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbia. In late December 1913, the interior minister, Stojan M. Protic, submitted the bill on the Annexation of Old Serbia to the Kingdom of Serbia and its Administration to the Assembly along with the opinion of the State Council. The bill had, however, not been put to the vote by the time the First World War broke out, and the issue lost priority to the new wartime situation until the end of the war.

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Miladinovic, Jovo. "Shifting state loyalty: The case of an officer Şerefeddin or Milan Milovanovic?" Bulletin de l'Institut etnographique 68, no. 3 (2020): 705–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gei2003705m.

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The paper, drawing primarily on archival material located in Austria, Montenegro, Serbia and Turkey, examines the lifeworld of an Ottoman officer, ?erefeddin, who in the midst of the Balkan Wars (1912/13), after accepting Christianity, voluntarily joined the army of the Kingdom of Serbia. By relying on the theoretical concept of loyalty, the essay claims that loyalty towards state is not given and fixed, but rather is subject to change. It indicates in particular that ?erefeddin?s decision to join the enemy army is context-driven and thus should be imbedded in the momentary setting. It pursues to show how a person amid war is nevertheless able successfully to adjust to a new emerging context. This case should not be co understood as a typical biography, but rather as an episodic one because similar cases are noticeable in different settings worldwide as well.

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10

Гайда, Ф. А. "The Balkans and the Russian Liberal Opposition (1908–1914)." Historia provinciae - the journal of regional history 7, no. 3 (September 15, 2023): 991–1011. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2023-7-3-6.

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Статья посвящена осмыслению взглядов русской либеральной оппозиции на балканские события 1908–1914 гг., которые, начиная с Младотурецкой революции, развивались в направлении все более острого кризиса. Проанализированы материалы политических партий и источники личного происхождения, принадлежавшие партийным лидерам. По сравнению с предшествующей историографической традицией автором впервые тесно увязаны тенденции в восприятии внешнеполитических реалий и внутриполитические интересы партий. Автор показывает, что российская либеральная оппозиция (кадеты, а позднее и перешедшие в оппозицию октябристы) в полной мере использовала те возможности, которые появились у нее в результате революции 1905–1907 гг.: парламентскую трибуну, печать, партийные форумы. В статье отмечается, что внешнеполитическая позиция ведущих либеральных партий России определялась их текущим политическим положением и партийными интересами. Младотурецкая революция 1908 г. привлекала и октябристов, и кадетов своим опытом национальной революции. Автор приходит к выводу, что Первая Балканская война 1912–1913 гг. резко усилила интерес к событиям в этом регионе, однако почва для этого интереса уже была подготовлена внешне- и внутриполитическими факторами. Война обострила внутренние противоречия в кадетской партии, приведшие к возникновению экспансионистского крыла, противостоявшего более осторожному и более информированному П.Н. Милюкову. В статье также показано, что эволюция октябристов была связана с их постепенным переходом в оппозицию. С 1912 г. А.И. Гучков начал воспринимать возможную войну с участием России как шанс на политические изменения внутри страны и возрождение октябристского влияния на правительство. Автор заключает, что к 1914 г. многие представители либеральной общественности – и октябристы, и кадеты – занимали в балканском вопросе и в вопросах внешней политики в целом более жесткую и бескомпромиссную позицию, чем российское правительство. По мнению либералов, участие Российской империи в войне лишь увеличило бы политическое влияние их партии, при этом ответственность за ее возможный неудачный исход либеральная оппозиция целиком возлагала на власть. The article is devoted to the views and opinions of the Russian liberal opposition on the Balkan events of 1908–14, which developed in the direction of an increasingly acute crisis, starting from the Young Turk Revolution. The materials of political parties and sources of personal origin belonging to party leaders are analyzed. The author closely links the trends in the perception of foreign policy realities and the domestic political interests of the parties, which is a new approach if compared to previous historiographical tradition. The author shows that the Russian liberal opposition (the Kadets, and later the Octobrists who joined the opposition) made full use of the opportunities that appeared as a result of the revolution of 1905–07: the parliamentary rostrum (the Duma), the press, and party forums. The article notes that the foreign policy position of the leading liberal parties in Russia was determined by the current political situation inside those parties and by party interests. Due to its experience of a national revolution, the Young Turk Revolution of 1908 attracted both the Octobrists and the Kadets. The author concludes that the First Balkan War of 1912–13 sharply increased interest in events in the region, but that interest had already been prepared by both foreign and domestic political factors. The war intensified the internal confrontation within the Constitutional Democratic Party (the Kadets), which led to the formation of the expansionist wing that opposed more cautious and much better-informed P. Milyukov. The article shows that the evolution of the Octobrists was associated with their gradual move to the opposition. In 1912, A. Guchkov began to perceive a possible war with the participation of Russia as a chance for political changes within the country and the revival of the Octobrist influence on the government. The author concludes that by 1914 many representatives of the liberal community (both the Octobrists and the Kadets) had adopted a tougher and more uncompromising stance in the Balkan issue and in the matters of foreign policy in general than the stance of the Russian government. According to the liberals, war as such would only strengthen the position of their party, and the authorities would be made responsible for its possible unsuccessful outcome.

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Books on the topic "Balkan war, 1912-13"

1

Tzanos, Stephanos K. Hēmerologion Valkanikōn polemōn 1912-13. Thessalonikē: Ekdotikos Oikos K. & M. Ant. Stamoulē, 2016.

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1966-, Walsh Stephen, ed. Armies of the Balkan Wars 1912-13: The priming charge for the Great War. Oxford: Osprey Pub., 2011.

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Turkey), Bağcılar (İstanbul İli, and Kırklareli Üniversitesi, eds. Uluslararası Balkan Sempozyumu: Balkan Savaşlarının 100. yılı, 11-13 Mayıs 2012, İstanbul, bildiriler. Istanbul: Bağcılar Belediyesi, 2012.

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Italyan Raporlarinda Balkan Savaslari 1912-13. Tarihçi Kitabevi, 2016.

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Trotsky, Leon. The War Correspondence of Leon Trotsky: The Balkan Wars 1912-13. Pathfinder Pr, 1993.

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Armies of the Balkan Wars 1912-13: Friming Charge for the Great War. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, 2012.

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Armies of the Balkan Wars 1912-13: The Priming Charge for the Great War. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, 2012.

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Cary, Joyce. Phoenix: Memoir of the Bobotes. Phoenix Press, 2000.

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Anișoara Dragnea and Panagiotis Delis. Notions of Violence and Ethnic Cleansing on the Eve of the First World War: The Balkan Wars Of 1912-13. Lang AG International Academic Publishers, Peter, 2023.

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Anișoara Dragnea and Panagiotis Delis. Notions of Violence and Ethnic Cleansing on the Eve of the First World War: The Balkan Wars Of 1912-13. Lang AG International Academic Publishers, Peter, 2023.

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Book chapters on the topic "Balkan war, 1912-13"

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Eldarov, Svetlozar, and Bisser Petrov. "Bulgarian Historiography on the Balkan Wars 1912–13." In The Balkan Wars from Contemporary Perception to Historic Memory, 219–48. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-44642-4_10.

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Boeckh, Katrin. "The Rebirth of Pan-Slavism in the Russian Empire, 1912–13." In The Balkan Wars from Contemporary Perception to Historic Memory, 105–37. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-44642-4_5.

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Pitsos, Nicolas. "Marianne Staring at the Balkans on Fire: French Views and Perceptions of the 1912–13 Conflicts." In The Balkan Wars from Contemporary Perception to Historic Memory, 141–60. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-44642-4_6.

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Abazi, Enika. "Between Facts and Interpretations: Three Images of the Balkan Wars of 1912–13." In War in the Balkans. I.B. TAURIS, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755621729.ch-0010.

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Stevenson, David. "The Great Acceleration, 1912 —1913." In Armaments and the Coming of War, 231–328. Oxford University PressOxford, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198202080.003.0006.

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Abstract Events in Eastern and in Western Europe must now be brought to their convergence. Continental diplomacy in the last two years of Great-Power peace centred on the outbreak and the aftermath of the Balkan Wars. With constant turmoil in the Eastern Mediterranean it was understood in every chancellery that the situation was much more strained, and at the climax of the winter crisis of 1912-13 Europe reached unprecedented levels of immediate military readiness. In addition, the crisis spectacularly intensified the drive for medium-term preparedness, expressed in massive spending increases and a string of major army laws. Diplomatic and military developments interacted ever more closely, and armaments competition and crisis management must be seen as aspects of a single phenomenon.

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Üngör, Uğur Ümit. "Becoming and unbecoming refugees: the long ordeal of Balkan Muslims, 1912–34." In Europe on the Move. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781784994419.003.0015.

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In the process of Ottoman imperial collapse, roughly in the decade 1912-1923, millions of soldiers were killed in regular warfare. But hundreds of thousands of unarmed civilians were also victimised as a result of expulsions, pogroms, and other forms of persecution and mass violence. The Balkan wars of 1912-13 erased the Ottoman Empire from the Balkans and marked a devastating blow to Ottoman political culture. The wars produced an unparalleled refugee stream from the European provinces of the empire to Istanbul, and shaped politics and policy for years to come. The scale of displacement was such that any and all relief measures, both private and public, fell short in accommodating and providing for the refugees. Barely having recuperated from this crisis, the First World War brought more violence to Ottoman society, this time closer to its heartland. The years 1915-16 saw the destruction of the Anatolian Armenians, organized by the Young Turk political elite and carried out by a host of military, paramilitary, and civilian forces. The genocide uprooted a civilian population of over two million Armenians and made them into refugees for decades to come.

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Ginio, Eyal. "War, Dynasty, and Philanthropy: Kavala and the Khedivial Relief Campaign During the Balkan Wars (1912–13)." In Wealth in the Ottoman and Postottoman Balkans. I.B.Tauris, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350989726.ch-010.

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Çetinkaya, Y. Doğan. "“Revenge! Revenge! Revenge!” “Awakening A Nation” Through Propaganda in the Ottoman Empire During the Balkan Wars (1912–13)." In World War I and the End of the Ottomans. I.B. Tauris, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755609093.ch-003.

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Crampton, R. J. "The Balkans." In Twisted Paths, 237–70. Oxford University PressOxford, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199281855.003.0011.

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Abstract The Balkan peninsula takes its name from the Balkan mountains, the Haemus range of the Ancients, which run east– west through the centre of present-day Bulgaria. The word, which is derived from a Turkic term meaning a wooded upland, was first applied to the peninsula by a German geographer in the early nineteenth century and for much of the remainder of that century it had little more than topographic significance, the political term used for the region being, generally, European Turkey or Turkey in Europe. It was not until the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries that ‘the Balkans’ began to be used regularly as a political definition, and increasingly with pejorative implications. The Balkans, it was believed, were synonymous with struggle, inter-ethnic rivalry, disorder, and danger. Thus the wars of 1912– 13 were not the wars of Ottoman succession but ‘the Balkan wars’. The Balkan wars were held to epitomize the rapacity of the small Balkan nation-states.

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Malcolm, Noel. "Ernesto Cozzi (1870–1926)." In Rebels, Believers, Survivors, 274–311. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198857297.003.0011.

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The Italian priest Ernesto Cozzi is an important figure for two reasons: he wrote valuable ethnographic studies of life in the ‘Malësi’ (northern highlands) of Albania in the early years of the twentieth century, and after the First World War he was the ‘Apostolic Delegate’ who revitalized the Catholic Church in that country. Both aspects of his life and work were ignored under Communism, and remain little known today. This essay tells the story of his life, using his published writings, his personal diary for 1912–13, the manuscript notebooks of his friend Edith Durham and the reports he submitted to his superiors in Rome. What emerges is a portrait of a resourceful and principled man, a conscientious parish priest, fluent in Albanian, and devoted both to the Albanian anti-Ottoman cause and to the good of the Church. His ethnographic writings are discussed: what survives is a series of articles, chapters of an intended book, on illnesses, death and funerals, the life of Albanian women (including the ‘sworn virgins’), blood-feuds, superstitions, agriculture, and social organization and customary law. His personal diary is of particular interest, as it describes the dramatic events of the First Balkan War: Cozzi began by supporting the Montenegrin attack on Ottoman Albania, but became rapidly disillusioned by Montenegro’s policies. The last part of the essay discusses Cozzi’s energetic work to improve the state of the Catholic Church in Albania in the six years before his death in 1926.

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