Academic literature on the topic 'Bali bombings'

The Bali Bombing I in 2002 was one of the events caused by terrorists in Indonesia. Terror acts carried out in the Bali region with bombings killed 202 people. The incident occurred when the Indonesian government did not yet have laws and regulations governing the handling of explosions. The Bali Bombing I had a wide impact on the world of Bali tourism. The explosion destroyed the Paddy's Pub cafe, Sari Club and the United States Consulate. More than 519people were recorded, consisting of 202 people died and 317 people were outpatient. The Bali Bombing I caused many problems that had to be handled by the Megawati Soekarnoputri Government, among others, the obstacles to assistance from the central government to the Bali local government, the handling of legislation did not yet exist, limited hospital installations, reconstruction and normalization in the tourism sector had not yet been implemented. recovered for tourism promotion. Keywords: Government, Handling, Bali bomb I.

In 2003 a monument was erected at the site of the 2002 Islamist militant attacks in Kuta, Bali. Government and other official discourses, including the design brief, represent the monument as an integrated and culturally harmonious public testimony to the victims. However, the monument is also a discordant association of ideas, meanings, and political claims. While originally designed to subdue insecurity, the Bali bombings monument, in fact, constitutes a site of powerful “language wars” around its rendering of memory and its presence in Bali's integration into the globalizing economy of pleasure. This paper examines the ways in which the monument is being articulated and “consumed” as a social and cultural marker for the island's tourism geography. The paper pays particular attention to the increasing diversity of Bali's visitors and the ways in which a precarious “cosmopolization” of the Kuta-Legian area is being experienced and expressed at the monument site.

BackgroundThe relationship between the Bali (Indonesia) bombings of October 2002 and suicide has not previously been investigated, despite anecdotal evidence of the economic and psychological consequences of these attacks.MethodSuicide rates were calculated over the period 1994–2006 in three Bali regencies to determine whether suicide increased in the period following the first Bali bombings. Poisson regression and time-series models were used to assess the change in suicide rates by sex, age and area in the periods before and after October 2002.ResultsSuicide rates (age-adjusted) increased in males from an average of 2.84 (per 100 000) in the period pre-2002 to 8.10 in the period post-2002, and for females from 1.51 to 3.68. The greatest increases in suicide in the post-2002 period were in the age groups 20–29 and ⩾60 years, for both males and females. Tourist arrivals fell significantly after the bombings, and addition of tourism to models reduced relative risk estimates of suicide, suggesting that some of the increase may be attributable to the socio-economic effects of declines in tourism.ConclusionsThere was an almost fourfold increase in male suicide risk and a threefold increase in female suicide risk in the period following the 2002 bombings in Bali. Trends in tourism did not account for most of the observed increases. Other factors such as indirect socio-economic effects and Balinese notions of collective guilt and anxieties relating to ritual neglect are important in understanding the rise in suicide in the post-2002 period.

On 18 October 2002, Anti-Terrorism Law was signed into law by Megawati Soekarnoputri This kind of law has caused a significant legal controversy in because this law signed only six days after the unfamous Bali Bombings took place on 12 October 2002. The Law itself had first been drafted in 2002 more precisely in April on response to the then most recent terrorist incident which opened the eyes of global citizen from the danger of terrorism, the 9/11 incident in New York 2001. From 2002, The Anti-Terrorism LAW has been used to punish and investigate those who involved in the many incidents such as the bombing of the Marriot Hotel in 2003, the Australian Embassy incident in September 2004, and the round two of Bali bombing which take place in October 2005. Since 2005 the proposed revision of the Anti-Terrorism Law getting stronger. The proposed revision mainly talks about the addition of term of arrest and detention.

Pesantren Al Mukmin Ngruki Sukoharjo is often cited as an inspiration for radical Islam in Indonesia. This research examines the reproduction of religious understanding and the response to allegations of radicalism addressed to Pesantren Ngruki after the Bali bombings of 2002. This study includes qualitative research with case study approach. This study argues that a radical view of Islam can not be separated from social and historical context of this Islamic boarding institutions. Currently Pesantren Ngruki has undergone some changes in the orientation of education resulting from multiple causes, which are not limited by the case of Bali bombings only.

Terrorism is an extraordinary crime whose impact is very detrimental to all humans who are victims of this crime. Indonesia, as a member country of the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN), is one of the countries that have received several terrorist attacks, such as the Bali Bombing I in 2002, the JW Marriot Bombing in 2003, the Bali II Bombing in 2005, the JW Marriot and Ritz Carlton Bombings in 2005 and 2009, and lately the terrorist attack that happened in Surabaya in 2018. This article aims to examine and analyze the cooperation between ASEAN and Indonesia and the mutual benefits and challenges of Indonesia-ASEAN cooperation from time to time. Furthermore, the study also examines the challenges and opportunities ahead from both sides and explores new strategies to overcome the challenges ahead and find ways to adapt to the terrorist modus operandi, which is constantly evolving from time to time to maintain stability in ASEAN. This study used the theory of international organizations and international regimes alongside bibliometric analysis methods with VOSviewer software as the theory and tool to analyze the topic.

Destination image is an aspect of tourism that requires crisis management (CM) and marketing, because it is vulnerable to crises and media coverage. The literature review identified that potential terrorist attacks and political instability were particularly influential in changing travellers' intentions to visit and perceptions of different destinations. To date, there is no published academic research on the changing images of Indonesia as a result of the prolonged 1997 crises (pre the Bali bombings) and the 2002 and 2005 crises (post the Bali bombings). This study addresses this by examining Indonesia's images from the perspectives of the Indonesian tourist industry and UK residents. This study also addresses gaps identified in the following destination image research areas: image formation, image change and crisis management. The review of current literature revealed that there has been little shift towards a greater use of qualitative or mixed-methods approach for the study of destination image. This research uses a mixed-methods approach to address the limitations that the use of a single, purely quantitative or quantitative approach would impose. Results from the primary research reveal that the images of Indonesia, including the security image is more positive among visitors than non-visitors. The research results suggest that Bali has strong unique images and these have allowed its tourism to continue and survive pre- and post- the crisis period. Furthermore, the results revealed that Indonesia's image has become more complex since 1997, specific factors affected its image during crisis, the critical role of the media in the development of image and tourism demand and why certain crisis management strategies proposed in the tourism literature are not effective. This research contributes to the study of image dimensions, differences, change and formation factors and the use of mixed-methods within a crisis context. The research also contributes within the area of crisis management by suggesting modifications to the current crisis management framework, making it more adaptable in certain contexts and suggests the need for 'knowledge management' and a 'logical incrementalism' approach when developing the CM plan. The implication of the research findings is that mixed-methods approach is compatible and beneficial in destination image research with similar or complementary research objectives.

This research discusses the tourism crisis management approach used in handling the recovery of Bali as a tourism destination after the first Bali bombings in 2002 and second Bali bombings in 2005. It acknowledges the importance of a crisis management especially in a situation where the crisis repeatedly occurs in the same place and targeted the similar target. This research examines the crisis management approach through the tourism public policy formulated and implemented by the government of Indonesia. An external perspective from the industry private sector is also investigated as many scholars note that other observations and opinion from senior executives following every episode are necessary because they have different perceptions of the crises. Finally, an investigation of any existence of organisational learning the first and second Bali bombings is also presented. This research concludes in three new findings. First, the Indonesian government did not present any crisis management framework after the first and second Bali Bombings; rather they established a National Recovery Program that lacks few main aspects of crisis management. Second, although the Indonesian government initiated the recovery program after the first Bali Bombings it was the private sector (Bali Tourism Board) who initially instigated the recovery program after the second Bali Bombings. Third, the absence of an organisational learning was also discovered after the first and second Bali Bombings incidents

Introduction. In the past decade terrorist attacks and suicide bombings have killed, injured and intimidated thousands of people in many countries. In the aftermath of an attack a significant proportion of the population present with symptoms of depression, post traumatic stress disorder, and physical health problems (Boscarino & Adams, 2009, Norris et al., 2002, Bride, 2007 ). The present study examined the impact of the Bali bombings in 2002 when two bombs were deliberately exploded in the Sari night club and Paddy’s bar, in the popular tourist area of Kuta, in Bali, Indonesia.Aim of the study. The overarching aim of the study were to examine the multilayered effects and forms of support received by directly affected victims and their indirectly affected family members in both Indonesia and Australia. The perceptions of members of the Indonesian and Australian emergency response teams, community volunteers and key informants were also examined.Methods. A qualitative case study approach was used in this study, as it was important that participants told their story in their own words and according to their own unique experiences. In total 50 in-depth semi-structured interviews were conducted in Bali and Perth, with first and secondary level victims, professional and volunteer responders, and key informants. An in-depth analysis of available literature was also undertaken with a focus on the multilayered effects of terrorist attacks and the forms of post attack support that is offered to victims and their families. Other qualitative methods such as home visits, observations and documentary data collection facilitated triangulation of the data. In addition a personal reflective diary recorded the observations of the researcher during a two month field trip in Bali in early 2008.The conceptual framework for this study was based around the work of the Psychosocial Working Group (2003). Within this framework three dimensions relating to resources that help people cope in the aftermath of a disaster are explored. They are: human capacity (encompassing the skills and knowledge of the people); social ecology (encompassing familial, religious and cultural resources) and finally culture and values (encompassing cultural values, beliefs and practices). The framework was modified in this study to enhance the examination of the participant responses using the concepts of disrupted and reinforced resources.Results. In both Bali and Perth victims of all levels reported many symptoms of distress in the initial aftermath of the bombing. Most of the effects reported could be termed normal distress reactions to a very abnormal event. The poor economic situation in Bali appeared to compound and exacerbate the effects for many of the Balinese victims. As a result many of the injured and their families were left almost destitute. A number of victims described symptoms such as depression, suicidal ideations and fear during thunderstorms and the many cultural celebrations on the island.In Bali and Perth, first level victims described the importance of practical, economic, emotional and spiritual support from their families and the community. The narratives of mateship, families and communities responding to help are innumerable and are an invaluable and unique insight into this disaster. In addition, the study highlighted that many of the volunteer and professional responders also reported effects such as emotional numbing and derealisation. For most it was a temporary and understandable reaction to the difficult tasks they had to undertake.Recommendations for policy, practice and a modified framework are proposed that may be used by professionals and non-professionals in the aftermath of a terrorist attack, particularly when needing to choose appropriate and culturally relevant interventions, or by organisations who may be involved in strategically planning a response in the event of an attack.Conclusion. Although the focus of this study was a terrorist attack, the recommendations and framework proposed in chapter 9 of this study can be generalised to other forms of natural and man-made disasters. They are intended for use by professionals, nonprofessionals and agencies who are involved in a response in the aftermath of complex emergencies. The recommendations are derived and drawn from the indepth analysis of the participant interviews, and the literature. The Bali disaster showed the strength of human spirit, the resilience of victims at multiple levels and the willingness of people and countries to help each other in times of extreme distress. This framework is intended to promote a psychosocial response to any disaster situation based on the knowledge that communities have pre-existing inherent resources which can be utilised in a terrorist attack.

Nearly four decades of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)-European Union (EU) relationship have witnessed the importance of ideas and identity alongside the economic interests in shaping the behaviour of the two sides. The study takes interest in understanding the EU’s actorness and the EU as a normative actor with and within Southeast Asia through a reflectivist lens. The thesis is an attempt to provide a new perspective on a relationship commonly assessed from an economic angle. It outlines the opportunity of non-traditional security (NTS) challenges to enhance EU actorness and normative influence in Southeast Asia. Against this backdrop, the study explores the dialogue and cooperative initiatives of two regions, which attach relatively little salience to each other. The study employs a NTS lens and draws upon the case of the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997-98, the haze in relation to forest governance, the Bali bombings of 2002 and the political conflict in Aceh. The study assumes that these NTS issues can stimulate processes of threat convergence as well as threat ‘othering’. It argues that these processes enhance European engagement in Southeast Asia and contribute to shaping regional stability in Southeast Asia. Furthermore, NTS crises present situations, where norms can become unstable, contested and substituted. This allows us to better examine the EU as a normative actor. To establish an understanding of the EU’s actorness and the EU as a normative actor, the empirical evidence will focus on the threat perceptions, motivations of action and activities of the EU and its member states. For the purpose of differentiating the EU as a normative actor, the study will also include the discussion of the normative objectives and behaviours of the EU and its member states and apply a reflectivist theoretical framework. Hypothetically, NTS crises trigger external assistance and normative influence and thus, they offer an opportunity to establish a more nuanced picture of the EU in the region. At the same time, the study acknowledges that there are a variety of constraints and variables that complicate the EU’s actorness. The thesis seeks to identify and discuss these. So far, scholarly publications have failed to apply the NTS perspective systematically. This thesis provides the first monograph-length treatment of the EU in Southeast Asia through a NTS and reflectivist lens.

The rise of the 21st Century Islamic extremist movement, which was mobilised by the al-Qaeda attacks of and responses to September 11, 2001, heralds a new period in the history of terrorism. The increased frequency and intensity of this type of terrorism affects every nation in the world, not least Australia. Rising to meet the challenges posed by terrorism is the field of terrorism studies, the field which aims at understanding, explaining, and countering terrorism. Despite the importance of the field, it has been beleaguered with criticisms since its inception as a response to the rise of international terrorism. These criticisms specifically aim at the field's lack of objectivity, abstraction, levels of research, and levels of analysis. These criticisms were the impetus behind the adoption of the methodology of this thesis, which offers the distinct ability to understand, explain, and forecast the way in which terrorists interact within covert cells. Through social network analysis, this thesis examines four terrorist cells that have operated in or against Australia. These cells are from the groups Hrvatsko Revolucionarno Bratstvo (Croatian Revolutionary Brotherhood), Aum Shinrikyo (Supreme Truth), Lashkar-e-Taiba (Army of the Pure), and Jemaah Islamiyah (Islamic Community) and operated between 1963 and 2003. Essentially, this methodology attempts to discover, map, and analyse the interaction within the cells during the covert stage of their respective operations. Following this, the results are analysed through the traditional social network analysis frameworks to discover the internal dynamics of the cell and identify the critical nodes (leaders) within the cells. Destabilisation techniques are subsequently employed, targeting these critical nodes to establish the most effective disruption techniques from a counter-terrorism point of view. The major findings of this thesis are: (1) that cells with a focus on efficiency rather than covertness were more successful in completing their objectives (contrary to popular belief); and (2) betweenness centrality (control over the flow of communication) is a critical factor in identifying leaders within terrorist cells. The analysis also offered significant insight into how a Jemaah Islamiyah cell might operate effectively in Australia, as well as the importance of local contacts to terrorist operations and the significance of international counter-terrorism cooperation and coordination.

The rise of the 21st Century Islamic extremist movement, which was mobilised by the al-Qaeda attacks of and responses to September 11, 2001, heralds a new period in the history of terrorism. The increased frequency and intensity of this type of terrorism affects every nation in the world, not least Australia. Rising to meet the challenges posed by terrorism is the field of terrorism studies, the field which aims at understanding, explaining, and countering terrorism. Despite the importance of the field, it has been beleaguered with criticisms since its inception as a response to the rise of international terrorism. These criticisms specifically aim at the field's lack of objectivity, abstraction, levels of research, and levels of analysis. These criticisms were the impetus behind the adoption of the methodology of this thesis, which offers the distinct ability to understand, explain, and forecast the way in which terrorists interact within covert cells. Through social network analysis, this thesis examines four terrorist cells that have operated in or against Australia. These cells are from the groups Hrvatsko Revolucionarno Bratstvo (Croatian Revolutionary Brotherhood), Aum Shinrikyo (Supreme Truth), Lashkar-e-Taiba (Army of the Pure), and Jemaah Islamiyah (Islamic Community) and operated between 1963 and 2003. Essentially, this methodology attempts to discover, map, and analyse the interaction within the cells during the covert stage of their respective operations. Following this, the results are analysed through the traditional social network analysis frameworks to discover the internal dynamics of the cell and identify the critical nodes (leaders) within the cells. Destabilisation techniques are subsequently employed, targeting these critical nodes to establish the most effective disruption techniques from a counter-terrorism point of view. The major findings of this thesis are: (1) that cells with a focus on efficiency rather than covertness were more successful in completing their objectives (contrary to popular belief); and (2) betweenness centrality (control over the flow of communication) is a critical factor in identifying leaders within terrorist cells. The analysis also offered significant insight into how a Jemaah Islamiyah cell might operate effectively in Australia, as well as the importance of local contacts to terrorist operations and the significance of international counter-terrorism cooperation and coordination.

Under traditional International relations theory, diplomacy relates to relations between sovereign nations. There have been two broad schools of thought on the dynamics behind these relations: the ‘realist’ school, which tends to consider power and conflict as the major lens through which such should be viewed, and the ‘idealist’ school which tended to focus on cooperation rather than conflict. Between these two extreme views, a third school, the English School of International Relations, also known as the British Institutionalists, provides somewhat of a compromise view, acknowledging the merit of both realism and idealism, by accepting that power remains an important element but also advocating that acceptance of common norms and institutions plays a significant role in determining relations, or the International Society between states. In 1977 Hedley Bull offered the following definition of International Society when he stated that International Society … exists when a group of states, conscious of certain common interests and common values, form a society in the sense that they conceive themselves to be bound by a common set of rules in their relations with one another, and share in the working of common institutions. This thesis is not specifically related to International Relations theory, which deals with inter-state relations. Whilst inter-state conflict and international relations remain important drivers of foreign and military policy, there is a growing recognition that it is intra-state conflict avoidance and post-conflict reconstruction which increasingly mitigate the risk to the safety, security, peace and prosperity of nations and regions. Much of this disquiet has its roots in maladministration, poor governance and a lack of justice. These are areas in which traditional approaches to foreign intervention via trade, aid and military force have limited effect, and in which effective consent-based policing and justice can play a significant part in building sustainable and peaceful outcomes. This thesis discusses the role played by a non-traditional actor in the international arena, the police, specifically the Australian Federal Police (AFP), in addressing some of these intra-state justice and governance issues in a constantly changing, unstable and unpredictable global and regional environment. The thesis is intended to outline the diversity and versatility of AFP activities and to contextualise them in terms of non-traditional New Diplomacy. The aspects of diplomacy of most significance relate to diplomatic qualities or traits of the individual police officer, diplomatic behaviours of these members, and diplomatic outcomes of their activities. As such the thesis does not relate directly to International Relations theory or to International Society, as espoused by Hedley Bull. There are, however, some interesting intersections which are worthy of note. There are some critics of the English School who argue that it is Eurocentric. Today’s International Relations originated in the 19th century when a number of European nations formed a club of ‘civilised’ states bound by international law, which expanded around the globe to involve all nations. This concept has been used to explain the lack of imperative for a supra-state or world government to maintain orderly inter-state relations, as the force which binds them is consent to agree to common interest and values within a global rules-based order. In terms of policing on an international scale, global government is simply too unwieldy. There are a number of global, consent-based institutions such as the United Nations and INTERPOL, which fulfil this requirement to a certain extent. The AFP has had long involvement with both of these global institutions, as well as several regional policing institutions. In terms of conflict-oriented ‘realism’ and cooperative ‘idealism’, policing walks both sides of the street. As this thesis will discuss, the whole posture of liberal-democratic policing is conflict prevention, and the means by which such police carry out their daily duties is by cooperation. This is the context in which replication or expansion of International Society should be considered in relation to the activities of the AFP internationally and regionally. This thesis is by definition Eurocentric, or more specifically Anglo-centric, due to the historical fact that the AFP draws all of its principles from Australia’s British antecedents and adheres to a largely ‘western’ or European notion of human rights values. This thesis explores the role of the AFP as an international actor. The thesis asserts that effective international policing has never been more important in linking the international with the domestic. The way the AFP operates in a landscape where traditional policing paradigms are rapidly changing, due to ever-changing, political, diplomatic, and transnational issues, is examined in the context of the ‘globalisation paradox’, of both needing and fearing, global governance simultaneously, as raised by Anne-Marie Slaughter in her book, A New World Order. The way the organisation has evolved from its origins, based on Western liberal-democratic policing values, approaches and skills, to an organisation involved in international policing and diplomacy at the highest levels, while still retaining its liberal-democratic credentials is explained. It is argued that in the contemporary international and Australian context, the AFP is an effective and experienced agency. It is further argued that this is a distinctive form of new diplomacy, appropriate to an increasingly globalised world. The AFP has established an extensive international network in more than 30 countries, has been a consistent contributor to national security, has participated in numerous international deployments over half a century, and continues to play a meaningful role in Australian foreign policy efforts. The thesis provides evidence to show how AFP officers exhibit diplomatic qualities similar to those listed by Daryl Copeland in his book Guerrilla Diplomacy , as well as those mentioned by Christopher Meyer in his book Getting Our Way. In all of its international endeavours, AFP members have demonstrated, in varying degrees, the three enduring elements of diplomacy as outlined by Jonsson and Hall in their book The Essence of Diplomacy. They have communicated and negotiated in some very challenging circumstances and they are representatives of the Australian Government and its humanitarian values. The AFP, as part of broader efforts with institutions such as the UN, have not so much sought a replication of international society, as mentioned by Jonsson and Hall, but have provided a supplement to international society, by effective networking, thereby addressing in large part, Slaughter’s ‘globalisation paradox’. It is not so much universal police homogeneity which is sought by such endeavours, as a balance between it, and the heterogeneity which is inevitably associated with cultures transitioning from custom and tradition, to 21st century expectations of nationhood. The way the AFP’s transnational operations, activities, and deployments, not only serve perceived national interests, but result in more effective regional governance, is identified as ‘diplomacy by default’, because formal Track I diplomacy is not their primary objective. It will be demonstrated how international diplomacy, while generally conducted with perceived national interests as its primary goal, has a secondary benefit, good international citizenship, and that the AFP has a credible history of serving both. It is argued that the AFP is well positioned within government, law and intelligence and security circles, in the Australian and international contexts, through an extensive liaison officer network in South-East Asia, the South-West Pacific as well as more broadly. It will be demonstrated how the AFP has shown itself as capable and ready to respond effectively to extant and emerging challenges, and as such, has earned a place in foreign policy discussions and considerations at the highest diplomatic levels, including the UN. The AFP provides a distinctive and direct link between the global, the regional, and the domestic, which matches the rapidly globalised community it represents. The thesis confirms that international policing acts as a distinctive aspect of Australian ‘firm’ diplomacy, and supplements the more traditional elements of international engagement, between the ‘soft’ or traditional diplomacy, and the ‘hard’ form of military intervention. The evidence provided shows how it is by this form of whole-of-government activity, inclusive of policing, that stability and security are enhanced, and peace and prosperity are encouraged. Overall, the thesis affirms the AFP as a transnational agency, which is well placed to link the international with the domestic, the contextual with the aspirational, and the theoretical with the practical, in a period of strategic uncertainty in international affairs at the dawn of the Third Millennium.

On the night of 12 October 2002, two bombs exploded in Bali, killing more than 200 people. The first bomb exploded in Paddy's bar, a well known Irish pub in Kuta and was followed by a bigger explosion less than a minute later at the Sari Club. Both were popular venues for Australian tourists. 88 Australians were killed and 196 were injured. The 'Bali bombing', as it came to be known in the media, became a tragedy for all Australians. The Australian media reported this tragedy by covering the stories of victims, the investigation into the bombing, political negotiations between the Indonesian and Australian governments and the capture of some of those allegedly responsible, including the man dubbed 'smiling Amrozi' by the media. This thesis will examine the way three mainstream Australian newspapers reported on the Bali bombing. The three publications, The Australian, The Sydney Morning Herald and The Australian Financial Review were chosen. The analysis will concentrate on the first seven days of coverage of the Bali bombing and the first four days of coverage after the interrogation of Amrozi. This thesis will focus on five different topics: Australian pain, 'Australia owns Bali', Indonesian pain, 'smiling Amrozi' and the way the three selected Australian newspapers reported on Islam. The coverage of the Bali bombing during the first week after the blast emphasised Australian pain and devastation. The press concentrated on the idea that the Bali bombing was an Australian tragedy and implied a sense of ownership over Bali. Bali had been one of Australia's most popular tourist destinations for decades, and after the event, the press reported that 'Terror hits home', and that Australians had lost their paradise. The focus of reporting was on the Australians affected and little room was left for the Indonesians who, especially the Balinese, also lost people in the bombing. The bombing was an economic disaster for the Balinese who lost a large part of their tourist industry, Bali's main income. The coverage, particularly the reporting of the arrest of Amrozi and his reaction, revealed a cultural divide between Australia and Indonesia. Amrozi' s smiling created confusion and anger throughout the Australian community. Confusion also occurred during the reporting of the Bali bombing, with some members of the Australian Muslim community being mistreated by Australians who wrongly believed that Islam has an inherent connection to terrorism.

This thesis is a study of the Islamist discourse on terrorism and how western countries are constructed in four Indonesian magazines, Tempo, Gatra, Sabili and SuaraHidayatullah, in relation to the five bombings which took place in Indonesia. I define the first two magazines as the general magazines and the last two as the Islamist magazines. The bombings coverage analysed is that of the Bali bombings 1 and 2, the JW Marriott 1 bombing, the Australian Embassy bombing and the JW Marriott 2/Ritz Carlton bombing. The first study is of the bomb which killed or injured more than 200 people in Kuta, Bali, an area which attracts large numbers of international tourists; the second is of the bomb which exploded in Jimbaran,Bali, also a tourist area; and the last three studies are of the bombings of icons of ‘the West.’ In addition, the way in which the readers of the magazines responded to the reporting of the five bombings analysed is also examined. To address the topic, I conducted research in the offices of four magazines in Jakarta. I copied articles from the Gatra, Sabili and Suara Hidayatullah offices, and Tempo provided me with digital copies. I also interviewed two or three journalists/editors from each magazine. Further, I conducted focus group discussions for the readers of the magazines. Ten focus groups were involved during the fieldwork. There were two groups for each magazine and the other two groups involved readers of both the general and Islamist magazines. The examination of the two general magazines shows that each constructs a different anti-western Islamist discourse in its reports on the terrorism. Gatra, in part, presents the Islamist view and construct that western countries are opposed to Islam, and therefore conspiracy theories concerning who was responsible for the bombings are likely to be true. Tempo, on the other hand, does not present an anti-western Islamist view in its reports. Mainstream views of terrorism are dominant. The comparison of the Islamist magazines shows a similarity in how the Islamists construct anti-western Islamist discourse in their reports. Both Sabili and Suara Hidayatullah view the western countries, mainly the United States, as anti-Islam and as enemies who would try to destroy and undermine Islam. The readers of the magazines generally perceive terrorism in Indonesia from an Islamist perspective, although they do not agree with acts of violence. The readers of both the general and Islamist magazines perceive the western countries (particularly the United States) as being in opposition to Islam and Muslims. The bombings which occurred in Indonesia are viewed with the suspicion that the western countries were involved. These findings show, partly, the Islamisation of society in the social and political context in contemporary Indonesia. They show not only that Islamisation exists in society (as exemplified by the readers), but that, to some extent, the media institution also has been Islamised. In the reform era, the Islamist magazines have the space and opportunity to disseminate their Islamist ideas, while the general magazines, though adopting mainstream views, are also partly Islamised by the strengthening of the journalists’ self-identification as Muslims.

This chapter explores how, as new members joined Disaster Action, they brought with them different experiences. While these were inevitably devastating, sometimes aspects of these experiences reflected the difference Disaster Action had been able to make. There were instances when individuals and families were referred directly and quickly to Disaster Action, giving them the opportunity to make contact early on with people who could offer valuable information, support, and guidance. The chapter then considers the September 11 attacks in 2001; the Bali bombings in 2002; the 2004 terrorist attacks in Al Khobar, Saudi Arabia; the Indian Ocean tsunami in 2004; the London bombings in 2005; the Sharm El Sheikh bombings in 2005; and the North Sea helicopter crashes in 2009 and 2013. Disasters do not happen every day or week in the UK and yet there is always work to be done, keeping Disaster Action members busy, particularly at the office and within their informal and internal networks. This includes supporting each other and other individuals who may contact them for support at significant times such as anniversaries or when personal experiences and emotions are triggered through new disasters.

Starting with an account of Australia–Indonesia police cooperation after the 2002 Bali bombings, this chapter explains the purpose of the book (to identify the conditions that promote criminal justice cooperation between the two countries) and its argument (cooperation is more likely when a balance exists between political and policy interests). The chapter also discusses the interdisciplinary approach used in the book, looking first at the strengths and limitations of theories of international cooperation from international relations and transnational policing studies, and then describing how a regulatory perspective—which involves a pragmatic inquiry into how different actors influence the governance of a social problem—helps address the limitations. It concludes with an outline of the remaining chapters.

During World War II, Allied bombing of German-controlled petroleum refineries in Ploesti, Romania, diminished Axis fuel production but cost the Allies hundreds of planes and thousands of lives. Crews of many damaged planes flew partway back to Italy but were forced to crash-land their craft or bail out over Yugoslavia, where many landed on territory controlled by Partisans or Chetniks. Local Yugoslavs (mainly peasants), as well as both Chetniks and Partisans, welcomed them and gave them shelter. They were then evacuated by Allied transport aircraft (principally C-47s) that landed on makeshift airstrips maintained by Partisans or Chetniks. The historiography of these rescues may be divided into document-based studies, prepared principally by US military personnel based on official records; and memory-based studies by pro-Mihailović authors based principally on participant memoirs. Whereas memory-based studies uniformly adopted a Serb nationalist viewpoint, document-based studies showed no favoritism and portrayed various factions working in parallel to rescue Allied airmen. After Milošević fell in 2000, the Foreign Minister of Serbia and Montenegro, Vuk Drašković, in cooperation with the US Embassy, united the movement to valorize downed airmen and local efforts to rehabilitate Mihailović. Whether deliberately or not, US officials thereby undercut human rights activists in Serbia, and non-Serbs throughout the former Yugoslavia, who saw Mihailović as a war criminal, collaborator, and inspiration for war crimes and genocide in the wars of the 1990s.