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1
De Groot, Michael. "The Soviet Union, CMEA, and the Energy Crisis of the 1970s." Journal of Cold War Studies 22, no. 4 (December 2020): 4–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00964.
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Numerous scholars have claimed that the Soviet Union was a primary beneficiary of the 1973–1974 oil crisis. Drawing on archival evidence from Russia and Germany, this article challenges that interpretation, showing that the oil crisis forced Soviet policymakers to confront the limits of their energy industry and the effects of the crisis on their East European allies. Demand for Soviet energy outpaced production, forcing Soviet officials to weigh their need to compensate for economic shortcomings at home against their role as the guarantor of Communist rule in Eastern Europe. The Soviet decision to raise prices within the Council on Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) and the Soviet Union's inability to fulfill demand across CMEA compelled the East European governments to purchase oil from Middle Eastern countries at increasing world market prices, crippling their balance of payments and accentuating their other economic shortcomings.
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Volodin, Andrei G. "India in the World of Regionalization." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 4 (November 28, 2017): 178–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-4-178-191.
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The article is dedicated to the policy of India in the processes of regionalization in Asia. After the collapse of the Soviet Union (a country, which used to be the main ally of India) there appeared a great need for India to make a deep revision of its geo-economic and geopolitical paradigms. Thus, Delhi started looking for the new strategic partners in order to restore the balance between India and extremely active China. The “Look East Policy” had become the first result of those searches, because of the long history of cultural and political influence of India on the South-East Asian countries. Apart from it, due to the active participation of India in the region, the member states of the ASEAN were aimed to set a balance in relationships with China in Asia-Pacific region. By developing the partnership with the members of ASEAN and participating in the processes of regional economic integration, India attempts to “push” the economic development of its northeastern states, situated separately from the main (“continental”) part of the country. Although there are some achievements, regarding the participation of India in the processes of regional integration, the country’s economy is still only partially integrated in the production “chains” in the ASEAN countries. Moreover, there are significant obstacles regarding the economic integration in the South Asia. They appear because of the fear, experienced by the countries of the region, regarding the Indian predominance in the region. Besides, strategically those countries consider contradictions between India and China as a situation from which they potentially may benefit. During the last decades, there has been a rising importance of the Western Asian region in strategic economic activities of India. From the Western Asia India gets energy carriers and due to the financial transfers made by the Indians, working in the Persian Gulf, it covers country`s balance of payment deficit.
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Sy, Mouhamadou. "Overborrowing and Balance of Payments Imbalances in a Monetary Union." Review of International Economics 24, no. 1 (November 18, 2015): 67–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/roie.12208.
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Malik, Vipin. "Disinvestments in India: Needed Change in Mindset." Vikalpa: The Journal for Decision Makers 28, no. 3 (July 2003): 57–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0256090920030305.
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In the nineties, India's budgeting, fiscal deficits, and balance of payments problems kick started the government's urge to unlock the huge investments chained in the state-owned enterprises (SOEs). The blueprint was the successful global model of privatization/divestment which was initiated by Margaret Thatcher in the eighties in the UK and implemented by other countries including Unified Germany, former USSR, the erstwhile socialist countries, Western Europe, Canada, Japan, and even China. The developed nations attained a high level of success followed by the developing and the least developed countries. While developed and OECD countries opted for Initial Public Offerings (IPOs), Russia adopted a system of vouchers for buying shares of public sector companies at auctions, and smaller states in the former Soviet Union and East European countries opted for trade and negotiated sales. Developing countries like Brazil and Chile made principal divestments of significantly large government stakes with no reservations to pass on control to foreign investors. Greece and Korea opted for convertible bonds. Considering that the debate on the need for disinvestments is very old, the question is: is there anything new and is there a game plan? Also, why is the media hesitant in presenting analysis of the decision-makers' mindset? It leads to the inference that the implementers have perhaps little commitment to disinvestments which is in contrast to what Hungary and China have achieved by their professional approach. Fortunately, the efforts to pursue reforms have not openly been reversed or given up by any government of the day. The Four Ps of disinvestment – Policy, Promise, Prognosis, and Performance – look grim. In the recent past, we have been witnessing a lot of debate on the disinvestments scenario suggesting dynamic movement. In reality, the sale of equity of only 49 companies has so far been accomplished (a few only privatized). In comparison, Hungary identified 1,288 SOEs, transformed them into companies for privatization, and in 2002, only 79 companies were left for privatization. Against a target of Rs 100 billion, the financial year 2000–2001 closed with a collection of Rs 18.70 billion. Against a target of Rs 120 billion, the financial year 2001–2002 closed with a collection of Rs 56 billion inclusive of special dividend of VSNL at Rs 18.87 billion and Rs 11.54 billion of IBP bought by another public sector undertaking (PSU). Against a target of Rs 120 billion, the financial year 2002-2003 closed with a collection of Rs 33 billion. The target for financial year 2003-04 is Rs 132 billion (US$ 2.87 billion). To set things on the recovery path, introspection on what aberrations have entered the system is necessary. In the words of the President to the Joint Session of Parliament in February 2002, “... The prolonged fiscal haemorrhage from the majority of these enterprises cannot be sustained any longer...” How do we ensure that the disinvestment process is on track? The following five-point agenda would be useful for policy-makers: Trust the homegrown expert for implementation. Place administrative control in the hands of the Finance Minister. Hand over companies that are a burden on the government to the employees. Do not involve a PSU/SOE in the bidding process. Manage revivals professionally.
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Yakovleva, E. N., and N. N. Yashalova. "History and perspectives of payment for nature use in the Russian Federation." Voprosy regionalnoj ekonomiki 35, no. 2 (July 29, 2018): 76–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.21499/2078-4023-2018-35-2-76-86.
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The article deals with the history of introducing fees for the negative impact on the environment in our country, including the introduction of natural resource payments in the Soviet Union and environmental payments in the Russian Federation. The functions of the institute for payment of nature use are revealed, its positive and negative aspects are shown. A conclusion is made about the significant role of payments for the use of natural resources and pollution of the environment in the modern mechanism of state environmental regulation, the need to modernize the mechanism for calculating and collecting environmental payments.
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Li, Ziqian. "Analysis of the Educational Legislation and its Influence of the Former Soviet Union." BCP Education & Psychology 3 (November 2, 2021): 90–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpep.v3i.17.
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This paper introduces the stages and specific problems of Soviet educational legislation. First, the Legislation of the Soviet Union established many vital institutions, such as the system of equality between men and women in education. Secondly, the Soviet legislature and the Soviet Union also institutionalized Marxist ideas about freedom of learning and the overall development of human beings. Thirdly, in the practice of the Soviet Union, how to balance the relationship between freedom, equality and efficiency has become a topic worthy of subsequent discussion. Moreover, Soviet legislation influenced subsequent international human rights legislation and laid the foundation. On this basis, the subsequent international human rights legislation has been further improved.
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Berrios, Ruben, and Cole Blasier. "Peru and the Soviet Union (1969–1989): Distant Partners." Journal of Latin American Studies 23, no. 2 (May 1991): 365–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00014036.
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For twenty years the Soviet Union has had closer relations with Peru than with any other Latin American country apart from Cuba or Nicaragua. In fact, Peru was the first post-Cuban revolution centre of Soviet operations in South America, and perhaps still plays that role today. Now that the Cold War is over the balance sheet of Soviet relations with Peru can be evaluated with more detachment than ever.
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Gonchar, V. V., and P. E. Ratmanov. "'Non-Soviet' dentistry in the Soviet Union: causes and practice of direct payments of population for dental care." Rossiiskaya stomatologiya 11, no. 3 (2018): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17116/rosstomat20181103156.
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Avey, Paul C. "Confronting Soviet Power: U.S. Policy during the Early Cold War." International Security 36, no. 4 (April 2012): 151–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00079.
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Many self-identified realist, liberal, and constructivist scholars contend that ideology played a critical role in generating and shaping the United States' decision to confront the Soviet Union in the early Cold War. A close look at the history reveals that these ideological arguments fail to explain key aspects of U.S. policy. Contrary to ideological explanations, the United States initially sought to cooperate with the Soviet Union, did not initially pressure communist groups outside the Soviet orbit, and later sought to engage communist groups that promised to undermine Soviet power. The U.S. decision to confront the Soviets stemmed instead from the distribution of power. U.S. policy shifted toward a confrontational approach as the balance of power in Eurasia tilted in favor of the Soviet Union. In addition, U.S. leaders tended to think and act in a manner consistent with balance of power logic. The primacy of power over ideology in U.S. policymaking—given the strong liberal tradition in the United States and the large differences between U.S. and Soviet ideology—suggests that relative power concerns are the most important factors in generating and shaping confrontational foreign policies.
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Zawiślińska, Izabela ,. Piotr Cirin, and Piotr Cirin. "Występowanie deficytów bliźniaczych w wybranych państwach Unii Europejskiej i w Polsce w latach 2009–2018." Przegląd Europejski, no. 1-2021 (April 14, 2021): 157–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.1.21.9.
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The aim of the article is to determine the degree, direction and strength of impact of the studied variables, i.e. the state budget balance and the current account balance as part of Poland's balance of payments in the years 2009-2018 against the background of selected European Union (EU) countries. The main research questions focus on determining the type of relationships connecting the studied deficits in the light of previous studies dedicated to the twin deficits hypothesis. The methodology used is based on integrated correlation analysis, linear regression and an analysis of the coefficient of variation. As a result of the study, a strong correlation was found between the cumulative values of the studied deficits, which confirms the existence of the twin deficits hypothesis in Poland in the examined period and means that the budget deficit affects the current account balance. A change in the cumulative balance of the budget by 1% leads to a change in the cumulative balance of the current account of the balance of payments by 0.89%. It can be presumed that the problem of budget deficits and the related debt crisis as well as balance of payments balances under the dichotomy of "surplus north" and "deficit south" in the next decade will be one of the most conflicting and disintegrative for the EU. Thus, the search for a path to budget (internal) balance and balance of payments (external) is one of the key challenges for maintaining cohesion and maintaining sustainable development both in Poland and the entire EU.
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Eichengreen, Barry, Vittorio Grilli, and Stanley Fischer. "A Payments Mechanism for the Former Soviet Union: Is the EPU a Relevant Precedent?" Economic Policy 8, no. 17 (October 1993): 309. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1344531.
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Ensor, T. "Informal payments for health care in the former Soviet Union: some evidence from Kazakstan." Health Policy and Planning 13, no. 1 (March 1, 1998): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/heapol/13.1.41.
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Vemić, Milan. "IMPACT OF COVID-19 CRISIS ON BALANCE OF PAYMENTS: RESEARCH HIGHLIGHTS FROM THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA." KNOWLEDGE - International Journal 47, no. 1 (August 16, 2021): 79–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij4701079v.
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After reintegration with the world market and convergence towards the European Union which followed, the Serbian economy is no longer facing huge balance of payments deficits as earlier, which required improving the terms of trade, growth of exports and foreign direct investment. Furthermore, according to major international financial organizations, because of foreign trade and foreign exchange policies Serbian balance of payments nevertheless offers prospects for sustained economic growth and development in spite of the Covid-19 crisis. The general purpose in this paper is to review pre-pandemic and pandemic balance of payments experiences from Serbia with special emphasis on deficit mitigation performance as there is still a lingering balance of payments deficit. After classifying the internal and external factors of deficit, the specific purpose of this paper approaches research of the Covid-19 pandemic impact on the Serbian balance of payments at the end of the performance-rating period (2016-2020). Methodology of research of Serbian balance of payments is presented in the second section. It relied dominantly on IMF data sources, specifically IMF yearly data in million $ (2016-2020) and comparatively on Serbian statistical office (2019-2020). Eurostat GDP data (2020) was consulted for other countries, which are main trading partners of Serbia. Research included four main aspects: 1) Classification of Balance of Payments and International Investment Position according to the IMF Manual (BPM6); 2) Elaboration of Serbian balance of payments statistics and macroeconomic data for the period 2016–2019 (pre-pandemic); 3) Analysis and presentation of the evolution of the selected annual balance of payments statistics during the pandemic period (2020-2021); 4) Analysis and presentation of the rate of coverage of main balance of payments categories (2016-2020). The research results presented in third section reveal that deficits on major categories such as current and capital accounts still remain significant. In this regard, specific comparisons were made with 2019, the year before Covid-19 crisis, and a presentation of major Serbian trading partners is discussed briefly. At the end of July 2021, the future pattern of changes to the flows of the discussed categories based on the analysis of information from the pre-pandemic and pandemic period will significantly depend on pandemic developments in the second half of 2021 and in 2022. The pandemic is still underway and it is premature to draw any conclusions for any country. However, this research discovers and we conclude that the impact of the pandemic on Serbian balance of payments, at least through the end of 2020, was not as severe as in some other European and non-European countries. The main recommendation of the paper is therefore to maintain relative resilience of the observed Serbian balance of payments flows against potential new shocks from the ongoing pandemic. At the same time, economic policy should continue to attract foreign direct investment and gradually balance the current and capital accounts which are in fact still in deficit. Achievement of equilibrium between major Serbian balance of payments categories is possible by resolving specific internal and external factors of deficit explained in the introductory section of the paper. In a subsequent paper, we shall suggest new possible developments in the interpretation of these factors as additional data becomes available.
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FOTAKI, MARIANNA. "Informal Payments: A Side Effect of Transition or a Mechanism for Sustaining the Illusion of ‘Free’ Health Care? The Experience of Four Regions in the Russian Federation." Journal of Social Policy 38, no. 4 (October 2009): 649–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279409003274.
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AbstractInformal payments for health services are widespread in many transition economies in post-communist Europe and the former Soviet Union. Their existence complements and in some cases significantly contributes to the financing of their health systems. It has been suggested that they are the legacy of planned socialist economies and a temporary side effect of the transition from a planned to a market economy. This article discusses the findings of the study investigating the extent and nature of the informal payments and evaluates the policy options on offer. It asserts that despite the level of declared support for moderate cost-sharing by different population groups, it is unlikely that any legalised form of co-payment will affect or replace informal payments, as the government uses them to sustain the illusion of ‘free’ health care. The study argues that the utilitarian gain maximisation principle, calling for the greatest collective welfare in communitarian egalitarianism, and the satisfaction of individual preferences in libertarian economics enable the acceptance of informal payments as a viable policy option.
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Hadili, Abduraawf, Roman Raab, and Jan Wenzelburger. "Trade liberalisation, governance, and the balance of payments: evidence from the Arab Maghreb Union." Middle East Development Journal 12, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 101–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17938120.2020.1731200.
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Sukhodolov, Alexander, Tatiana Ozernikova, and Natalia Kuznetzova. "International Migration in the Irkutsk Region: Direction, Causes and Trends." Bulletin of Baikal State University 29, no. 1 (April 4, 2019): 48–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2500-2759.2019.29(1).48-63.
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The article discusses the trends of international migration from 2010 to 2017, including migration from countries across the former Soviet Union and beyond. The greatest intensity is typical for the migrational exchange with the countries across the former Soviet Union: steady immigration flows from the countries of Central Asia, the Caucasus and Transcaucasia, as well as from Ukraine were revealed. Until 2016, a high positive balance of migration with these countries provided partial compensation for outflow of population to other regions of Russia, however, the growth of return migration led to a sharp decrease in the balance of migration from neighboring countries. Migration flows with foreign countries are not substantial. The influx of migrants from China grew in 2017, but their numbers are not comparable with the influx of people from the countries from former Soviet Union. International migration has a negative impact on the qualitative characteristics of human resources in the region (the share of the working-age population and the share of people with vocational education). Analysis of the potential migration of the population of the region to foreign countries, according to the results of a sociological study, confirms the trends revealed by the analysis of statistical data.
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Brada, Josef C. "Interpreting the Soviet subsididzation of Eastern Europe." International Organization 42, no. 4 (1988): 639–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300034007.
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In trade among the members of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA), prices of raw materials are lower and those of manufactured goods higher than comparable world prices. Because the Soviet Union is a net exporter of raw materials to, and net importer of manufactures from, the other CMEA countries, it benefits less from CMEA trade than it would from trading with the rest of the world, and the other CMEA members benefit more. This redistribution of the gains from trade is generally seen as a form of subsidization. One explanation of these subsidies is that they represent Soviet payments for political and military benefits provided by East European regimes; another is that the subsidies compensate Eastern Europe for the economic burden imposed by central planning and extensive economic ties to the Soviet Union. I argue that neither of these explanations is consistent with the type of economic and political relations that one would expect of the Soviet and East European regimes. In their place I offer an alternative explanation based on the Heckscher-Ohlin model of comparative advantage. The distribution of CMEA subsidies is shown to reflect the distribution of gains from trade that would arise among any group of economies forming a preferential trading scheme. I also argue that the willingness of members to belong to CMEA, even at the expense of paying subsidies, is that CMEA can be viewed as a club that provides benefits to members while imposing costs that may to some extent be unequal and unpredictable.
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Hatzivassiliou, Evanthis. "Images of the Adversary: NATO Assessments of the Soviet Union, 1953–1964." Journal of Cold War Studies 11, no. 2 (April 2009): 89–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2009.11.2.89.
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The article presents the analysis of the study groups set up by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) to assess the non-military aspects of Soviet power and potential during the era of Nikita Khrushchev. Following Stalin's death, the Western alliance tried to form a comprehensive view of the strengths and weaknesses of the USSR's economy and political system. This was part of NATO's effort to adjust to the realities of a long Cold War, the outcome of which would not be decided by military force alone. The NATO reports were largely successful in describing the long-term trends of the Soviet economy and the weaknesses of the Soviet system. However, they usually failed to anticipate specific, though significant and potentially dangerous, initiatives of the Soviet regime. On balance they were a crucial input for NATO ministers, and their importance in the shaping of Western policies needs to be evaluated carefully.
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Gray, William Glenn. "Paradoxes ofOstpolitik: Revisiting the Moscow and Warsaw Treaties, 1970." Central European History 49, no. 3-4 (December 2016): 409–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893891600087x.
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AbstractThis article reexamines the diplomacy of Willy Brandt’sOstpolitik, focusing on two landmark achievements in 1970: the Moscow Treaty in August, and the Warsaw Treaty in December. On the basis of declassified US and German documentation, it argues that envoy Egon Bahr’s unconventional approach resulted in a poorly negotiated treaty with the Soviet Union that failed to address vital problems such as the status of Berlin. The outcome deepened political polarization at home and proved disconcerting to many West German allies; it also forced the four World War II victors—Britain, France, the United States, and the Soviet Union—to save Brandt’sOstpolitikby grinding out an agreement on access to Berlin. By contrast, West German negotiations in Warsaw yielded a treaty more in line with West German expectations, though the results proved sorely disappointing to the Polish leadership. Disagreements over restitution payments (repacked as government credits) and the emigration of ethnic Germans would bedevil German-Polish relations for years to come. Bonn’sOstpolitikthus had a harder edge than the famous image of Brandt kneeling in Warsaw would suggest.
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Kapteyn, P. J. G. "EMU and Central Bank: Chances Missed." European Constitutional Law Review 1, no. 1 (October 12, 2004): 123–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019605001239.
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Both the EU- and the EC-Treaties refer in prominent places to the establishment of economic and monetary union (Articles 2 EU and EC). This union is mentioned as one of the principal means of achieving the Union's and the Community's economic and social objectives. Such a prominent place is not allotted it in the Constitution. In its effort to separate the basic provisions from the other provisions in the treaties, the Convention decided to retain only the European Union's objectives in the actual constitutional part. The concrete activities pertaining to the economic and monetary union, as well as its ‘guiding principles’ of stable prices, sound public finances and monetary conditions and a sustainable balance of payments were relegated to Part III that deals with the Union's policies.
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Mendes, A. J. Margues. "An Alternative Approach to Customs Union Theory: A Balance of Payments Framework to Measure Integraton Effects." Journal of Economic Integration 1, no. 1 (March 15, 1986): 43–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.11130/jei.1986.1.1.43.
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Jeong, Jaewon. "The Legacy of Soviet Union: The Balance between Islam and Nationalism, and Tardy Democratization." Asia Review 10, no. 1 (August 31, 2020): 229–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.24987/snuacar.2020.08.10.1.229.
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Gökce, Emre, and İsmail Cem AY. "Effects Of EU-Turkey Customs Union Agrement On Balance Of Payments In Turkey From 2005 Through Today." Bulletin of Economic Theory and Analysis 4, no. 2 (December 7, 2019): 79–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.25229/beta.542732.
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Layard, Antonia. "The European Energy Charter Treaty: Tipping the Balance between Energy and the Environment." European Energy and Environmental Law Review 4, Issue 5 (May 1, 1995): 150–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eelr1995033.
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This article examines the environmental implications of the European Energy Charter Treaty together with the Energy Efficiency and Nuclear Protocols. It considers their provisions in light of existing developments in international environmental law and policy. It concludes that as the primary aim of the Treaty was to stimulate trade in the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe it is unsurprising that the Treaty has relied more on hortatory statements and guidance than on implementing concrete environmental protection measures.
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Mashevska, Anzhelika. "WAGE PAYMENTS IN THE WORLD." Green, Blue and Digital Economy Journal 1, no. 1 (June 9, 2020): 31–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2661-5169/2020-1-5.
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The purpose of the article is to analyze earnings in different countries of the world. The wages of the population of different countries are analyzed: the USA, Canada, the former Soviet Union countries, the rating of 30 states-leaders on average salary (gross) is made. It is proved that, in addition to national statistical institutions, international organizations are also engaged in the compilation of wage ratings. Their statistical surveys are highly reliable: when calculating the average wage, salaries of employees are taken into account, emphasizing their qualifications and work experience, without taking into account businesspersons, private or individual entrepreneurs, pensioners, assisted persons and others. Method. According to the ratings, the list of the most sought after and highly profitable professions is constantly changing. The labor market is out of place, and before the prestigious specialties cease to be relevant, and their place is occupied by new ones, the demand of representatives of a profession also depends on the region. What has become of further development is that in recent years many popular and unusual professions have appeared in the countries of the Far East: Japan, Korea, China, Taiwan, Hong Kong and others. For example, many Ukrainian citizens teach English as a "native" language in China. It is important for the Chinese that the teacher be European, and the demand for language courses is enormous (especially in the province). Results. For those citizens who have pronounced Caucasian features, they have blond hair, fair complexion, and eyes that are beautiful and young, with even greater opportunities to earn money, the trend for the European appearance in China, Korea and Japan is huge. Value/originality. According to the analysis of the countries with the highest average salary level, 20 positions belong to the European countries, 2 are from America and Oceania and 6 are Asian. The important products and services can have a serious impact on cost of living, with 100 USD being of different weight in Japan and in Ukraine. Therefore, the inflationary processes that enter the economy significantly affect the level of wages of people, which in turn affects the standard of living of the population.
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Sokolova, Tatiana, and Mohammad Rasouli. "Tudeh Party and North Oil Score." International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 4, no. 3 (October 1, 2021): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v4i3.93.
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The Soviet Union and before that, Russia as one of the most powerful neighbors of Iran in history, despite its abundance of oil resources always looked at Iran's oil resources for specific purposes. In examining the impact of oil on the relations between the two countries of Iran and Russia, it turns out that they were trying to reach the Iranian oil resources in some cases, one in 1299/1921and the other in 1920/1941. At the time of Iran's occupation of the Second World War, the Russians, though at every turn did not succeed in their goals, during the occupation of Iran in September 1941 by the Allies they used all the necessary tools. For example, they used the Tudeh Party, the first and most organized Leftist party in Iran, to achieve its oil targets. At this stage, the Russian Foreign Ministry Deputy Foreign Minister, Sergey Kavtaradze came to Iran and formally requested for a license to exploit North Oil. The Tudeh Party, while previously opposed to any transfer of privilege to foreigners, when the Soviet Union- their spiritual and co-professional supporters came out, by providing the Balance Scheme they granted the southern oil share to the British and the North Sea's privilege to the Soviet Union. Because the American companies were set to exploit the oil scorecard in northern Iran, immediately the Soviet Union entered the scene and the Tudeh party also met with them. This oil demand was rejected by the Iranian parliament and the Iranian government opposed any new privilege because of the prevalence of war conditions in the world. In this context, the efforts of the Tudeh Party to satisfy the Iranian government and parliament in order to agree with the Soviet demand for oil in their own way can be considered.
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Oren, Eitan, and Matthew Brummer. "Reexamining Threat Perception in Early Cold War Japan." Journal of Cold War Studies 22, no. 4 (December 2020): 71–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00948.
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This article discusses whether Japanese military and political elites perceived the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China (PRC) as threats during the Cold War. Realist scholars have argued that Japan's security alliance with the United States and the global balance of power were such that most Japanese officials did not perceive either of the Communist giants as a serious military threat. Reaching a similar conclusion but for starkly different reasons, constructivist scholars have argued that cultural, normative, and identity factors explain why Japanese elites did not perceive the Soviet Union or China as militarily threatening. Neither of these arguments holds up. Archival data and oral history collections from Japan's Self-Defense Force and National Diet Library reveal that Japan's defense establishment and political leaders perceived both the Soviet Union and the PRC as extremely threatening and that these perceptions fluctuated in intensity over time, across sectors, and among actors. Psychological factors, including affect, behavioral tendencies, and cognitive beliefs (the ABC model), may better explain why Japanese judged the intensity and source of perceived threats in the manner that they did. These findings underscore why threat perception in the international system is best evaluated by aggregating individual judgments and their distribution among larger groups.
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Houdyshellm, Michael. "Academic integrity in an emerging democracy: How university students in a former Soviet Republic balance achievement and success in education." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 4, no. 1 (July 12, 2017): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/64.
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After the fall of the Soviet Union, former Soviet Republics found themselves needing to revise and sometimes create systems affecting their emerging democracies. In education for example, the former Soviet system of teaching and learning was now open for new and different methods of instruction and evaluation. In countries like the Republic of Moldova, the revision and creation of an educational system was made even more problematic as a multi-lingual and multi-ethnic population saw opportunities in more open and accessible pathways through education and into business. These opportunities gave rise to the pressures of success, and at times, by any means necessary. This has created an environment where academic dishonesty has become prevalent at all levels of education especially in higher education. This paper examines the attitudes, beliefs and practices of university students surrounding academic integrity in the Republic of Moldova.
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Almas Haider Naqvi and Dr Syed Qandil Abbas Assistant Professor. "Russian South Asia Policy: From Estrangement to Pragmatism." Strategic Studies 42, no. 1 (August 4, 2022): 97–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.042.01.0011.
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This paper is an attempt to analyse the Soviet and Post-Soviet Russian policy responses towards the South Asia particularly India and Pakistan contextualising how the systemic pressures stimulated from balance of power and intervened by domestic factors specifically ideology and leaders’ images played important role in policy formulation and execution. Majority explanations of Soviet-Russian South Asian policy do not offer analysis of inside-out interactions. Incorporation of domestic factors in analysis would provide better explanation of Soviet-Russian policy and the key developments in South Asia. Soft-positivist methodology with qualitative and quantitative methods are employed to analyse data from primary and secondary sources. The paper categorises four distinct phases of Russian South Asia policy responses; Estrangement (1947-1953), Engagement (1954-1971), Indo-Centrality (1971-1991), Pragmatism (1991-2022) stimulated by systemic and intervened by domestic factors. Balancing and competition with the United States (US) and China primarily motivates Soviet Union to shape policy but ideology, leaders’ perceptions and images also influenced.
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Bryczek-Wróbel, Patrycja. "Sytuacja geopolityczna Estonii w polityce zagranicznej Federacji Rosyjskiej." Polityka i Społeczeństwo 19, no. 3 (2021): 23–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2021.3.2.
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When the Soviet Union collapsed in December 1991, the geopolitical situation in Central and Eastern Europe changed dramatically. Although independent states had been newly constituted, the Russian Federation, heir to the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, pursued its dominance and intervention in the affairs of neighbouring regions, including Estonia. At present, however, in view of the reconstruction of the global socio-economic order, there is an assumption that the Baltic States will become an object of increased interest and influence of the Russian Federation, which in turn constitutes the subject of exploration of this academic paper. The objective of this paper is to show the prerequisites and challenges for the Baltic States, with a special focus on Estonia, exposed to the neo-imperial policy of the Russian Federation. This topic is extremely relevant and timely, particularly in the run-up to the reconstruction of the global balance of power in the international arena – especially in Central and Eastern Europe.
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Miloiu, Silviu-Marian. "From “allies without alliance” to concerted action: Romania and Finland in the aftermath of the Operation Barbarossa (1941)." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 2, no. 2 (December 15, 2010): 249–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v2i2_7.
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This study describes the relationship between two small and lesser states joining the German attack against Soviet Union in an attempt to recapture the territories lost to Soviet Union in 1940. It is conceived as an in-depth analysis of the Romanian-Finnish relations based on the criticism of archival sources discovered in the Romanian, Finnish and British archives. Becoming “allies without alliance” almost overnight, the relations between the two countries acknowledged a quick shift from low profile bonds to an agreement based on a combination of balance of power and joint action. The aim was to remove the threat Russia was posing to the two countries and to increase their influence at a peace conference to be open following the expected defeat of their big neighbour. Romania was the advocate of closer ties between the two countries keeping in line with its search for influence rather than autonomy in its foreign relations, while Finland was more prudent consistent with its choice for autonomy rather than influence.
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Hai-Nyzhnyk, Pavlo. "Foreign Policy Aspects of the National Liberation Struggle and the Geostrategic Place of the Ukrainian State in the Concept of the OUN-B." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXII (2021): 51–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2021-2.
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The article deals with the foreign policy aspects in the ideological concept of Stepan Bandera’s Organisation of Ukrainian Nationatists (OUN-B) during the period from the change of position and balance of forces in the Eastern Front of World War II in 1943 and its transformation during the following postwar decades until the eve of the restoration of Ukraine’s independence. The author examines the OUN’s geopolitical calculations for an armed confrontation between the USSR, on the one hand, and the allied United States and Great Britain, on the other; the beginning of the search for ways of the organisation’s cooperation with Western democracies; its attitude to the threat of a nuclear war, etc. Also analysed is the OUN-B leadership’s vision of the geostrategic place of the future Ukrainian state in the international arena and, in particular, in the post-Soviet space and on the map of Central and Eastern Europe. The article sheds light on the vision of the role and place of independent Ukraine in international politics, particularly with respect to possible military and political blocs, Ukraine’s role in the United Nations, its attitude to the prospect of united Europe, the war in Afghanistan, national liberation movements and the Cold War, the collapse of the Soviet Union, the restoration of Ukraine’s state independence, and its place in the post-Soviet and European space. By way of conclusion, the author argues that the Cold War turned out to be helpful in the dissolution of the Soviet Union and allowed Ukraine to restore its national independence in 1991. Nonetheless, the modern national security agenda of Ukraine and the need for the world’s peace and balance necessitate curbing the imperialist, bellicose, and culpably terrorist actions and intents of Russia, the successor of the USSR. Keywords: OUN-B, Cold War, geopolitics, national liberation movements.
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IVANOV, ANATOLY, YAROSLAV ALEKSEEV, ALEXANDER CHERNIKH, EVGENIY NAUMOV, DANILA KULIKOV, ALEXANDER BARYSHEV, ALEXANDER DONETS, and VICTOR KONKIN. "RUSSIAN GOLD ORE DEPOSITS: ASPECTS OF THE DISCOVERY." Domestic geology, no. 3 (July 14, 2022): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.47765/0869-7175-2022-10012.
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Gold ore deposits of the Russian Federation were divided into two groups: the “older” ones with the gold reserves that had been placed on the State balance-sheet register as early as in the former Soviet Union period, and the “new” ones, whose balance-sheet reserves were first approved after 1992. An analysis of dynamics of the gold reserves of the ore deposits was performed to exhibit which deposits (“old” or “new”) had made the most significant contribution into the mineral resource base of gold after 2004. It was demonstrated that majority of the “new” deposits had already been studied to a certain degree before 1992-1993. This suggests for oncoming exhaustion of objects of the Soviet period, applicable for the geological exploration and estimation. In this work we substantiate a necessity of strengthening the early-phase geological exploration financed by the Federal budget with the aim to prepare potential resources and to form an “exploration fund” for ore gold.
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BOLDYREV, IVAN, and TILL DÜPPE. "Programming the USSR: Leonid V. Kantorovich in context." British Journal for the History of Science 53, no. 2 (April 8, 2020): 255–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087420000059.
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AbstractIn the wake of Stalin's death, many Soviet scientists saw the opportunity to promote their methods as tools for the engineering of economic prosperity in the socialist state. The mathematician Leonid Kantorovich (1912–1986) was a key activist in academic politics that led to the increasing acceptance of what emerged as a new scientific persona in the Soviet Union. Rather than thinking of his work in terms of success or failure, we propose to see his career as exemplifying a distinct form of scholarship, as a partisan technocrat, characteristic of the Soviet system of knowledge production. Confronting the class of orthodox economists, many factors were at work, including Kantorovich's cautious character and his allies in the Academy of Sciences. Drawing on archival and oral sources, we demonstrate how Kantorovich, throughout his career, negotiated the relations between mathematics and economics, reinterpreted political and ideological frames, and reshaped the balance of power in the Soviet academic landscape.
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Güneylioğlu, Murat. "The Norm Contestation and the Balance of Soft Power in the Post-Soviet Region: The Eurasian Economic Union versus the European Union." Siyasal: Journal of Political Sciences 31, no. 2 (November 8, 2022): 323–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.26650/siyasal.2022.31.1118613.
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Petrović, Gordana, Darjan Karabašević, Svetlana Vukotić, and Vuk Mirčetić. "An overview of the tourism economic effect in the European Union Member states." Turizam 24, no. 4 (2020): 165–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/turizam24-26469.
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Tourism has a notable role in the economies of many countries, and particularly in the countries of the European Union, which are still one of the world's most recognized and visited tourist destinations. The paper aims to analyze the impact of the tourism industry on the economy of the European Union. In this context, the paper is based on research and literature review, in particular, statistics data of Eurostat and the World Travel and Tourism Council. The results achieved by the tourism industry are reflected through certain economic indicators: GDP, employment rate, income, the balance of payments, turnover and consumption. The research area is one of the most visited tourist destinations in the world, which generates significant tourist turnover and justifies the status of an extremely important determinant of economic development. The well managed tourism industry complements other economic activities and increases the income of each EU Member State, and the tourism industry has direct and indirect, positive and negative economic effects.
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Güçlü, Yücel. "The Uneasy Relationship: Turkey's Foreign Policy as Regards the Soviet Union at the Outbreak of the Second World War." Belleten 67, no. 250 (December 1, 2003): 949–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2003.949.
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In view of growing threat of the Axis powers, by the beginning of 1939 a security agreement with the Soviet Union came high on the list of Turkish priorities. Turkey would also co-operate with Britain in the Balkans and the Mediterranean. Ankara proposed a triangular Turco-Anglo-Soviet relationship. Turkey sought to search for the illusive Soviet connection to parallel its signing of mutual assistance agreement with Britain on 12 May 1939. But the Germano-Soviet Non-aggression Pact of 23 August 1939 upset the entire international balance and put Turkey into a delicate position. Nonetheless Ankara still considered that arriving at an accord with Moscow would not be incompatible with its engagements towards the West. Saracoğlu's mission to Muscow in the autumn of 1939 failed because of Russia's attempts to unilaterally amend the Montreux Straits Convention and to draw Turkey away from the West. During Saracoğlu-Molotov talks, Kremlin endeavoured to obtain a foothold at the Straits in order at once prevent others from commanding the warm water approach to its Black Sea ports and to place itself in a position to exercise a hand in Mediterranean affairs. Relations between Turkey and Russia thus entered into a new period of mutual distrust and tension.
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Ifan, Guto, Cian Siôn, and Daniel Wincott. "DEVOLUTION, INDEPENDENCE AND WALES’ FISCAL DEFICIT." National Institute Economic Review 261 (2022): 16–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nie.2022.8.
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AbstractDebate around Wales’ place in the United Kingdom has intensified over recent years, with radically differing visions for the union of the Welsh and UK governments emerging alongside growing (though still minority) support for Welsh independence. This article argues that these constitutional debates must be considered alongside Wales’ current fiscal position. Wales’ estimated fiscal deficit is reflective of long-standing economic underperformance as part of the UK, which we argue is unlikely to be addressed under current economic, fiscal and constitutional arrangements. On the other hand, it also suggests a difficult economic outlook for an independent Wales, which would require tough fiscal and economic choices to address Wales’ apparent balance of payments deficit.
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Lehmbruch, Gerhard. "Institutional Change in the East German Transformation Process: The Role of the State in the Reorganization of Property Rights and the Limits of Institutional Transfer." German Politics and Society 18, no. 3 (September 1, 2000): 13–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503000782486507.
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German social scientists have often stressed that the East German transformation was a process sui generis that differed strongly from the transformation paths of eastern European countries. This difference was of course mainly due to the integration of the former GDR into the Federal Republic of (West) Germany. Indeed, it is commonly assumed that the wholesale transfer of West German institutions left little room for the endogenous paths of transformation observed in eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. The unintended outcome of this strategy of “exogenous” institutional change was a transformation crisis with the effect of a profound external shock. To be sure, this shock was mitigated by the simultaneous introduction of the West German “social net,” accompanied by massive transfer payments. But many of the dire predictions made by skeptical observers in 1990 have indeed come true.
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SILAEV, NIKOLAY, and DARIA KOVALEVA. "Evolution of public administration in the post-Soviet countries. Georgia." Public Administration 24, no. 3 (2022): 93–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2070-8378-2022-24-3-93-118.
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The article examines the formation of the statehood in independent Georgia. The authors study the history of the formation of the Georgian state over the past 30 years, noting both objective factors that hinder rapid economic development and recovery, as well as the obvious mistakes of the country’s authorities. One of the most crucial Georgia’s problems is still the demographic problem, the economic recession after the collapse of the Soviet Union was one of the deepest, the geographical conditions of the country force the government to invest much to infrastructure, and in the field of foreign trade, Georgia has a significant negative balance. Despite the listed difficulties, after the 2008–2009 crisis, the country showed positive economic dynamics and recovery rates. The authors emphasize that the quality of public administration in Georgia is much better than in many other post-Soviet countries; they associate this with the ongoing reforms and close cooperation with the European Union. After 2012, a special work was carried out to create a system of professional and politically neutral civil service together with a reform to reorganize local self-government, which allowed the citizens of the country to have greater influence over local government policies. The authors conclude that the progress in the field of state institutions, against the background of unfavorable economic conditions, deserves a particular study.
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SUGIMOTO, Tadashi. "AN ASSESSMENT OF THE BALANCE BETWEEN SUPPLY OF AND DEMAND FOR ENERGY RESOURCES IN THE SOVIET UNION AND SOVIET ENERGY RESOURCE EXPORT CAPACITY." Japanese Slavic and East European Studies 12 (1991): 27–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5823/jsees.12.0_27.
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Pilipenko, Igor V. "SPECIFICITIES OF IMPLEMENTING CLEARING ARRANGEMENTS IN INTERNATIONAL TRADE IN THE 1930s – 1980s." EKONOMIKA I UPRAVLENIE: PROBLEMY, RESHENIYA 10/1, no. 130 (2022): 46–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/ek.up.p.r.2022.10.01.006.
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The implementation of clearing arrangements in international settlements of the Russian Federation is one of the systemic solutions that allow developing external trade under toughened anti-Russian sanctions imposed by the Western states. This article analyzes the international experience of the 1930 s – 1980 s when clearing trade was used particularly intensively. We consider features of bilateral clearing in Western and Southern Europe as well as in USSR in the 1930 s, the proposition of J. M. Keynes in 1941–1944 to create the International Clearing Union and the proliferation of bilateral clearing agreements after World War II during the period of the 1940 s – 1960 s including those concluded between market and centrally planned economies. Particular attention is paid to the functioning of the European Payments Union (EPU) in the 1950 s, to the development of bilateral, trilateral and multilateral clearing within the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) in the 1940 s – 1980 s, including the use of transferable ruble through the International Bank for Economic Co-operation (IBEC) as well as to the 40-year long Soviet-Finnish bilateral clearing trade experience.
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Gorlin, Y. M., A. A. Salmina, and V. Y. Lyashok. "Empirical pension indicators: Cross-country comparisons and methodology for Russia." Journal of the New Economic Association 52, no. 4 (2021): 122–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31737/2221-2264-2021-52-4-5.
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The article proposes a system of empirical indicators for Russia, taking into account the analysis of foreign and Russian approaches to assessing the adequacy of the level of pension provision. One group of the indicators, designed for crosscountry comparisons, is based on the methodology of the European Commission. The results of calculations of the proposed indicators on Russian data are presented, which made it possible to compare the level of pensions in Russia and European Union countries. The article defines the limitations of indicators for cross-country comparisons in terms of assessing the level of pension payments within the Russian system of compulsory pension insurance. For more adequate assessment of the adequacy of payments, the second group of indicators was developed that take into account the particularities of the Russian pension system. A distinctive feature of the proposed approach to the assessment of empirical indicators is that they are focused primarily on assessing the adequacy of the actual pension payments in terms of fulfilling the functions assigned to them - protection from poverty, compensation (replacement) of wages and ensuring the balance of income. The authors propose to evaluate these indicators not only on the data of population surveys, as is most common in foreign practice, but also on the administrative data of the Pension Fund of the Russian Federation.
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Tedeev, Astamur Anatol'evich. "Development of the system of mandatory payments and taxation in the USSR in the early 1970s." Налоги и налогообложение, no. 1 (January 2021): 118–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-065x.2021.1.34452.
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This article explores the peculiarities of the system of mandatory payments and taxation in the USSR in the early 1970s. The author traces the amendments made to sectoral legislation (land, water, administrative, civil, etc.) and the corresponding improvement of the mechanism of collection of charges in this historical period. Special attention is given to the role of mandatory payments to be paid by rural population, changes in the procedure for collecting tax on sales, as well as clarification of the legal status and competence of inspection authorities. It is noted that the basic taxes paid by rural population in the early 1970s were the agricultural tax, income tax (from citizens who have income from agriculture in cities, workers, summer villages, and rural settlements) and ground rent. Analysis is conducted on the corresponding legislation and practice of its implementation. The conclusion is made that despite a range of decisions made with regards to providing incentives for agricultural tax, the cancellation of charges for the owners of livestock along with the state tax on horses of individual farms, reduced income tax rates and tax on single persons and citizens who have small families, the general the task for significant reduction of tax burden on the population has not been resolved. This was substantiated by fact that the mechanism of income taxation has undergone isolated changes, but its essential construct has not been revised. In the early 1970s, no reforms within the system of mandatory payments and taxation have been conducted in the Soviet Union.
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Park, Yong Soo. "An Appraisal of Power Balancing between India and China." International Journal of Social Science Studies 11, no. 1 (December 21, 2022): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v11i1.5641.
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According to the realist logic of the balance of power theory, if China emerges as a superpower and builds a powerful military force through strong economic power, neighboring countries will ultimately seek to balance against China by aligning with a military coalition led by the United States to contain China in the same way that Western European countries, Japan, South Korea, and even China joined the security alliance led by the United States to contain the Soviet Union during the Cold War. If so, is India, China’s neighbor, also shifting to a balancing strategy against China? This study argues that India’s various strategic actions toward China can be regarded as typical characteristics of a balancing strategy, suggesting that the neorealist balance of power theory remains able to explain the relationship between India and China in the 21st century.
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Cyrus Reed, Wm. "Global Incorporation, Ideology, and Public Policy in Zimbabwe." Issue 15 (1987): 49–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700506039.
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Six years after independence, Zimbabwe is viewed by its admirers as having adopted a pragmatic approach to a broad range of socialist oriented policies. A massive expansion and re-direction of services in the areas of education, health, and agricultural extension services, in addition to the creation of one of the world’s largest resettlement programs, are often cited as evidence of how the government of Prime Minister Robert Mugabe is working for socialist transformation in Zimbabwe. In addition, under Mugabe’s Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) government, the Zimbabwean economy has been able to maintain a real expansion in production averaging near 4.6% per annum-perhaps the highest rate in Africa--while the government has reversed a tremendous balance of payments deficit.
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VERMEIREN, MATTIAS. "Monetary power and EMU: macroeconomic adjustment and autonomy in the Eurozone." Review of International Studies 39, no. 3 (July 13, 2012): 729–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210512000162.
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AbstractThis article examines the impact of the establishment of Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) and the introduction of the euro on the monetary power of its member states. Taking into consideration continuing capitalist variety among national political economies of the Eurozone, I examine the implications of EMU for the macroeconomic autonomy of different national models capitalism. Drawing on a comparative capitalism perspective, it is argued that the Eurozone's coordinated market economies – Germany in particular – have gained much more from the introduction of the euro in terms of monetary power than the other models. This argument will be based on an analysis of two key dimensions of EMU's macroeconomic governance regime: (1) exchange rate policymaking; and (2) the management of balance-of-payments.
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MICLE, Ionel-Calin, Corina-Florina TĂTAR, Marcu Simion STAȘAC, Marius I. STUPARIU, Liviu BUCUR, Vasile GRAMA, Gyula NAGY, and Cezar MORAR. "PERSPECTIVES OVER THE ECONOMIC TRANSITION AND DEMOGRAPHIC AGING IN EASTERN EUROPE." Analele Universităţii din Oradea, Seria Geografie 32, no. 2 (December 30, 2022): 137–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.30892/auog.31322106-893.
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The countries of Eastern Europe represent a particular case from the demographic and economic point of view, as their demographic transition overlapped the economic development process. This represents a major challenge for the sustainability of their health and pension systems and has resulted in reforms and measures to support economic growth and increase the birth rate. Two categories of countries from Eastern Europe were analysed, Romania and Poland as representatives of the ex-Communist countries that joined the European Union and the Russian Federation as representative of the former Soviet Union. The Russian Federation experienced the most profound changes after 1990, being the only country in the Eastern bloc that is close to the generational replacement threshold, the only country with a positive migration balance, but also the only country with the lowest life expectancy.
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Jurušs, Māris, and Ģirts Feldbergs. "Management of Tax Payments Under the Definitive Value Added Tax Regime." Economics and Business 32, no. 1 (April 14, 2018): 65–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/eb-2018-0005.
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Abstract There is a large value added tax fraud in the European Union. The current value added tax system is universal as tax is applied to all parties involved in the chain transactions, thus creating a risk of tax losses if one of the parties involved in the chain transaction does not pay tax in good faith. There is the action plan to introduce the definitive value added tax to prevent tax fraud in intra-community transactions. However, in order to ensure normal value added tax administration in all member states, a number of measures are needed to be done. It is necessary to develop a mutual settlement mechanism in cases of intra-community transactions. The aim of this research is to develop a possible solution for the management of tax payments under the definitive value added tax regime. The results of the research show that to manage tax payments, several payment management systems can be used. However, as a solution, a special clearing system could be introduced. Quantitative research methods such as statistical methods were used in order to analyze the situation of tax fraud in EU and its main causes, as well as mathematical modeling methods to analyze the definitive VAT system and to calculate the balance between countries in an example for clearing mechanism.
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CHOI, WOOSEON. "Structural realism and Dulles's China policy." Review of International Studies 38, no. 1 (September 1, 2011): 119–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210511000477.
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AbstractThe Eisenhower administration's tough containment policy toward China has been conventionally viewed as an unsensible policy resulting from domestic political pressures or ideology. Refuting the conventional explanations, this article argues that during the early Cold War, the US superiority in bipolarity drove China to balance the United States in Asia. Dulles, the architect of the China policy, made accurate assessments of the power structure in Asia and the inevitable enmity with China. Driven by structural imperative, he decided to pursue containment to maintain the favourable balance of power in Asia by retarding the relative power growth of China allied with the Soviet Union and secondarily by accelerating their conflict through harder pressure on a weaker China. This case long considered as a prime anomaly to balance of power theory actually demonstrates how powerfully distributions of power shape alliance behaviours of states in the anarchic international system.