Journal articles on the topic 'Autonomy (Psychology) in old age Australia'

ABSTRACTAutonomy is a pervasive concept in Western lifestyles today. However, people in the fourth age are assumed not to be autonomous but dependent on other people. The data of this study consisted of interviews with Finnish community-dwelling 90–91-year-old people. The study aim was to examine how these people see their own autonomy in their everyday lives. The analysis was based on membership categorisation analysis. Our respondents considered their autonomy through three distinct themes. Functional ability was considered in terms of being physically capable of managing daily tasks. Independence in decision making was based on material and financial self-sufficiency and on the respondents' supposition that they were capable of making decisions due to an absence of memory disorders. Additionally, autonomy was considered as contesting norms of age-appropriateness. Among respondents, chronological age seemed to have been replaced by functional and cognitive ability as a definer of categorisations; age-others became ability-others. Our study revealed that the perceptions of autonomy also included gendered features as they were linked with differing gendered ideals, roles and life domains of women and men. The results highlight the internal diversity among the oldest old and challenge the third/fourth age division. Instead, they suggest the existence of a certain ‘grey area’ within old age, and urge an analysis on the subtle meaning making involved in older people's constructions of age-categorisations.

ABSTRACTBackground: Few studies have specifically examined mental health service delivery to persons aged over 84 years, often described as the “old” old. Our aim was to compare mental health service provision in Australia to persons aged 85 years and over with the “young” old and other age groups. We hypothesized that the “old” old would differ from the “young” old (65–84 years) by diagnostic category, rates of specialist psychiatric hospital admission, and use of Medicare funded psychiatric consultations in the community.Methods: Mental health service delivery data for 2001–02 to 2005–06 was obtained from Medicare Australia on consultant psychiatrist office-based, home visit and private hospital services subsidized by the national healthcare program and the National Hospital Morbidity database for separations (admitted episodes of patient care) from all public and most private hospitals in Australia on measures of age, gender, psychiatric diagnosis, location and type of psychiatric care.Results: Use of specialist psychiatric services in the community per annum per 1000 persons declined with age in men and women from 137.28 and 191.87 respectively in those aged 20–64 years to 11.84 and 14.76 respectively in those over 84 years. However, men and women over 84 years received psychiatric home visits at 377% and 472% respectively of the rates of persons under 65. The annual hospital separation rate per 1000 persons for specialist psychiatric care was lowest in those aged over 84 (3.98) but for inpatient non-specialized psychiatric care was highest in those over 84 (21.20). Depression was the most common diagnosis in specialized psychiatric hospitalization in those aged over 84 while organic disorders predominated in non-specialized care in each age group over 64 years with the highest rates in those aged over 84.Conclusion: Mental health service delivery to persons aged over 84 is distinctly different to that provided to other aged groups being largely provided in non-specialist hospital and residential settings.

ABSTRACTThe study investigated housing tenure as a factor moderating the effects of loneliness and socio-economic status (SES) on quality of life (control and autonomy, pleasure, and self-realisation) over a two-year period for older adults. Data from the 2010 and 2012 waves of the New Zealand Health, Work, and Retirement Study were analysed. Using case-control matching, for each tenant (N = 332) we selected a home-owner (N = 332) of the same age, gender, ethnicity, SES, working status and urban/rural residence. Structural equation modelling was employed to examine the impact of SES, housing tenure and loneliness on quality of life over time. Emotional loneliness exerted a significant negative main effect on control and autonomy and pleasure. Tenure and SES influenced control and autonomy, but not pleasure or self-realisation. Tenure moderated the effect of emotional loneliness on control and autonomy, with the negative effect of emotional loneliness weaker for home-owners compared to renters. Tenure moderated the effect of SES on control and autonomy, with the positive impact of SES stronger for home-owners. Findings suggest that owners capitalise on their material and financial resources more than tenants in terms of their quality of life. In addition, home-ownership can act as a protective factor against the harmful effects of emotional loneliness in old age.

Abstract. Health Psychology at the Freie Universität Berlin is devoted to research and teaching in the entire field of health psychology, including stress, coping, social support, self-efficacy, personality, quality of life, and health behavior change. In this article, we briefly describe one theory that represents our line of thinking (the Health Action Process Approach), followed by examples of longitudinal and experimental studies on health behavior change. A major finding is that interventions to improve physical activity, healthy nutrition, and dental hygiene are most effective when matched to three stages of change. Moreover, we address the field of health self-regulation across the life span: We are involved in the consortium Autonomy Despite Multimorbidity in Old Age (AMA), co-investigating the project Health Behaviors and Multiple Illnesses in Old Age (PREFER), and we are the home institution of the project Fostering Lifelong Autonomy and Resources in Europe: Behaviour and Successful Aging (FLARE-BSA).

This study investigates whether attachment quality at ages 1, 6 and 16 is related to autonomy and relatedness behavior in adolescence. In a follow-up of the Regensburg Longitudinal Study, forty-three 16-year-old adolescents and their mothers were assessed in a revealed differences task and a planning a vacation task. Attachment was assessed during infancy using the Ainsworth Strange Situation and at age six with the reunion procedure. Adolescent attachment representation was assessed using the Adult Attachment Interview. Results provided no evidence for significant continuity between infant or childhood attachment behavior and adolescent attachment representation. Instability of attachment organization, however, was linked to a higher number of experienced risk factors. Substantial relations between adolescent attachment representation and adolescent autonomy and relatedness behavior were found in both interaction tasks with their mothers. Further, significant relations between attachment qualities at ages 1 and 6 and adolescent interaction behavior during the planning a vacation task at age 16 were found. Thus, independent of attachment stability or instability, both early attachment in infancy and childhood and concurrent attachment representation were significantly related to autonomy and relatedness behavior in adolescence.

ABSTRACTSecond couplehood in old age is a growing phenomenon alongside increases in life expectancy. Lately, a shift has occurred in that individual diversity of ageing is perceived to depend on the physical and social contexts in which older persons experience change. Thus, the purpose of the study on which this paper reports was to examine second couplehood in the context of old age and old age in the context of second couplehood using an existential-phenomenological theoretical orientation. Twenty couples were recruited using criterion-sampling: men aged 65+ and women aged 60+, with children and grandchildren from a lifelong marriage that had ended in widowhood or divorce, living in second couplehood – married or not – in separate houses or co-habitating. Forty individual semi-structured interviews were tape-recorded, transcribed verbatim and analysed according to phenomenological tradition. Five sub-themes emerged, demonstrating couplehood and old age intertwining: (a) enjoying life while still possible; (b) living with health-related issues; (c) relationships with adult children: autonomy versus dependency; (d) loneliness: living as a couple is better than living alone; (e) self-image: feeling young–feeling old. Findings support the existence of positive and negative aspects of old age. Our discussion suggests the need to replace perceptions of old age as either a negative burden or a positive asset towards a period of balancing between gains and losses. Furthermore, we acknowledge the role of second couplehood in older peoples’ wellbeing on the personal–micro level through love, the familial–mezzo level through care-giving and the social–macro level by reducing prejudice.

Gender stereotypes of typical and optimal, mentally healthy aging were examined with sixty-year-old and seventy-five-year-old women, men and gender-unspecified older people as target persons. Respondents were young adult individuals ( N = 232) and their older adult relatives/acquaintances ( N = 233). Perceptions of typical aging varied depending on the age of the respondent, the target gender and the target age. Gender stereotypes were more pronounced than age stereotypes: respondents described same-gender targets more similarly than same-age targets. Older women were rated higher on dimensions related to nurturance while older men were rated higher on intellectual competence and autonomy. Perceptions of optimal aging were not found to be affected by the gender of the respondent or target. Views of optimal aging, however, were influenced by respondent and target age. These findings suggest a double standard of aging for typical but not for optimal aging.

With a sentence completion technique, 708 elderly participants (64 to 90 years of age) expressed 15,020 personal aspirations. These goals were classified according to their motivational content in ten major categories and their relationships with different sociodemographic variables were studied. Two goal profiles emerge from this analysis. Aspirations centered on self-preservation are associated with very old age, functional impairment, lower S.E.S. and education, being alone or institutionalized. Aspirations of self-development and interpersonal relationships are associated with younger age, physical autonomy, higher S.E.S. and education, being married or living at home. Development of meaningful personal goals are discussed as a mean of intervention with elderly individuals.

Subjective health is known to predict later outcomes, including survival. However, less is known about subjective health changes across adulthood, how personality moderates those changes, and whether such associations differ with age. We applied growth models to 10 waves of data from the Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia Survey (HILDA, N = 7,172; median ages 20–93) to examine age-related differences in trajectories of subjective physical and mental health. On average, perceptions of physical health declined with increasing steepness in old age, whereas self-rated mental health remained relatively stable across all ages. Higher neuroticism and lower extraversion and conscientiousness were each related to less successful aging. The health implications of personality did not differ by age for physical health, but were weaker for mental health in old age. We discuss implications of our results for accelerated longitudinal designs and consider avenues for future more mechanism-oriented research.

The purpose of this study was to explore whether routine child disclosure to parents was longitudinally related to adolescent prosocial and delinquent outcomes via the parent–child relationship (parental knowledge, parental autonomy granting, and parental warmth/support). The participants included 463 adolescents (48% male, 73% European American, 37% single parent families) and their mothers and fathers who completed questionnaires across three waves from early to late adolescence ( M age of adolescent at Time 1 = 13 years old, Time 3 = 17 years old). The results showed that routine child disclosure was longitudinally associated with prosocial behavior toward family via greater parental warmth. Child disclosure was negatively related to delinquency via parental knowledge. Implications regarding the role of child disclosure on the parent–child relationship and the development of adolescent behavior are discussed.

Thirty-seven Surinam-Dutch lower-class families with a one-year-old child participated in "Instapje", a parent-focused home-based intervention programme. The intervention was devised to improve quality of parental support to the child on four behavioural dimensions: supportive presence, respect for the child's autonomy, structure and limit setting, and quality of instruction. The programme was presented to the parents in 16 weekly home-visits, starting when the child was 13 months old. When the children were 18 months of age, intervention group parents were indeed significantly more supportive of their children than parents in a comparable control group of 38 Surinam-Dutch families. Moreover, intervention group children scored significantly higher on the Bayley Mental Scale of Infant Development than children in the control group. No intervention effects were found on quality of the parent-child relationship and on parents' sense of competence in child rearing.

Introduction: The measurement of quality of life is an increasingly important issue, particularly in regard to treatment of severe and chronic diseases. The aim of this pilot study was to assess potentially divergent profiles of quality of life in persons with two different pathologies: moderate dementia and cancer. Method: This pilot study was carried out in the neurology and cancer services of the medical school in Montpellier, France (Hôpital Gui de Chaulliac and CRLC Val d'Aurelle). The cumulative self-reporting test WHOQOL 100 (World Health Organization Quality of Life with 100 questions) was administered in 57 patients with either moderate senile dementia (27 cases with a Mini-Mental State Examination score > 15; mean age of 73) or cancer (30 cases, mainly women with breast cancer; mean age of 53). The stability of responses was tested in a 2-week period. Results: Results of the study showed clear and significant differences between the two groups in the domains of mobility and psychology. Further, eight questions and six facets with a significant difference in responses were found. Responses seemed more stable in the domains of autonomy, social relationship, and religion for the cancer group, and in autonomy and psychology for the dementia group. The age difference may be an important factor in the different quality of life measured but did not significantly influence responses to the test questions. Conclusion: The WHOQOL 100 seems a powerful instrument to assess quality of life in diseases such as cancer and moderate dementia. In this study, interesting differences in responses to the test questions between the two pathologic conditions were identified. Items that were unreliable on retesting are singled out. These results will be applied and reevaluated in the development of future, illness-specific and shorter versions of the WHOQOL 100.

ABSTRACTThis paper considers developments in long-term care that are increasingly focused around the individual. Recent decades have seen massive changes in the way that care is understood and provided. Yet in Australia, as in Europe, North America and Asia, we are still a long way from a stable state of agreed services and provisions. Emphasising the social theory behind the shift, it is argued that understanding the individualisation of care cannot be reduced to a simple dichotomy of good or bad. Individualised care promises much, but the concept is applied to a wide range of phenomena, often in ways that conceal rather than reveal the character of the transactions involved. For individualisation to become meaningful it must be developed as a condition of recognition that is equally applicable to those who provide and those who depend on care. It is also important to distinguish individualised care finance arrangements from real attainments in the practice of providing care. These distinctions are necessary if we are to distinguish its use as an ideological justification for welfare cutbacks and the restructuring of care provisions as markets from the liberating potential that the approach can present when care practices are more truly based around the recognition of the individuals concerned: those who receive and depend on assistance as well as those who provide it.

ABSTRACTThis paper presents a critique of both the concept of age equality and of the limited scope it offers as a means for challenging old-age prejudice. The equality constructs that feature in anti-ageism initiatives and in current discourses on intergenerational equity have proved susceptible to political and ideological manipulation, which has led to the illegitimate dissociation of ageism from older age and promoted damaging notions of age equivalence. The consequence has been that old-age prejudice has been de-prioritised, and older people have been de-legitimised socially and as a welfare constituency. The corrective is best sought outside the confines of age equality frameworks, although legal remedies may play a useful role if human dignity is incorporated as an equality criterion. This paper also assesses other approaches to tackling old-age prejudice that avoid the constraints of equality constructs and engage more firmly with its roots. The notion of the ‘third age’ with new social roles merits reconsideration as an affordable alternative to current policies of work obligation and pension retrenchment. Radical interventions in the labour market in favour of older people may also be needed. Age activism and advocacy will increasingly influence policy on prejudice and well-being in older age, but changed emphases are needed, as from defensive strategies and the ideologies of generational interdependence and solidarity, towards the promotion of organisational, financial and social autonomy in older age.

Individuals experience loneliness when they perceive a deficiency in the quality or quantity of their social relationships. In the present meta-analysis, we compiled data from 75 longitudinal studies conducted in Asia, Australia, Europe, and North America ( N = 83, 679) to examine the rank-order and mean-level development of loneliness across the life span. Data were analyzed using two- and three-level meta-analyses and generalized additive mixed models. The results indicate that the rank order of loneliness is as stable as the rank order of personality traits and follows an inverted U-shaped trajectory across the life span. Regarding mean-level development, loneliness was found to decrease throughout childhood and to remain essentially stable from adolescence to oldest old age. Thus, in contrast to other personality characteristics, changes in loneliness are not generally related to age. Implications for theory are discussed.

Previous approaches to the study of successful ageing are reviewed. It is argued that there has been an absence of theory guiding this research; an implicit negativism in the proposed conceptions of well-being; a neglect of the possibility for continued growth and development in old age; and a failure to see conceptions of positive ageing as human constructions that are open to cultural variations and historical change. An alternative approach that draws on the convergence in life-span developmental theories, clinical theories of personal growth, and mental health perspectives is presented. Six criteria of well-being result from this integration: self-acceptance, positive relations with others, autonomy, environmental mastery, purpose in life, and personal growth. These dimensions are defined and their relevance for the study of adulthood and ageing is discussed. New avenues for investigating successful ageing as a human construction are presented with emphasis given to the complementarity between quantitative and qualitative research strategies.

ABSTRACTThe Sociology and Social Policy Research Unit of the Berlin Aging Study focuses on four substantive areas: (1) life course antecedents and generational experiences, (2) later phases of the family life course, (3) action resources and social participation, and (4) economic situations and the provision of care. This paper reports results on the relationship between social and economic inequality and differential ageing, using the BASE multidisciplinary Intake Assessment (N = 360). The socio-economic position of older people is measured along three dimensions: economic resources, social status and prestige, and cultural status. Several ageing outcomes are considered, including functional physical health, cognitive functioning and mental health, overall subjective well-being, social autonomy and dependency. First, we show that old people as a group are neither socially nor economically homogeneous: very old women possess unusually low economic resources; and cohort differences in educational attainment are carried into old age. Second, cognitive functioning and mental health are positively correlated with socio-economic resources, while functional physical health is not. For women, socio-economic resources slightly affect overall subjective well-being, and are linked to the likelihood of living in a nursing home. We speculate that the wide availability of compulsory health insurance reduces social differentials in physical health and that these inequalities may determine who survives into old age.

Centenarians born 1887–91, who lived in southern Sweden were asked to participate in this multidisciplinary study ( N = 164). Of the survivors ( N = 143), 70 percent agreed ( N = 100). The purpose was to describe the population from physical, social, and psychological points of view; to characterize centenarians with various health conditions and diverse degrees of autonomy and life satisfaction; and to identify factors at 100 years that predict future survival. Results: Eighty-two percent were women, 25 percent lived in their own home, 37 percent in old age homes, and 38 percent in nursing homes. Socioeconomic status showed a similar distribution compared to nationally representative data. Fifty-two percent managed activities of daily living with or without minor assistance. The incidence of severe diseases was low. In 39 percent a disorder of the circulatory system was found. Thirty-nine percent (women) and 11 percent (men) had had at least one hip fracture. Twenty percent had good hearing and good vision. Twenty-seven percent were demented according to DSM III-R criteria. Means on cognitive tests (word-list, digit-span, learning, and memory) were lower compared to seventy to eighty year old groups. The variation in performance was extremely widespread. Personality profiles (MMPI) indicated that the centenarians were more responsible, capable, easygoing and less prone to anxiety than the population in general. Extensive neuropathological investigation revealed no major diseases or large lesions but mild though multiple changes. Results suggest that centenarians are a special group genetically. A causal structure model emphasized body constitution, marital status, cognition and blood pressure as particularly important determinants for survival after 100 years.

The experience of retirement and old age of two cohorts of the residents of Paris, born successively around 1907 and 1921, have been studied through prospective longitudinal studies, each of which comprised several waves of interviews. The two cohorts were first interviewed as they approached retirement and old age, in respectively 1972 and 1984. Moulded by the strong contemporaneous social change, the principal life experiences of the two cohorts have been quite different – from the social and geographic settings of their birth, their childhood and education, through their occupations and career advancement, parenting and family lives, housing conditions and residential mobility, earned incomes and pensions, longevity, and utilisation of medical care. Above all, their long lives have been strongly conditioned by rapid and radical socio-economic changes, particularly in the occupational structure, the rising standard of living, and improvements in urban housing standards, social protection, personal services and average life span. In contrast to their rising material standards, the cohorts have faced the gradual spread of less sympathetic attitudes towards older people, particularly those who lose their autonomy. As the number of people in advanced old age has relentlessly increased, they have in several respects become more distant from the rest of society. Maintaining the continued ‘inclusion’ and full citizenship of frail older people is not only a growing moral and practical problem, but also a major political problem in a democracy.

Old age psychiatrists are often called upon to give expert evidence in challenges of testamentary capacity. The nineteenth-century English case, Banks v. Goodfellow (1870) remains the hallmark case for defining the criteria for testamentary capacity in Australia and other Common Law countries. However, a need to go beyond the traditional Banks and Goodfellow criteria for defining testamentary capacity (i.e. (i) understanding of the nature of a will; (ii) knowledge of the nature and extent of one's assets; (iii) being able to recall and understand the claims of potential heirs; (iv) being free of delusions or hallucinations that influence one's testamentary decisions) has been identified recently in the international literature (Shulman et al., 2005). Recent court rulings in Australia which have acknowledged the differences between the nineteenth-century context and today are therefore of international interest, as are recently adapted guidelines for clinicians asked to assess capacity.

Objective: This research aimed to examine the impact of attention deficit disorder (ADD)/ADHD in children on parental labor force participation across different child age groups. Method: This study utilized a longitudinal, quantitative analyses approach. All data were collected from Wave 6 of the Growing Up in Australia: The Longitudinal Study of Australian Children (LSAC) survey. Results: After adjusting for various confounders, mothers whose children were 10/11 years old and had been diagnosed with ADD/ADHD were significantly more likely to be out of the labor force compared with those mothers whose child had not been diagnosed with ADD/ADHD. The impact was more pronounced for single mothers. No significant influence on paternal labor force participation was found. Conclusion: In assessing the cost-effectiveness of interventions for ADD/ADHD, policy makers and researchers must consider the long-term social and economic effects of ADD/ADHD on maternal workforce participation when considering costs and outcomes.

This paper focuses on the circumstances of death and dying in old age. It considers the ways in which social policies and social gerontology reflect the values of independence, autonomy and citizenship, and it considers the implication of these values for older people who are dependent on others for care and support at the end-of-life. It discusses the complexity of the relationship between ageing and dying, by exploring recent research from the fields of social gerontology and the sociology of death and dying. Arguing that a long-term perspective is required to understand fully the circumstances of older people's deaths, it analyses the third age/fourth age dichotomy as a conceptual model. The task of developing knowledge about the links between ageing and dying requires consideration of moral and ethical principles. The article examines the conceptual frameworks developed by feminists who argue for an ethics of care as a central analytic referent in social policy. The feminist ethics-of-care approach provides a powerful critique of the moral framework of independence and autonomy as characterised in contemporary policies and practices. Feminist ethicists argue that the inter-relatedness of human beings and the importance of the social context have been overlooked in the preoccupation with individual rights – as reflected more generally in policies and social life. It is argued in the paper that the need for care at the end-of-life highlights these shortcomings. The feminist ethics of care has considerable potential to illuminate our understanding of dependency and care, and to generate both new approaches to policy and practice in health and social care and theoretical perspectives in gerontology.

AbstractThe Bayley Scales of Infant and Toddler Development, Third Edition (Bayley-III) is a standardised assessment used to assess the developmental functioning of infants and young children from 1 month to 42 months of age (Bayley, 2006a). The Bayley scales are recognised internationally as one of the most comprehensive developmental assessment instruments (Sattler & Hoge, 2006) used to examine the major facets of a young child's development (Bayley, 2006a). The primary purpose of the Bayley-III is to identify children with developmental delay and to provide information for intervention implementation (Bayley, 2006a). The domains of early development covered increased from two to five including cognition, language, motor, social-emotional and adaptive behaviour with the publication of the third edition (Bayley, 2006a). While the original Bayley scales were predominately used by psychologists, publication of later editions led to accredited use, within the Australian and New Zealand context, by developmental paediatricians, occupational therapists, physiotherapists and speech pathologists (Bayley, 1969; Bayley 1992; Pearson Clinical and Talent Assessment, 2009). Although the Bayley-III is more comprehensive and a broader range of professionals now use the scales little is known about the clinical application. The current study aimed to explore the use of the Bayley-III in practice and views on the current US norms. An online survey was conducted and the findings revealed that the majority of respondents were interested in Australian local norms; the predominant age range assessed was the 24- to 42-month-old group and the most common clinical group seen and assessed was children presenting with global developmental delay. While the majority of the respondents used the Bayley-III approximately once a month or more, at least one third used it less often. However anticipated use over the next 12 months indicated a notable increase from 30% currently using it once or twice weekly up to 65%.

Background: People with behavioral and psychological symptoms of dementia (BPSD) are often prescribed psychotropic medications. There is little evidence that one class of medication is more effective and safer than another and so expert opinion plays an important role in shaping local practice. In an earlier U.S. survey of psychiatrists and neurologists, limited consensus emerged regarding the pharmacological management of BPSD. We repeated this study to check consensus levels in Australia and New Zealand, following the introduction of newer atypical neuroleptics, antidepressants and cholinesterase inhibitors, and to identify areas where drug trials will be of greatest benefit.Methods: A brief structured survey, similar to one used in the U.S.A., was posted to a random sample of members of the Australian and New Zealand Faculty of Psychiatry of Old Age.Results: We received 106 replies (71% response). Respondents, who had 14 years' experience on average, rated atypical neuroleptics as their treatment of choice for dementia complicated by psychosis, verbal aggression, physical aggression, sundowning and persistent yelling. Opinions varied widely regarding the management of other symptoms and the role of second-line treatments.Conclusion: Atypical neuroleptics were preferred by most respondents for treatment of most BPSD. These views, while based on considerable clinical experience, have only limited backing from published reports, and head-to-head studies of available treatments are required to ensure that clinical practice has scientific support.

Background. This study used self-determination theory to examine the intergenerational continuity of the social situation of development with a focus on what determines a woman’s basic psychological need support for her child. Objective. To assess the relationship between the basic need support a woman received from her own mother, the woman’s basic need support toward her own child, and the quality of the woman-child interaction. Design. The scales, “Parent-child interaction” and “Basic Psychological Needs,” were administered. Eighty-seven women (29-40 years old) with children age 4-5 years assessed the basic need support provided for them by their mother in childhood and at present, and her estimate of the basic need support she herself provides to her own child. Analyses included descriptive statistics, Wilcoxon signed-rank tests, factor analysis, and multiple linear regression. Results. The ratio of levels of basic need support demonstrated continuity across generations. Intergenerational continuity in the child’s basic need support mainly concerns the needs for competence and relatedness: the more they were supported in childhood and are now supported by the woman’s mother, the more the woman supports them in her own child today. Such continuity was not found for autonomy support. A woman’s own basic need support by her mother, in childhood and currently, and the woman’s provision of basic need support for her child predicted most of the woman-child interaction parameters. Conclusion. Intergenerational continuity with respect to provision of basic need support was shown. The woman-child interaction was predicted by basic need support across intergenerational relations.

ABSTRACTObjectives:The DSM-5 describes personality disorders (PDs) as emerging in early life and remaining continuous throughout the life-span. Yet case studies and expert opinion support the existence of late-onset PDs. Little is known about PDs in late life, and our instruments for assessing them are not well validated. Thus, the focus of this exploratory Delphi study was the late-onset PD, with special attention to the accuracy of the core criteria for the diagnosis.Design:A Delphi study was designed to assess the presentation of PDs in late life. The Delphi consisted of three successive rounds of inquiry. Between rounds, the participants were provided with a summary of the panel’s responses.Participants:A panel of 21 experts included published authors, researchers, and teachers from the USA, the UK, Australia, France, Belgium, and the Netherlands.Measurements:Researchers designed a survey that included an introduction, a demographic questionnaire, and five questions that varied in presentation and response format.Results:Experts reached consensus that a variant of PD appears de novo in old age. The core features of inflexibility and pervasiveness may not pertain to late-onset PD. There was agreement that frequently occurring life events contribute selectively to the expression of late-onset PD, with the major ones being death of a spouse or partner and transition to a nursing or assisted-living facility.Conclusions:Nearly all participants took the position that PD can present for the first time in old age and be clinically identifiable without having been so identified earlier in life.

One hundred and six families of 2-year-old children, having experienced either family day care or centre-based day care, took part in this study. Parents’ and day care providers’ representations and values concerning their ideal definition of child care were assessed, and direct observations of child care settings conducted, using a time-sampling procedure. The instruments concerning both representations and observations have a seven dimension structure: caregiver availability, stimulation, firmness, warmth, autonomy, achievement, and organisation. When children were 3 years of age, the families were contacted again (16% drop out) for an evaluation of various outcomes: parental reports of child behaviour problems (CBCL) and egoresiliency (CCQ), assessments of child developmental quotient (McCarthy), and of attachment representations (ASCT). The day care variables (care providers’ representations and observed variables of the setting), unexpectedly explained the variance of the dependent variables (especially behaviour problems) more than the corresponding parental variables. These results contrast with other studies in the field. Apparently, they can be attributed to the relatively wide span of dimensions, as well as to the variety of child care settings considered. Non-parental and parental care had some selective effects on the different dependent variables. The effects of representations were globally stronger than those of observed characteristics. These data point to the importance of child care quality, emphasise the idea that quality is multidimensional, and stress the significance of caregivers’ representations and values.

Knowledge about some of the rarer causes of dementia is now quite advanced (Lautenschlager and Martins, 2005), which can in turn inform other more common causes of dementia. Such is the case with the monogenic disorder of Huntington's disease (HD) when compared to, say, Alzheimer's disease (AD). HD is an autosomal dominant hereditary neurodegenerative disease, which involves the basal ganglia, its connections to the frontal lobe and related neural circuits. The onset of HD is typically in mid-life (but onset can range from childhood to old age), with motor, cognitive and neuropsychiatric symptoms. There is currently no cure for this devastating and inevitably fatal neurodegenerative disease, with current treatment approaches being solely symptomatic. The highest frequencies of HD are found in Europe and in those countries whose populations are of predominately European origin such as the USA and Australia (approximately 1 case per 10,000 people).

Indigenous peoples represent up to 5% of the world's population (almost 400 million people), representing thousands of individual cultures and language groups. The health status of older Indigenous peoples has been little researched, partly related to lower life expectancy and the consideration that Indigenous peoples do not live long enough to experience the common “geriatric syndromes” such as dementia, frailty, and falls. Statistics from Australia and Canada now report that Indigenous populations are undergoing rapid aging, with many examples of survivorship to old age (Arkleset al., 2010; Jacklinet al., 2012). The systematic review by Warrenet al. (2015) is a timely one, in that it reminds clinicians interested in old age that this “fourth” World population deserves further attention. Researchers that have worked with these groups to produce population estimates are relatively few. In their systematic review, Warrenet al.(2015) demonstrate wide variation in prevalence rates of dementia. They conclude that a major cause of this heterogeneity in prevalence is due to basic methodological differences. In particular, those studies that have utilized already acquired routine data may be biased. The type and direction of this bias can be complex. For example, Cotteret al.(2012) using routinely collected data, concluded that the prevalence of dementia in Aboriginal Australians in the Northern Territory was not higher than non-Aboriginal prevalence. Using similar methodologies some years later the conclusion was that the Aboriginal population had markedly higher rates (Liet al., 2014). In the intervening period, a dementia awareness campaign coupled with the development of a culturally appropriate screening tool probably resulted in greater detection in routine care.

AbstractSignificant risk factors for Covid-19 infection include old age ,somatic illnesses as well as psychiatric and neurological illnesses such as dementia and schizophrenia .This lecture reviews the specific case of measures and considerations that were used to protect elderly holocaust survivors with severe mental illness or dementia, in Israel. We had to protect our residents from the virus, yet preserve certain autonomy.In addition this lecture reviews global aspects of nursing homes struggle during the pandemic as reflected in various periods (at beginning in march 2020, during various waves and after vaccinations). During the pandemic 100 holocaust survivors were monitored and protected in their long term residence at Lev-Hasharon mental health center, Israel with variety of measures such as recurrent PCR tests to inpatients and staff, isolation during fever and after emergency department visits etc. The features of caregivers visits changed in time. The safety measures that were taken in our nursing home and around the world is reviewed as well as the demand for preserving the autonomy and rights of the tenants.At the beginning families could not visit at all and virtual contacts were maintained in patients that could communicate. After the first wave a "drive in" method was carried out, families communicated with their relatives from a car.During the second wave of the virus in Israel (September 2020), an outbreak spread in our residence. 14 patients tested positive for COVID19, all suffering from dementia or schizophrenia. They were immediately placed in quarantine in Corona departments in other geriatric and general hospitals. All patients came back after recovering, small part of them regressed.As the pandemic continued we allowed visits with social distance and masks that were monitored by the staff. After vaccinations we allowed families to be with the elderly patients in the open yard without staff inspection. Four patients were infected during the third wave, although they were immunized.We had to consider every step of the way protection versus some autonomy to our patients and families and weigh creative ways to do this.

This paper discusses the informal and formal provision of help and support to older people from a comparative welfare state perspective, with particular reference to the relationships between inter-generational family help and welfare state support. While the ‘substitution’ hypothesis states that the generous provision of welfare state services in support of older people ‘crowds out’ family help, the ‘encouragement’ hypothesis predicts a stimulation of family help, and the ‘mixed responsibility’ hypothesis predicts a combination of family and formal help and support. The paper reports findings from the Old Age and Autonomy: The Role of Service Systems and Inter-generational Family Solidarity (OASIS) research project. This created a unique age-stratified sample of 6,106 people aged 25–102 years from the urban populations of Norway, England, Germany, Spain and Israel. The analyses show that the total quantity of help received by older people is greater in welfare states with a strong infrastructure of formal services. Moreover, when measures of the social structure, support preferences and familial opportunity structures were controlled, no evidence of a substantial ‘crowding out’ of family help was found. The results support the hypothesis of ‘mixed responsibility’, and suggest that in societies with well-developed service infrastructures, help from families and welfare state services act accumulatively, but that in familistic welfare regimes, similar combinations do not occur.

AbstractObjective:Age-based screening tools and assessment measures are crucial to the provision of best practice care for adolescent and young adult (AYA) cancer patients. Unfortunately, there are limited psychosocial tools developed for this age group and pediatric or adult measures are often distributed with the assumption that they are “close enough.” We describe a collaborative Australian project that strives to improve what currently exists for the psychosocial assessment of and planning for the 15–25-year-old age group.Method:Using the National Comprehensive Cancer Network's Distress Thermometer and the HEADSS Assessment as a foundation, the tools were developed in consultation with Australia's leading AYA clinicians, AYAs currently undergoing medical treatment, and a group of AYA survivors through a process of discussion groups and clinical interviews.Results:The result is the first available AYA-specific screening tool, care plan pro forma, and psychosocial assessment measure developed for use within the oncology sector. These new tools will assist clinicians working with this population group to support psychosocial coping during active treatment and promote healthy post-treatment survivorship.Significance of results:Over time, further validation procedures will add to the veracity of the measures. Until then, these measures represent the best available in Australia. They highlight a clinically recognized minimum standard of care that all young cancer patients, regardless of treatment location, have the right to receive.

Between the mid 1940's and the mid 1980's psychology, guidance and counselling services were established and rapidly expanded within Australian state departments of education. This occurred in a socio-political context where the values of social justice and concern for the disadvantaged were regarded as important by communities looking to governments to reflect these values through appropriate policies and programs. Since then a distinct change has occurred. Economic Rationalism and the move to greater school autonomy has led to the abandonment of central structures and centralised training that supported professional psychological services in schools. Schools increasingly will be expected to “buy in” contracted services as perceived needs arise. The resulting deprof essionalisation, whilst shared at this time by psychologists in other agencies, is particularly threatening in the case of school psychology. By destroying continuity of service and the possibilities of building of long-term relationships, it will reduce opportunities to initiate those school-wide initiatives that can maximise the impact of case work. The authors are of the view that, given the prevailing ideology, governments will persist in ridding themselves of responsibility and the expense of providing psychological and counselling services to school communities. At the same time information from principals suggests that schools' will find it difficult to afford these services from their limited global budgets, despite urgent and growing need for more, not less school-based support for teachers, students and parents. As a profession we must look to old and new models of service delivery and devise practical ways of providing cost-effective, equitable and high quality services to schools. This paper attempts to bring forward the issue as one for urgent debate and planning by our professional associations. Rather than let the profession wither away or end up providing services for the wealthy only, we must take action ourselves to see that it not only survives, but thrives. ( In this paper, the terms guidance officer, school counsellor and school psychologist are used as if they are interchangeable. The reason is that education departments around Australia use different names for those of their student support workers who have qualifications in education, psychology and counselling.)

Background:Pain is poorly identified in dementia due to complete or partial loss in communication, which is associated with progressive cognitive impairment. If it goes untreated, pain can lead to behavioral disturbances (e.g., agitation/aggression), delirium, inappropriate pharmacotherapy (e.g., psychotropics), hospitalizations and caregiver distress. There are limited prevalence data in the literature on pain in dementia subtypes.Objective:This study aims to investigate the prevalence and intensity of pain in various dementia subtypes in aged care residents living with dementia (RLWD), using a technology-driven pain assessment tool.Methods:A 1-year retrospective cross-sectional study was conducted on the presence and intensity of pain in referrals to Dementia Support Australia from residential aged care homes (RACHs), using PainChek®. PainChek® is a pain assessment tool that uses artificial intelligence algorithms (e.g., automated facial recognition and analysis) to identify facial expressions indicative of pain in conjunction with other digital checklists of pain behaviors such as vocalization and movement cues. Presence and intensity of pain were identified using PainChek® categories (scores): no pain (0-6), mild pain (7-11), moderate pain (12-15) and severe pain (16-42).Results:During the study period (01/11/2017-31/10/2018), a sample of 479 referrals (age: 81.9 ± 8.3 years old; 55.5% female) from 370 RACHs with Alzheimer’s disease (AD; 40.9%), vascular dementia (VaD; 12.7%), mixed dementia (MD; 5.9%), dementia with Lewy body (DLB; 2.9%), and frontotemporal dementia (FTD; 2.3%) were examined. Pain was prevalent in two-thirds (65.6%) of the referrals with almost half (48.4%) of these categorized as experiencing moderate-severe pain. MD and those with DLB (78.6% each) shared the highest prevalence of pain, followed by AD (64.3%) > VaD (62.3%) > FTD (54.6%). Prevalence of severe pain was as follow: MD (17.9%) > AD (12.3%) > VaD (11.5%) > FTD (9.1%) > DLB (7.1%).Conclusion:To date, this is the largest study that presented data on pain prevalence and intensity in major dementia subtypes in the RACH setting. Moderate-severe pain is highly prevalent in RLWD, which appears to differ by dementia subtypes. This may reveal the impact of neuropathological etiology of those subtypes on the neurobiology of pain.Word count:344 words

The goal of this study was to explore the concepts of successful ageing held by elderly people in Taiwan. Data were obtained from the Successful Ageing of the Elderly in Taiwan survey of 2004. The sample was drawn from the population aged 65 or more years in one county in Taiwan by probability proportional-to-size sampling. The participants were asked: ‘What do you think are the essential components of an ideal and satisfactory life in old age?’ They were also asked to score the relative importance of 23 ‘successful ageing’ concepts. The replies to the initial open-ended question were grouped in six categories: physical health and independence, economic security, family and social support, engagement with life, spiritual well-being, and environment and social welfare policy. The most highly rated ‘successful ageing’ concepts were physical health, independence, living without chronic disease, living with family, and receiving emotional care. All the responses were subjected to a factor analysis, and five factors accounted for 58.7 per cent of the variance: family and social support, mastery over life, health, enjoyment of life, and autonomy. It is concluded that elderly people in Taiwan most value health and independence, and also place considerable importance on economic security and family support, which they see as inter-related. Many are also concerned about the social environment and social policy, indicating that their awareness of and participation in socio-political debates affects their quality of life.

Abstract Background: Lymphoma in pregnancy is a rare and challenging diagnosis that complicates approximately 1:6000 pregnancies. Diagnostic delay occurs frequently, as lymphoma-related symptoms may be mistakenly attributed to the pregnancy itself, and diagnostic investigations postponed or omitted. Lymphoma in pregnancy poses a series of unique therapeutic, social, and ethical challenges to the patient, her family, and the medical professionals involved. This is largely due to a paucity of published management guidelines, with current evidence based on modest case series and expert opinion. In this study we endeavoured to understand women's lived experiences during this challenging time. We performed semi-structured interviews with women previously treated for lymphoma in pregnancy, to identify both gaps in care delivery and valued interventions with the aim of informing future models of care. Methods: We retrospectively identified patients from twelve sites in Australia and New Zealand aged ≥18 years of age diagnosed with Hodgkin (HL) or non-Hodgkin lymphoma (NHL) during pregnancy or within 12 months postpartum, between 1 January 2009 and 31 December 2020. Baseline demographic characteristics, treatment details, and outcomes were collected, and semi-structured interviews were conducted via telephone with those who provided informed consent. Thematic analysis was performed using QSR Int NVivo 12 Pro (March 2020, USA) to quantify salient themes. The initial 5 transcripts were independently coded by two investigators who then reached a consensus on pre-determined codes. These codes were applied to the rest of the transcripts by one coder. The frequency of pre-determined themes was determined via descriptive statistics. Results: A total of 29 women were interviewed. Baseline demographic characteristics are documented in Table 1. The majority were diagnosed during pregnancy (14%, 28% and 17% in the 1 st, 2 nd and 3rd trimesters respectively), while 41% were diagnosed post-partum. HL was the most frequent diagnosis (48%) followed by diffuse large B cell lymphoma and primary mediastinal lymphoma (14% each). More than 90% of women received chemotherapy with 28% receiving combined modality chemoradiotherapy. Sixty-nine percent commenced chemotherapy during pregnancy (17%, 28% and 14% in the 1 st, 2 nd and 3rd trimesters respectively) and 41% commencing postpartum. In the 28% of patients who received radiotherapy, this was administered post-partum. A summary of themes identified and their frequency across the 29 transcripts are shown in Figures 1-3. Diagnostic delay attributed to pregnancy was reported by 41%. 21% of the women reported fatigue, breathlessness, weight change and musculoskeletal pain, which they felt healthcare practitioners found difficult to interpret in the context of pregnancy/postpartum period. Women recalled that their chief concerns at diagnosis were the welfare of their unborn child (41%) and a fear of dying (27%). Over half of the women (55%) reported perceived communication breakdown between health practitioners and patients. They also felt there was a lack of sensitivity in discussions around fertility preservation (45%), teratogenicity of treatment (31%), termination of pregnancy (14%) and cessation of breast-feeding (14%). Valued interventions included financial/logistic assistance from charity organisations (48%), a personal support network (45%), clinical psychology referral (31%) and emergency childcare (10%). Patients also found shared patient experiences (31%) and support groups (17%) beneficial in their treatment journey. Conclusion: To our knowledge this is the first report capturing the lived experiences of survivors of lymphoma during pregnancy. This provides us a unique opportunity to consider our management, psychosocial supports, and delivery of care to meet the needs of these women. Areas for development in future care models include increased patient advocacy, educational materials, economic, psychosocial, and childcare supports. Above all, there is scope for improved, tailored communication between health practitioners and patients, with sensitivity around embryotoxicity, pregnancy termination and adverse outcomes to foster autonomy, build trust and improve maternal wellbeing. Figure 1 Figure 1. Disclosures Greenwood: Jazz Pharmaceuticals: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Servier: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Research Funding; Pfizer: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Amgen: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Research Funding. Gangatharan: Astrazeneca: Other: Educational Conference Funding. Hamad: Novartis: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Speakers Bureau.

Our thesis is that the city’s ambience is now an unstable dialectic in which we are watchers and watched, mirrored and refracted in a landscape of iPhone auteurs, eTags, CCTV and sousveillance. Embrace ambience! Invoking Benjamin’s spirit, this article does not seek to limit understanding through restriction to a particular theme or theoretical construct (Buck-Morss 253). Instead, it offers snapshots of interactions at the dawn of the postmodern city. That bricolage also engages how people appropriate, manipulate, disrupt and divert urban spaces and strategies of power in their everyday life. Ambient information can both liberate and disenfranchise the individual. This article asks whether our era’s dialectics result in a new personhood or merely restate the traditional spectacle of ‘bright lights, big city’. Does the virtualized city result in ambient anomie and satiation or in surprise, autonomy and serendipity? (Gumpert 36) Since the steam age, ambience has been characterised in terms of urban sound, particularly the alienation attributable to the individual’s experience as a passive receptor of a cacophony of sounds – now soft, now loud, random and recurrent–from the hubbub of crowds, the crash and grind of traffic, the noise of industrial processes and domestic activity, factory whistles, fire alarms, radio, television and gramophones (Merchant 111; Thompson 6). In the age of the internet, personal devices such as digital cameras and iPhones, and urban informatics such as CCTV networks and e-Tags, ambience is interactivity, monitoring and signalling across multiple media, rather than just sound. It is an interactivity in which watchers observe the watched observing them and the watched reshape the fabric of virtualized cities merely by traversing urban precincts (Hillier 295; De Certeau 163). It is also about pervasive although unevenly distributed monitoring of individuals, using sensors that are remote to the individual (for example cameras or tag-readers mounted above highways) or are borne by the individual (for example mobile phones or badges that systematically report the location to a parent, employer or sex offender register) (Holmes 176; Savitch 130). That monitoring reflects what Doel and Clark characterized as a pervasive sense of ambient fear in the postmodern city, albeit fear that like much contemporary anxiety is misplaced–you are more at risk from intimates than from strangers, from car accidents than terrorists or stalkers–and that is ahistorical (Doel 13; Scheingold 33). Finally, it is about cooption, with individuals signalling their identity through ambient advertising: wearing tshirts, sweatshirts, caps and other apparel that display iconic faces such as Obama and Monroe or that embody corporate imagery such as the Nike ‘Swoosh’, Coca-Cola ‘Ribbon’, Linux Penguin and Hello Kitty feline (Sayre 82; Maynard 97). In the postmodern global village much advertising is ambient, rather than merely delivered to a device or fixed on a billboard. Australian cities are now seas of information, phantasmagoric environments in which the ambient noise encountered by residents and visitors comprises corporate signage, intelligent traffic signs, displays at public transport nodes, shop-window video screens displaying us watching them, and a plethora of personal devices showing everything from the weather to snaps of people in the street or neighborhood satellite maps. They are environments through which people traverse both as persons and abstractions, virtual presences on volatile digital maps and in online social networks. Spectacle, Anomie or Personhood The spectacular city of modernity is a meme of communication, cultural and urban development theory. It is spectacular in the sense that of large, artificial, even sublime. It is also spectacular because it is built around the gaze, whether the vistas of Hausmann’s boulevards, the towers of Manhattan and Chicago, the shopfront ‘sea of light’ and advertising pillars noted by visitors to Weimar Berlin or the neon ‘neo-baroque’ of Las Vegas (Schivelbusch 114; Fritzsche 164; Ndalianis 535). In the year 2010 it aspires to 2020 vision, a panoptic and panspectric gaze on the part of governors and governed alike (Kullenberg 38). In contrast to the timelessness of Heidegger’s hut and the ‘fixity’ of rural backwaters, spectacular cities are volatile domains where all that is solid continues to melt into air with the aid of jackhammers and the latest ‘new media’ potentially result in a hypereality that make it difficult to determine what is real and what is not (Wark 22; Berman 19). The spectacular city embodies a dialectic. It is anomic because it induces an alienation in the spectator, a fatigue attributable to media satiation and to a sense of being a mere cog in a wheel, a disempowered and readily-replaceable entity that is denied personhood–recognition as an autonomous individual–through subjection to a Fordist and post-Fordist industrial discipline or the more insidious imprisonment of being ‘a housewife’, one ant in a very large ant hill (Dyer-Witheford 58). People, however, are not automatons: they experience media, modernity and urbanism in different ways. The same attributes that erode the selfhood of some people enhance the autonomy and personhood of others. The spectacular city, now a matrix of digits, information flows and opportunities, is a realm in which people can subvert expectations and find scope for self-fulfillment, whether by wearing a hoodie that defeats CCTV or by using digital technologies to find and associate with other members of stigmatized affinity groups. One person’s anomie is another’s opportunity. Ambience and Virtualisation Eighty years after Fritz Lang’s Metropolis forecast a cyber-sociality, digital technologies are resulting in a ‘virtualisation’ of social interactions and cities. In post-modern cityscapes, the space of flows comprises an increasing number of electronic exchanges through physically disjointed places (Castells 2002). Virtualisation involves supplementation or replacement of face-to-face contact with hypersocial communication via new media, including SMS, email, blogging and Facebook. In 2010 your friends (or your boss or a bully) may always be just a few keystrokes away, irrespective of whether it is raining outside, there is a public transport strike or the car is in for repairs (Hassan 69; Baron 215). Virtualisation also involves an abstraction of bodies and physical movements, with the information that represents individual identities or vehicles traversing the virtual spaces comprised of CCTV networks (where viewers never encounter the person or crowd face to face), rail ticketing systems and road management systems (x e-Tag passed by this tag reader, y camera logged a specific vehicle onto a database using automated number-plate recognition software) (Wood 93; Lyon 253). Surveillant Cities Pervasive anxiety is a permanent and recurrent feature of urban experience. Often navigated by an urgency to control perceived disorder, both physically and through cultivated dominant theory (early twentieth century gendered discourses to push women back into the private sphere; ethno-racial closure and control in the Black Metropolis of 1940s Chicago), history is punctuated by attempts to dissolve public debate and infringe minority freedoms (Wilson 1991). In the Post-modern city unprecedented technological capacity generates a totalizing media vector whose plausible by-product is the perception of an ambient menace (Wark 3). Concurrent faith in technology as a cost-effective mechanism for public management (policing, traffic, planning, revenue generation) has resulted in emergence of the surveillant city. It is both a social and architectural fabric whose infrastructure is dotted with sensors and whose people assume that they will be monitored by private/public sector entities and directed by interactive traffic management systems – from electronic speed signs and congestion indicators through to rail schedule displays –leveraging data collected through those sensors. The fabric embodies tensions between governance (at its crudest, enforcement of law by police and their surrogates in private security services) and the soft cage of digital governmentality, with people being disciplined through knowledge that they are being watched and that the observation may be shared with others in an official or non-official shaming (Parenti 51; Staples 41). Encounters with a railway station CCTV might thus result in exhibition of the individual in court or on broadcast television, whether in nightly news or in a ‘reality tv’ crime expose built around ‘most wanted’ footage (Jermyn 109). Misbehaviour by a partner might merely result in scrutiny of mobile phone bills or web browser histories (which illicit content has the partner consumed, which parts of cyberspace has been visited), followed by a visit to the family court. It might instead result in digital viligilantism, with private offences being named and shamed on electronic walls across the global village, such as Facebook. iPhone Auteurism Activists have responded to pervasive surveillance by turning the cameras on ‘the watchers’ in an exercise of ‘sousveillance’ (Bennett 13; Huey 158). That mirroring might involve the meticulous documentation, often using the same geospatial tools deployed by public/private security agents, of the location of closed circuit television cameras and other surveillance devices. One outcome is the production of maps identifying who is watching and where that watching is taking place. As a corollary, people with anxieties about being surveilled, with a taste for street theatre or a receptiveness to a new form of urban adventure have used those maps to traverse cities via routes along which they cannot be identified by cameras, tags and other tools of the panoptic sort, or to simply adopt masks at particular locations. In 2020 can anyone aspire to be a protagonist in V for Vendetta? (iSee) Mirroring might take more visceral forms, with protestors for example increasingly making a practice of capturing images of police and private security services dealing with marches, riots and pickets. The advent of 3G mobile phones with a still/video image capability and ongoing ‘dematerialisation’ of traditional video cameras (ie progressively cheaper, lighter, more robust, less visible) means that those engaged in political action can document interaction with authority. So can passers-by. That ambient imaging, turning the public gaze on power and thereby potentially redefining the ‘public’ (given that in Australia the community has been embodied by the state and discourse has been mediated by state-sanctioned media), poses challenges for media scholars and exponents of an invigorated civil society in which we are looking together – and looking at each other – rather than bowling alone. One challenge for consumers in construing ambient media is trust. Can we believe what we see, particularly when few audiences have forensic skills and intermediaries such as commercial broadcasters may privilege immediacy (the ‘breaking news’ snippet from participants) over context and verification. Social critics such as Baudelaire and Benjamin exalt the flaneur, the free spirit who gazed on the street, a street that was as much a spectacle as the theatre and as vibrant as the circus. In 2010 the same technologies that empower citizen journalism and foster a succession of velvet revolutions feed flaneurs whose streetwalking doesn’t extend beyond a keyboard and a modem. The US and UK have thus seen emergence of gawker services, with new media entrepreneurs attempting to build sustainable businesses by encouraging fans to report the location of celebrities (and ideally provide images of those encounters) for the delectation of people who are web surfing or receiving a tweet (Burns 24). In the age of ambient cameras, where the media are everywhere and nowhere (and micro-stock photoservices challenge agencies such as Magnum), everyone can join the paparazzi. Anyone can deploy that ambient surveillance to become a stalker. The enthusiasm with which fans publish sightings of celebrities will presumably facilitate attacks on bodies rather than images. Information may want to be free but so, inconveniently, do iconoclasts and practitioners of participatory panopticism (Dodge 431; Dennis 348). Rhetoric about ‘citizen journalism’ has been co-opted by ‘old media’, with national broadcasters and commercial enterprises soliciting still images and video from non-professionals, whether for free or on a commercial basis. It is a world where ‘journalists’ are everywhere and where responsibility resides uncertainly at the editorial desk, able to reject or accept offerings from people with cameras but without the industrial discipline formerly exercised through professional training and adherence to formal codes of practice. It is thus unsurprising that South Australia’s Government, echoed by some peers, has mooted anti-gawker legislation aimed at would-be auteurs who impede emergency services by stopping their cars to take photos of bushfires, road accidents or other disasters. The flipside of that iPhone auteurism is anxiety about the public gaze, expressed through moral panics regarding street photography and sexting. Apart from a handful of exceptions (notably photography in the Sydney Opera House precinct, in the immediate vicinity of defence facilities and in some national parks), Australian law does not prohibit ‘street photography’ which includes photographs or videos of streetscapes or public places. Despite periodic assertions that it is a criminal offence to take photographs of people–particularly minors–without permission from an official, parent/guardian or individual there is no general restriction on ambient photography in public spaces. Moral panics about photographs of children (or adults) on beaches or in the street reflect an ambient anxiety in which danger is associated with strangers and strangers are everywhere (Marr 7; Bauman 93). That conceptualisation is one that would delight people who are wholly innocent of Judith Butler or Andrea Dworkin, in which the gaze (ever pervasive, ever powerful) is tantamount to a violation. The reality is more prosaic: most child sex offences involve intimates, rather than the ‘monstrous other’ with the telephoto lens or collection of nastiness on his iPod (Cossins 435; Ingebretsen 190). Recognition of that reality is important in considering moves that would egregiously restrict legitimate photography in public spaces or happy snaps made by doting relatives. An ambient image–unposed, unpremeditated, uncoerced–of an intimate may empower both authors and subjects when little is solid and memory is fleeting. The same caution might usefully be applied in considering alarms about sexting, ie creation using mobile phones (and access by phone or computer monitor) of intimate images of teenagers by teenagers. Australian governments have moved to emulate their US peers, treating such photography as a criminal offence that can be conceptualized as child pornography and addressed through permanent inclusion in sex offender registers. Lifelong stigmatisation is inappropriate in dealing with naïve or brash 12 and 16 year olds who have been exchanging intimate images without an awareness of legal frameworks or an understanding of consequences (Shafron-Perez 432). Cameras may be everywhere among the e-generation but legal knowledge, like the future, is unevenly distributed. Digital Handcuffs Generations prior to 2008 lost themselves in the streets, gaining individuality or personhood by escaping the surveillance inherent in living at home, being observed by neighbours or simply surrounded by colleagues. Streets offered anonymity and autonomy (Simmel 1903), one reason why heterodox sexuality has traditionally been negotiated in parks and other beats and on kerbs where sex workers ply their trade (Dalton 375). Recent decades have seen a privatisation of those public spaces, with urban planning and digital technologies imposing a new governmentality on hitherto ambient ‘deviance’ and on voyeuristic-exhibitionist practice such as heterosexual ‘dogging’ (Bell 387). That governmentality has been enforced through mechanisms such as replacement of traditional public toilets with ‘pods’ that are conveniently maintained by global service providers such as Veolia (the unromantic but profitable rump of former media & sewers conglomerate Vivendi) and function as billboards for advertising groups such as JC Decaux. Faces encountered in the vicinity of the twenty-first century pissoir are thus likely to be those of supermodels selling yoghurt, low interest loans or sportsgear – the same faces sighted at other venues across the nation and across the globe. Visiting ‘the mens’ gives new meaning to the word ambience when you are more likely to encounter Louis Vuitton and a CCTV camera than George Michael. George’s face, or that of Madonna, Barack Obama, Kevin 07 or Homer Simpson, might instead be sighted on the tshirts or hoodies mentioned above. George’s music might also be borne on the bodies of people you see in the park, on the street, or in the bus. This is the age of ambient performance, taken out of concert halls and virtualised on iPods, Walkmen and other personal devices, music at the demand of the consumer rather than as rationed by concert managers (Bull 85). The cost of that ambience, liberation of performance from time and space constraints, may be a Weberian disenchantment (Steiner 434). Technology has also removed anonymity by offering digital handcuffs to employees, partners, friends and children. The same mobile phones used in the past to offer excuses or otherwise disguise the bearer’s movement may now be tied to an observer through location services that plot the person’s movement across Google Maps or the geospatial information of similar services. That tracking is an extension into the private realm of the identification we now take for granted when using taxis or logistics services, with corporate Australia for example investing in systems that allow accurate determination of where a shipment is located (on Sydney Harbour Bridge? the loading dock? accompanying the truck driver on unauthorized visits to the pub?) and a forecast of when it will arrive (Monmonier 76). Such technologies are being used on a smaller scale to enforce digital Fordism among the binary proletariat in corporate buildings and campuses, with ‘smart badges’ and biometric gateways logging an individual’s movement across institutional terrain (so many minutes in the conference room, so many minutes in the bathroom or lingering among the faux rainforest near the Vice Chancellery) (Bolt). Bright Lights, Blog City It is a truth universally acknowledged, at least by right-thinking Foucauldians, that modernity is a matter of coercion and anomie as all that is solid melts into air. If we are living in an age of hypersocialisation and hypercapitalism – movies and friends on tap, along with the panoptic sorting by marketers and pervasive scrutiny by both the ‘information state’ and public audiences (the million people or one person reading your blog) that is an inevitable accompaniment of the digital cornucopia–we might ask whether everyone is or should be unhappy. This article began by highlighting traditional responses to the bright lights, brashness and excitement of the big city. One conclusion might be that in 2010 not much has changed. Some people experience ambient information as liberating; others as threatening, productive of physical danger or of a more insidious anomie in which personal identity is blurred by an ineluctable electro-smog. There is disagreement about the professionalism (for which read ethics and inhibitions) of ‘citizen media’ and about a culture in which, as in the 1920s, audiences believe that they ‘own the image’ embodying the celebrity or public malefactor. Digital technologies allow you to navigate through the urban maze and allow officials, marketers or the hostile to track you. Those same technologies allow you to subvert both the governmentality and governance. You are free: Be ambient! References Baron, Naomi. Always On: Language in an Online and Mobile World. New York: Oxford UP, 2008. Bauman, Zygmunt. 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Recent evidence suggests that older adults experience momentary states of spending time alone (i.e., solitude) less negatively than younger adults. The current research explores the role of autonomy as an explanation mechanism of these age differences. Previous research demonstrated that solitude can be experienced positively when it is characterized by autonomy (i.e., the own wish or decision to be alone). As older adults are relatively more autonomous in their daily lives, they might experience solitude less negatively (in terms of subjective well-being, social integration, self-esteem, and valence) than younger adults. We tested this hypothesis in three studies. In two experience-sampling studies (Study 1: N = 129, 59.7% women, age 19–88 years; Study 2: N = 115, 66.4% women, age 18–85 years), older age and higher autonomy were associated with more positive experience of everyday solitude moments. Although autonomy did not differ between younger and older adults, perceived (lack of) autonomy partly played a more important role for the experience of solitude moments in younger adults compared to older adults. Finally, Study 3 ( N = 323, 52% women, age 19–79 years) showed that the relationship between recalled solitude moments of high versus low autonomy and solitude experience is fully explained by feelings of autonomy. Overall, our results demonstrate that older people do not experience more autonomy in situations of solitude than younger adults, but that they partly better cope with low-autonomy solitude. However, people of all ages seem to benefit more from high-autonomy moments of solitude.

Abstract This study sought to explore the validity of a latent-factor model of moral intuition development during early adolescence. The 3-Factor Character Foundations Survey (CFS-3) was used to assess the moral intuitions of early adolescents (n = 850, M = 12.4 years old, SD = .96) under a moral foundations theory framework. Confirmatory factor analysis supported the psychometric validity of the three latent factor constructs (autonomy, loyalty, and empathy), and partial metric invariance was established to allow for the comparing of latent factor means between four age- and sex-based groups coinciding with averages for pubertal onset. Results support prior findings of greater latent factor means for females in all three factors when compared to males in the 11-12-year-old age group. Additionally, 13-14-year-old females exhibited lower latent factor means in autonomy and loyalty factors when compared to 11-12-year-old females. This resulted in 13-14-year-old females remaining higher in empathy and autonomy but showing no difference in loyalty when compared to 13-14-year-old males. Results are interpreted through the lens of attachment theory, socio-cultural influence, and certain limitations of the survey instrument itself. Suggestions for future studies are proposed.

Advanced old age has been characterized as a biologically highly vulnerable life phase. Biological, morbidity-, and cognitive impairment-related factors play an important role as mortality predictors among very old adults. However, it is largely unknown whether previous findings confirming the role of different wellbeing domains for mortality translate to survival among the oldest-old individuals. Moreover, the distinction established in the wellbeing literature between hedonic and eudaimonic wellbeing as well as the consideration of within-person variability of potentially relevant mortality predictors has not sufficiently been addressed in prior mortality research. In this study, we examined a broad set of hedonic and eudaimonic wellbeing indicators, including their levels, their changes, as well as their within-person variability, as predictors of all-cause mortality in a sample of very old individuals. We used data from the LateLine study, a 7-year longitudinal study based on a sample of n = 124 individuals who were living alone and who were aged 87–97 years (M = 90.6, SD = 2.9) at baseline. Study participants provided up to 16 measurement occasions (mean number of measurement occasions per individual = 5.50, SD = 4.79) between 2009 and 2016. Dates of death were available for 118 individuals (95.2%) who had deceased between 2009 and 2021. We ran longitudinal multilevel structural equation models and specified between-person level differences, within-person long-term linear change trends, as well as the “detrended” within-person variability in three indicators of hedonic (i.e., life satisfaction and positive and negative affect) and four indicators of eudaimonic wellbeing (i.e., purpose in life, autonomy, environmental mastery, and self-acceptance) as all-cause mortality predictors. Controlling for age, gender, education, and physical condition and testing our sets of hedonic and eudaimonic indictors separately in terms of their mortality impact, solely one eudaimonic wellbeing indicator, namely, autonomy, showed significant effects on survival. Surprisingly, autonomy appeared “paradoxically” related with mortality, with high individual levels and intraindividual highly stable perceptions of autonomy being associated with a shorter residual lifetime. Thus, it seems plausible that accepting dependency and changing perceptions of autonomy over time in accordance with objectively remaining capabilities might become adaptive for survival in very old age.

The development of autonomy during the transition to adulthood may present itself in different forms, depending on age, gender and cultural variations. Grounded in developmental psychology, this study examined gender and age differences in autonomy in Brazilian youth. Participants were 154 Brazilian adolescents and emerging adults (14-33 years old, M= 20.87, SD= 3.74, 50% female) from the state capital of Rio de Janeiro. Our findings indicate a positive association between age and autonomy scores in the Kağitçibaşi’s Autonomous, Related and Related-autonomous Self scales. Correlation results showed gender specific results in such associations, such as that for men, age was positively associated with autonomy, whereas for women, it was associated with related-autonomy. These results suggest that, in Brazil, traditional views continue to reinforce gender roles towards men’s agentic behavior and women’s communal behavior. These findings highlight the importance of elucidating gender differences in the development of autonomy in different sociocultural contexts.

The purpose of this research is to test the mediation effect of self-efficacy on college student's perception of teacher autonomy support and students' deep learning, and whether the peer support perceived by students can moderate the relationship between perceived teacher autonomy support and deep learning. A survey of 1,800 college students from a provincial undergraduate normal university in Guizhou Province in China was conducted through the revised Perceived Teacher Autonomy Support Scale, Deep Learning Scale, Self-Efficacy Scale, and Perceived Peer Support Scale (Mean age = 21 years old, SD = 1.34). Data use SPSS23.0, AMOS22.0 for descriptive analysis and correlation analysis, exploratory factor analysis (EFA) and confirmatory factor analysis (CFA), moderation effect, and mediation effect analysis. The research results show that after controlling for gender, major, and grade, self-efficacy partially moderates the connection between perceived teacher autonomy support and deep learning of college students. Moreover, perceived peer support mediates the relationship between perceived teacher autonomy support and students' self-efficacy.

ObjectivesResearch about decision-making capacity has been growing in the last decades. That relates to more concerns regarding patients’ autonomy, and an increase in diseases that can negatively impact capacity. This research aims to: explore perceptions, legal aspects, and assessment procedures related to healthcare decision-making capacity in older adults with cognitive impairment; and study the first version of a new assessment instrument of this capacity.MethodNine focus groups were conducted, including healthcare, law and justice, nursing home professionals, institutionalized older adults, and dwelling older adults. Focus group discussions followed semi-structured interview scripts, specifically developed for each group. After group discussions, the assessment instrument was presented, and participants were asked to evaluate each item relevance and comprehensibility. Qualitative coding of the transcriptions was performed with resource to MAXQDA, using direct content analysis.ResultsSix primary themes emerged from the qualitative analysis: Decision-making capacity features; Abilities implied in decision-making; Factors influencing decision-making; Obstacles to decision-making; Legal aspects; and Assessment procedures.DiscussionResults corroborate previous theoretical formulations of capacity. Generally, research results have implications for clinical and assessment practices, as well as preventive strategies that can improve older adult’s decision-making capacity. Assessment procedures of capacity should include a thorough protocol for the assessment of cognition, functionality, depressive symptoms, and decision-making abilities. In this respect, the need for an assessment tool that can provide valid information during evaluation processes is highlighted. Concerning the strategies to promote decision-making capacity, these rely on improving older adult’s health literacy and healthcare providers communication skills, as well as conduct actions to reduce stigma toward people with dementia.

Abstract The physical and societal characteristics of home have been established as important in influencing the health and wellbeing of older adults, yet these have rarely been explored together. There is also limited research into variation across age groups, with older adults often examined as a homogenous group of those 65 years and over. This study advances the knowledge base by using the concept of person–environment (P-E) fit to analyse differences in personal and home environment (physical and societal) characteristics between young-old (65–74 years) and old-old (75 and above) age groups, and to assess how these characteristics influence their self-perceived health. This cross-sectional study draws upon survey data from 1,999 older adult participants from the Australian Housing Conditions Dataset. Descriptive statistics and inferential analysis were used to assess for significant differences between age groups and a binomial logistic regression was utilised to examine influences on health. The analysis found that the factors which influence health varies appreciably between age groups. For the young-old financial strain, being on the fixed-income pension and hypertension were important contributing factors, in contrast for the old-old gender (being male), having depression and the home being modified for disability were key influences. For both age groups heart disease was a contributing factor to perceived health. The results indicate the important contribution to knowledge of incorporating a wide range of person and environment characteristics when exploring P-E fit for older adults. The inclusion of societal aspects, such as financial strain, fixed-income pension, tenure and access to community aged care services when exploring influences on health, arises as a key conclusion of the study. In terms of impact, this research is significant given rising inequalities globally and specifically in the Australian context, the need for policy measures to address income inequality, and its health and social implications for older households.

Abstract Attitudes based on outdated stereotypes about aging can limit development possibilities in old age. The objective of this paper was to describe the beliefs and the level of knowledge about old age among formal caregivers of the elderly, verifying the relationship with the socio-demographic variables age, education and length of service in the job. The sample included 32 caregivers from two Long-Term Institutions. This is a correlational study, based on a cross-sectional survey. Results: in general, caregivers’ beliefs regarding old age were neutral, that is, neither positive nor negative; the knowledge on the topic were scarce, and the longer the time in the function, the more positive beliefs were manifested about the autonomy of the elderly (agency domain). It is believed that investment in the training of caregivers will increase the benefits both for the professional class (caregivers), yielding care skills improvement, and for the elderly themselves, by providing greater quality in the elderly-elderly and elderly-caregiver interaction.

AbstractThis is the first study to investigate instrumental activities of daily living in older autistic adults. We conducted interviews with fifteen adults (mean age = 60.1, SD = 7.4, range = 50–73) from Australia with no intellectual disability. Analysis included both deductive and inductive steps, to categorise responses using the Occupational Performance Model Australia and identify themes across participants’ experiences. Strengths and challenges were unique to the individual, as were the methods they had developed to manage tasks. Challenges occurred mostly at the interaction between aspects of the environment (sensory, cognitive, social and cultural) and personal factors such as health conditions and sensory sensitivities. Enhanced person-environment fit is needed, as is a shift in wider sociocultural attitudes to enable comfort and autonomy in later life.

Abstract Mothers’ and fathers’ conceptualizations of joy, sadness, anger, fear, pride and shame were assessed. Their beliefs regarding the importance of children’s manifestation of those emotions and the connection with the profiles of autonomy, relatedness and related-autonomy were also assessed. Sixty mother- father dyads with children up to three years old participated in the study. Questionnaires of parents’ conceptualizations of emotions were used. Most participants considered joy an important emotion to be manifested by children of their kids’ age (with an individual character motivation). However, anger, pride and shame were associated with older children. Mothers’ and fathers’ conceptualizations and beliefs were not divergent. The autonomous-related self model correlated positively with the importance mothers and parents attributed to all studied emotions.

Introduction Darkness is often characterised as something that warrants heightened caution and scrutiny – signifying increased danger and risk. Within settler-colonial settings such as Australia, cautionary and negative connotations of darkness are projected upon Black people and their bodies, forming part of continuing colonial regimes of power (Moreton-Robinson). Negative stereotypes of “dark” continues to racialise all Indigenous peoples. In Australia, Indigenous peoples are both Indigenous and Black regardless of skin colour, and this plays out in a range of ways, some of which will be highlighted within this article. This article demonstrates that for Indigenous peoples, associations of fear and danger are built into the structural mechanisms that shape and maintain colonial understandings of Indigenous peoples and their bodies. It is this embodied form of darkness, and its negative connotations, and responses that we explore further. Figure 1: Megan Cope’s ‘I’m not afraid of the Dark’ t-shirt (Fredericks and Heemsbergen 2021) Responding to the anxieties and fears of settlers that often surround Indigenous peoples, Quandamooka artist and member of the art collective ProppaNow, Megan Cope, has produced a range of t-shirts, one of which declares “I’m not afraid of the Dark” (fig. 1). The wording ‘reflects White Australia’s fear of blackness’ (Dark + Dangerous). Exploring race relations through the theme of “darkness”, we begin by discussing how negative connotations of darkness are represented through everyday lexicons and how efforts to shift prejudicial and racist language are often met with defensiveness and resistance. We then consider how fears towards the dark translate into everyday practices, reinforced by media representations. The article considers how stereotype, conjecture, and prejudice is inflicted upon Indigenous people and reflects white settler fears and anxieties, rooting colonialism in everyday language, action, and norms. The Language of Fear Indigenous people and others with dark skin tones are often presented as having a proclivity towards threatening, aggressive, deceitful, and negative behaviours. This works to inform how Indigenous peoples are “known” and responded to by hegemonic (predominantly white) populations. Negative connotations of Indigenous people are a means of reinforcing and legitimising the falsity that European knowledge systems, norms, and social structures are superior whilst denying the contextual colonial circumstances that have led to white dominance. In Australia, such denial corresponds to the refusal to engage with the unceded sovereignty of Aboriginal peoples or acknowledge Indigenous resistance. Language is integral to the ways in which dominant populations come to “know” and present the so-called “Other”. Such language is reflected in digital media, which both produce and maintain white anxieties towards race and ethnicity. When part of mainstream vernacular, racialised language – and the value judgments associated with it – often remains in what Moreton-Robinson describes as “invisible regimes of power” (75). Everyday social structures, actions, and habits of thought veil oppressive and discriminatory attitudes that exist under the guise of “normality”. Colonisation and the dominance of Eurocentric ways of knowing, being, and doing has fixated itself on creating a normality that associates Indigeneity and darkness with negative and threatening connotations. In doing so, it reinforces power balances that presents an image of white superiority built on the invalidation of Indigeneity and Blackness. White fears and anxieties towards race made explicit through social and digital media are also manifest via subtle but equally pervasive everyday action (Carlson and Frazer; Matamoros-Fernández). Confronting and negotiating such fears becomes a daily reality for many Indigenous people. During the height of the 2020 Black Lives Matter protests in the United States, which extended to Australia and were linked to deaths in custody and police violence, African American poet Saul Williams reminded his followers of the power of language in constructing racialised fears (saulwilliams). In an Instagram post, Williams draws back the veil of an uncontested normality to ask that we take personal responsibility over the words we use. He writes: here’s a tip: Take the words DARK or BLACK in connection to bad, evil, ominous or scary events out of your vocabulary. We learn the stock market crashed on Black Monday, we read headlines that purport “Dark Days Ahead”. There’s “dark” or “black” humour which implies an undertone of evil, and then there are people like me who grow up with dark skin having to make sense of the English/American lexicon and its history of “fair complexions” – where “fair” can mean “light; blond.” OR “in accordance with rules or standards; legitimate.” We may not be fully responsible for the duplicitous evolution of language and subtle morphing of inherited beliefs into description yet we are in full command of the words we choose even as they reveal the questions we’ve left unasked. Like the work of Moreton-Robinson and other scholars, Williams implores his followers to take a reflexive position to consider the questions often left unasked. In doing so, he calls for the transcendence of anonymity and engagement with the realities of colonisation – no matter how ugly, confronting, and complicit one may be in its continuation. In the Australian context this means confronting how terms such as “dark”, “darkie”, or “darky” were historically used as derogatory and offensive slurs for Aboriginal peoples. Such language continues to be used today and can be found in the comment sections of social media, online news platforms, and other online forums (Carlson “Love and Hate”). Taking the move to execute personal accountability can be difficult. It can destabilise and reframe the ways in which we understand and interact with the world (Rose 22). For some, however, exposing racism and seemingly mundane aspects of society is taken as a personal attack which is often met with reactionary responses where one remains closed to new insights (Whittaker). This feeds into fears and anxieties pertaining to the perceived loss of power. These fears and anxieties continue to surface through conversations and calls for action on issues such as changing the date of Australia Day, the racialised reporting of news (McQuire), removing of plaques and statues known to be racist, and requests to change placenames and the names of products. For example, in 2020, Australian cheese producer Saputo Dairy Australia changed the name of it is popular brand “Coon” to “Cheer Tasty”. The decision followed a lengthy campaign led by Dr Stephen Hagan who called for the rebranding based on the Coon brand having racist connotations (ABC). The term has its racist origins in the United States and has long been used as a slur against people with dark skin, liking them to racoons and their tendency to steal and deceive. The term “Coon” is used in Australia by settlers as a racist term for referring to Aboriginal peoples. Claims that the name change is example of political correctness gone astray fail to acknowledge and empathise with the lived experience of being treated as if one is dirty, lazy, deceitful, or untrustworthy. Other brand names have also historically utilised racist wording along with imagery in their advertising (Conor). Pear’s soap for example is well-known for its historical use of racist words and imagery to legitimise white rule over Indigenous colonies, including in Australia (Jackson). Like most racial epithets, the power of language lies in how the words reflect and translate into actions that dehumanise others. The words we use matter. The everyday “ordinary” world, including online, is deeply politicised (Carlson and Frazer “They Got Filters”) and comes to reflect attitudes and power imbalances that encourage white people to internalise the falsity that they are superior and should have control over Black people (Conor). Decisions to make social change, such as that made by Saputo Dairy Australia, can manifest into further white anxieties via their ability to force the confrontation of the circumstances that continue to contribute to one’s own prosperity. In other words, to unveil the realities of colonialism and ask the questions that are too often left in the dark. Lived Experiences of Darkness Colonial anxieties and fears are driven by the fact that Black populations in many areas of the world are often characterised as criminals, perpetrators, threats, or nuisances, but are rarely seen as victims. In Australia, the repeated lack of police response and receptivity to concerns of Indigenous peoples expressed during the Black Lives Matter campaign saw tens of thousands of people take to the streets to protest. Protestors at the same time called for the end of police brutality towards Indigenous peoples and for an end to Indigenous deaths in custody. The protests were backed by a heavy online presence that sought to mobilise people in hope of lifting the veil that shrouds issues relating to systemic racism. There have been over 450 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people to die in custody since the end of the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody in 1991 (The Guardian). The tragedy of the Indigenous experience gains little attention internationally. The negative implications of being the object of white fear and anxiety are felt by Indigenous and other Black communities daily. The “safety signals” (Daniella Emanuel) adopted by white peoples in response to often irrational perceptions of threat signify how Indigenous and other Black peoples and communities are seen and valued by the hegemony. Memes played out in social media depicting “Karens” – a term that corresponds to caricaturised white women (but equally applicable to men) who exhibit behaviours of entitlement – have increasing been used in media to expose the prevalence of irrational racial fears (also see Wong). Police are commonly called on Indigenous people and other Black people for simply being within spaces such as shopping malls, street corners, parks, or other spaces in which they are considered not to belong (Mohdin). Digital media are also commonly envisioned as a space that is not natural or normal for Indigenous peoples, a notion that maintains narratives of so-called Indigenous primitivity (Carlson and Frazer). Media connotations of darkness as threatening are associated with, and strategically manipulated by, the images that accompany stories about Indigenous peoples and other Black peoples. Digital technologies play significant roles in producing and disseminating the images shown in the media. Moreover, they have a “role in mediating and amplifying old and new forms of abuse, hate, and discrimination” (Matamoros-Fernández and Farkas). Daniels demonstrates how social media sites can be spaces “where race and racism play out in interesting, sometimes disturbing, ways” (702), shaping ongoing colonial fears and anxieties over Black peoples. Prominent footballer Adam Goodes, for example, faced a string of attacks after he publicly condemned racism when he was called an “Ape” by a spectator during a game celebrating Indigenous contributions to the sport (Coram and Hallinan). This was followed by a barrage of personal attacks, criticisms, and booing that spread over the remaining years of his football career. When Goodes performed a traditional war dance as a form of celebration during a game in 2015, many turned to social media to express their outrage over his “confrontational” and “aggressive” behaviour (Robinson). Goodes’s affirmation of his Indigeneity was seen by many as a threat to their own positionality and white sensibility. Social media were therefore used as a mechanism to control settler narratives and maintain colonial power structures by framing the conversation through a white lens (Carlson and Frazer “They Got Filters”). Indigenous peoples in other highly visible fields have faced similar backlash. In 1993, Elaine George was the first Aboriginal person to feature on the cover of Vogue magazine, a decision considered “risky” at the time (Singer). The editor of Vogue later revealed that the cover was criticised by some who believed George’s skin tone was made to appear lighter than it actually was and that it had been digitally altered. The failure to accept a lighter skin colour as “Aboriginal” exposes a neglect to accept ethnicity and Blackness in all its diversity (Carlson and Frazer “They Got Filters”; Carlson “Love and Hate”). Where Adam Goodes was criticised for his overt expression of Blackness, George was critisised for not being “black enough”. It was not until seventeen years later that another Aboriginal model, Samantha Harris, was featured on the cover of Vogue (Marks). While George inspired and pathed the way for those to come, Harris experienced similar discrimination within the industry and amongst the public (Carson and Ky). Singer Jessica Mauboy (in Hornery) also explains how her identity was managed by others. She recalls, I was pretty young when I first received recognition, and for years I felt as though I couldn't show my true identity. What I was saying in public was very dictated by other people who could not handle my sense of culture and identity. They felt they had to take it off my hands. Mauboy’s experience not only demonstrates how Blackness continues to be seen as something to “handle”, but also how power imbalances play out. Scholar Chelsea Watego offers numerous examples of how this occurs in different ways and arenas, for example through relationships between people and within workplaces. Bargallie’s scholarly work also provides an understanding of how Indigenous people experience racism within the Australian public service, and how it is maintained through the structures and systems of power. The media often represents communities with large Indigenous populations as being separatist and not contributing to wider society and problematic (McQuire). Violence, and the threat of violence, is often presented in media as being normalised. Recently there have been calls for an increased police presence in Alice Springs, NT, and other remotes communities due to ongoing threats of “tribal payback” and acts of “lawlessness” (Sky News Australia; Hildebrand). Goldberg uses the phrase “Super/Vision” to describe the ways that Black men and women in Black neighbourhoods are continuously and erroneously supervised and surveilled by police using apparatus such as helicopters and floodlights. Simone Browne demonstrates how contemporary surveillance practices are rooted in anti-black domination and are operationalised through a white gaze. Browne uses the term “racializing surveillance” to describe a ”technology of social control where surveillance practices, policies, and performances concern the production of norms pertaining to race and exercise a ‘power to define what is in or out of place’” (16). The outcome is often discriminatory treatment to those negatively racialised by such surveillance. Narratives that associate Indigenous peoples with darkness and danger fuel colonial fears and uphold the invisible regimes of power by instilling the perception that acts of surveillance and the restrictions imposed on Indigenous peoples’ autonomy are not only necessary but justified. Such myths fail to contextualise the historic colonial factors that drive segregation and enable a forgetting that negates personal accountability and complicity in maintaining colonial power imbalances (Riggs and Augoustinos). Inayatullah and Blaney (165) write that the “myth we construct calls attention to a darker, tragic side of our ethical engagement: the role of colonialism in constituting us as modern actors.” They call for personal accountability whereby one confronts the notion that we are both products and producers of a modernity rooted in a colonialism that maintains the misguided notion of white supremacy (Wolfe; Mignolo; Moreton-Robinson). When Indigenous and other Black peoples enter spaces that white populations don’t traditionally associate as being “natural” or “fitting” for them (whether residential, social, educational, a workplace, online, or otherwise), alienation, discrimination, and criminalisation often occurs (Bargallie; Mohdin; Linhares). Structural barriers are erected, prohibiting career or social advancement while making the space feel unwelcoming (Fredericks; Bargallie). In workplaces, Indigenous employees become the subject of hyper-surveillance through the supervision process (Bargallie), continuing to make them difficult work environments. This is despite businesses and organisations seeking to increase their Indigenous staff numbers, expressing their need to change, and implementing cultural competency training (Fredericks and Bargallie). As Barnwell correctly highlights, confronting white fears and anxieties must be the responsibility of white peoples. When feelings of shock or discomfort arise when in the company of Indigenous peoples, one must reflexively engage with the reasons behind this “fear of the dark” and consider that perhaps it is they who are self-segregating. Mohdin suggests that spaces highly populated by Black peoples are best thought of not as “black spaces” or “black communities”, but rather spaces where white peoples do not want to be. They stand as reminders of a failed colonial regime that sought to deny and dehumanise Indigenous peoples and cultures, as well as the continuation of Black resistance and sovereignty. Conclusion In working towards improving relationships between Black and white populations, the truths of colonisation, and its continuing pervasiveness in local and global settings must first be confronted. In this article we have discussed the association of darkness with instinctual fears and negative responses to the unknown. White populations need to reflexively engage and critique how they think, act, present, address racism, and respond to Indigenous peoples (Bargallie; Moreton-Robinson; Whittaker), cultivating a “decolonising consciousness” (Bradfield) to develop new habits of thinking and relating. To overcome fears of the dark, we must confront that which remains unknown, and the questions left unasked. This means exposing racism and power imbalances, developing meaningful relationships with Indigenous peoples, addressing structural change, and implementing alternative ways of knowing and doing. Only then may we begin to embody Megan Cope’s message, “I’m not afraid of the Dark”. Acknowledgements We thank Dr Debbie Bargallie for her feedback on our article, which strengthened the work. References ABC News. 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