La République Centrafricaine, ancienne colonie Française, située au centre de l'Afrique se confronte de manière récurrente depuis 1958 aux phénomènes de coups d’État et de regain constitutionnel caractérisant le fonctionnement de ses institutions. Ravagée par des multiples crises militaro-politiques et institutionnelles comme la plupart des États Africains, le mode de dévolution du pouvoir politique dans ce pays s'exerce par la démonstration des armes. En règle générale, les coups d'État semblent triompher sur l'expression de la volonté générale. La démocratie participative qui est un élément permettant au peuple de participer à la prise de décision ne représente qu’une doctrine inopérante. Malgré le vent de la démocratisation qui a soufflé en Afrique dans les années 1990, permettant aux institutions africaines d'accéder aux pluralismes politiques, force est de constater que la République centrafricaine continue de basculer depuis 1958 dans une crise institutionnelle. L'inexpérience démocratique, les coups d'État et la confiscation du pouvoir public, la mauvaise gouvernance, l'absence de l’État de droit, puis l'existence des régimes totalitaires sont les maux désacralisant le système institutionnel de ce pays. Toutefois, le mimétisme constitutionnel et les conséquences de la colonisation ont aussi impacté sur le processus de la démocratie en Afrique. Il serait évident que la crise de l’inexistence de l’État de droit en République centrafricaine symbolisera le noyau dans cet emballage juridique et politique, ce qui laisse entrevoir que l’inapplicabilité des textes constitutionnels marquée par la culture des coups d’État va servir à établir la répercussion de ce galvaudage constitutionnel
A government that violates the Constitution, destroys by this act the sovereign people and as Montesquieu said: "There are bad examples that are worse than crimes: and more states have perished because violation of morality more than the violation of Law”. The respect of constitutional norms presents very considerable stakes within the city. This is why major public debates continue to give an important consideration to this subject. The Central African Republic, formerly a French colony, located in the center of Africa, has consistently reinforced these constitutional values since 1958. Ravaged by military, political and institutional crises along with some African states till that the devolution of political power in this country became exercised by the demonstration of weapons. As a general rule, coups d'etat seem to triumph over the expression of the general will. Participatory democracy is an element that allows the people to participate in decision-making. In fact, this is only a real fiction and one of the reasons why the constitutional trajectory of Central African Republic is constantly moving towards a very delicate dysfunction. Perhaps, the democratization that has blown in Africa in the 1990s allowed African institutions to access political pluralism. It is clear that the Central African Republic has continuously been prolonged since 1958 in violations of constitutional norms. Constitutional inexperience, coups d’etat and seizure of public power, bad governance, the absence of the rule of law tied with the existence of totalitarian regimes, considered as the evils that keep on desacralizing the system of the institutional functioning of this country. Even though democracy seems to be the ideal model of governance all the time, constitutional mimicry and the consequences of colonization have also impacted on the system of African democracy. In order to guarantee stability to republican institutions and to provide it with legal certainty, standards must govern and the weapons must enter the magazines

Ce travail est une étude exploratoire sur la relation d’autorité en salle de classe dans une école primaire publique du Cameroun. Je voulais comprendre comment les enseignants et les élèves d’une école publique en milieu périurbain vivent la relation d’autorité en salle de classe. Pour rendre compte de cette expérience, j’ai choisi l’approche de terrain prônée par l’interactionnisme symbolique. J’ai alors eu recours à l’observation de deux classes (106 h 43 min), à 12 entretiens semi-structurés avec les élèves des deux classes et 3 autres avec la directrice d’école et les deux titulaires des deux classes. Analysée dans un premier temps au moyen de deux catégories : l’épistémique et le déontique, la relation d’autorité apparaît comme une relation verticale basée sur la coercition. Ensuite, pour mieux comprendre la complexité des interactions qui favorisent un tel type de relation, j’ai convoqué la théorie de la structuration sociale de Giddens. Cela m’a permis de placer le vécu de la salle de classe dans le contexte méso-social de la politique éducative, puis dans le contexte macro social des politiques d’ajustement structurel qui régentent le Cameroun et d’autres pays dits en développement pour découvrir que la domination du macro social sur le méso social crée une anomie au niveau des orientations scolaires. Ce qui permet aux enseignantes d’instituer et d’appliquer leurs propres normes à l’école. C’est cet acte d’invention et d’application des normes qui fait d’elles des « entrepreneures de morale ».

La presente investigación trata sobre la democracia y la autocracia en Kelsen. El problema central de este trabajo plantea el hecho de que Kelsen propugna el postulado de la neutralidad científica según el cual el científico debe únicamente describir su objeto de conocimiento, es decir, no puede manifestar sus preferencias ideológicas, morales o políticas sobre el objeto de estudio. Sin embargo, nuestro autor también ha manifestado que la democracia es mejor que la autocracia. Por ello, nuestro objetivo es determinar si Kelsen contradice este postulado científico. Nuestra hipótesis es que él sí contradice su postulado de la neutralidad científica cuando muestra su preferencia por la democracia y su rechazo por la autocracia.

La presente investigación trata sobre la democracia y la autocracia en Kelsen. El problema central de este trabajo plantea el hecho de que Kelsen propugna el postulado de la neutralidad científica según el cual el científico debe únicamente describir su objeto de conocimiento, es decir, no puede manifestar sus preferencias ideológicas, morales o políticas sobre el objeto de estudio. Sin embargo, nuestro autor también ha manifestado que la democracia es mejor que la autocracia. Por ello, nuestro objetivo es determinar si Kelsen contradice este postulado científico. Nuestra hipótesis es que él sí contradice su postulado de la neutralidad científica cuando muestra su preferencia por la democracia y su rechazo por la autocracia. La veracidad de esta hipótesis ha sido demostrada a lo largo de este trabajo, sobre todo en los primeros capítulos.
Tesis

We present a theory that addresses the question of why autocracies with a regime legitimation which ties the destiny of the members of the ruling elite, namely the nobility or ideocratic elite, to the survival of the autocracy, namely (ruling) monarchies and communist ideocracies, are more durable than other kinds of autocracies. Using logistic regression analysis and event history analysis on a dataset on autocratic regimes in the period 1946 to 2009, we are able to show that ruling monarchies and communist ideocracies are indeed the most durable autocratic regime types.

A representational predicament for an employee is a negative experience in which that employee believes that a key authority, such as his/her supervisor, has unfavorable perceptions about himself/herself caused by misconception, bias, or ignorance. That implies he/she is experiencing injustice at the workplace. Drawing for underlying explanations on the theories of interactional justice and equity, this study examines, through quantitative and qualitative methods, how autocratic leadership influences subordinates’ representational predicaments and in turn adversely affects subordinates’ behaviors in the workplace. The model developed in this thesis proposes that a subordinate is likely to have a stronger experience of representational predicaments if his/her supervisor adopts an autocratic leadership approach. It also predicts that a subordinate’s workplace behaviors are more likely to be influenced if he/she perceives that he/she has a representational predicament vis-a-vis his/her supervisor. To test the hypotheses, a total of 222 employees from 7 business enterprises in mainland China were surveyed through multi-wave questionnaires. Among this sample, 14 subordinates who scored high and 7 subordinates who scored low on a scale for representational predicaments were interviewed one to one and face to face. Results of structural equation modeling supported the mediating role of representational predicaments between autocratic leadership and subordinates’ workplace behaviors. In other words, the whole hypothesized model was well supported by both quantitative and qualitative data. Findings of this research bear both theoretical and practical implications, for the research not only examines representational predicaments in a new geographical context, but also advances the understanding of the underlying mechanisms that explain the mediating effect of representational predicaments. Furthermore, by having deeper insights into the adverse impacts of both autocratic leadership and representational predicaments, managers may be encouraged to seek to understand their subordinates better and thus avoid the adverse impacts that this research identifies.

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília,Instituto de Ciências Humanas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Filosofia, 2018.
Submitted by Raquel Almeida (raquel.df13@gmail.com) on 2018-05-10T19:22:54Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_IsabellaOliveiraHolanda.pdf: 849903 bytes, checksum: fa1d203598c6529fe0508c875adbe064 (MD5)
Approved for entry into archive by Raquel Viana (raquelviana@bce.unb.br) on 2018-05-30T17:18:42Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_IsabellaOliveiraHolanda.pdf: 849903 bytes, checksum: fa1d203598c6529fe0508c875adbe064 (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-30T17:18:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_IsabellaOliveiraHolanda.pdf: 849903 bytes, checksum: fa1d203598c6529fe0508c875adbe064 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-05-30
Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES).
O presente trabalho visa responder a seguinte questão: qual o papel que os conceitos de autonomia e autocracia da vontade desempenham na filosofia moral de Kant? Para tanto, analisaremos o significado desses conceitos ao longo das obras Crítica da razão pura, Fundamentação da metafísica dos costumes, Crítica da razão prática e Metafísica dos costumes. Como essa questão remete à capacidade determinante da razão prática, examinaremos o tratamento dispensado pelo filósofo a mesma, com o intuito de explicar o modo pelo qual o filósofo confere realidade objetiva a ela. Neste sentido, defenderemos que o conceito de autonomia da vontade é forjado por Kant com o propósito de representar a capacidade legislativa da vontade, e que sua efetividade se comprova mediante o sentimento de respeito pela lei moral. Contudo, uma vez que a regra objetiva erigida pela vontade autônoma também tem de ser motivo subjetivo da ação, sustentaremos que o filósofo concebe o conceito de autocracia para representar a capacidade executiva da vontade, isto é, sua aptidão de superar os obstáculos sensíveis contrários à moralidade. Sendo assim, argumentaremos a favor da interdependência entre os referidos conceitos, pois entendemos que, segundo Kant, uma resposta ao interesse da razão não pode ser meramente negativa, como restrição das máximas (subjetivas) das ações, mas também tem de ser positiva, como promoção de fins (objetivos) para as ações. Portanto, pretendemos mostrar que os conceitos de autonomia e autocracia representam duas facetas complementares da vontade, a saber, a habilidade de determinar a regra de ajuizamento moral das ações em geral e a de determinar a execução de certas ações em particular.
This work aims to answer the following question: what role do the concepts of autonomy and autocracy of the will play in Kant's moral philosophy? In order to do so, we will analyze the meaning of these concepts throughout the works Critique of Pure Reason, Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals, Critique of Practical Reason, and The Metaphysics of Morals. As this question refers to the determining capacity of practical reason, we will examine his treatment of this faculty in order to explain how the philosopher gives objective reality to it. In this sense, we will argue that the concept of autonomy of the will is forged by Kant for the purpose of representing the legislative capacity of the will and that its effectiveness is proved by the feeling of respect for the moral law. However, since the objective rule erected by the autonomous will also have to be a subjective motive for action, we will argue that the philosopher conceives the concept of autocracy to represent the executive capacity of the will, that is, its ability to overcome the sensitive obstacles to morality. Thus, we argue in favor of the interdependence between these concepts, since we understand that, according to Kant, a response to the interest of reason cannot be merely negative, as restriction of the (subjective) maxims of actions, but it must also be positive, as promotion of (objective) ends for actions. Therefore, we intend to show that the concepts of autonomy and autocracy represent two complementary facets of the will, namely, the ability to determine the rule for the moral judgment of actions in general and to determine the execution of certain actions in particular.

Major exogenous shocks, which increase the vulnerability of autocratic regimes, present a unique opportunity for citizens to rebel against their hegemons. Yet in practice, we observe significant variation in protest strategies across autocracies: in some, shock-induced demonstrations grow into mass rebellion while in others they remain tame and scattered and quickly fizzle. The goal of this project is to further our understanding of the variation in dynamics of protest escalation and, more generally, of contention under autocracy and conditions for authoritarian survival and change. My dissertation develops a new theoretical framework which bridges psychological, political economy, and historical institutional approaches. My central argument is that the likelihood of protest escalation hinges on a key aspect of autocratic design: the extent to which the autocratic elite institutionalizes opportunities for its popular base – the “minimal winning coalition” necessary for an uprising – to bargain with the state over non-strategic local matters, such as distribution or status positions. All things equal, autocrats who provide no spaces for bargaining are more likely to face protest escalation because top-down rule alienates their mass base by depriving it of voice and incentivizing predatory governance; by the same token, institutionalized bargaining can buy support because it endows the mass constituency with some leverage over state agents and encourages more client-oriented intermediation. I evaluate these theoretical predictions against detailed qualitative and quantitative evidence from Syria and Jordan, two neighboring Arab states where the regional unrest of 2011 precipitated street protests. Using a natural border experiment, I show how the countries’ dissimilar institutional designs – Syria’s top-down model and Jordan’s bargaining-centric model – nurtured, over time, measurable differences in the mass constituencies’ relationship with the state, which directly affected the nature of protests in 2011. I demonstrate that already before 2011 the Syrian constituency was systematically more disaffected, economically independent, and more united than the Jordanian, and that this created a far more fertile ground for protest escalation in Syria than in Jordan. My research also suggests that government violence against protesters and non-violent tactics such as divide-and-rule are not independent explanations for escalation, but endogenous by-products of countries’ institutional foundations.
Government

PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
Este trabalho pretende contribuir para a compreensão da divisão de competências entre os três poderes consagrados pela Constituição de 1988, a partir do estudo de funções exercidas pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF). Indaga-se se existe, atualmente, equivalência entre a função exercida pelo Poder Moderador durante o Império e alguma das funções constitucionalmente designadas aos três poderes da República. Acredita-se que exista uma abertura à tendência moderadora no conjunto de competências do STF, revelada pela jurisprudência da corte. Compreendendo o direito como atividade de construção da ordem jurídica, o estudo alinha-se à vertente das pesquisas jurídico-descritivas. Promove um processo de inferência, não-dedutivo, que considera além dos próprios textos analisados, os respectivos contextos. A oposição entre as formas de governo permite compreender o sentido expansivo do conatus de uma comunidade política que se pretende democrática. O constitucionalismo, sobretudo na sua versão moderna, conhece conformação alternativa à clássica tripartição das funções estatais, na qual o Poder Moderador desponta como elemento central da estabilidade política. A recuperação do passado institucional brasileiro permite compreender tanto a dimensão da concentração do poder de decisão, reinserida no arranjo atual através do sistema de última palavra; quanto a perspectiva antidemocrática que se inscreve na sobredeterminação dos poderes constituídos à prática política não-representativa. A inter-relação entre as diversas matrizes de controle de constitucionalidade torna o sistema brasileiro uma criação singular, de onde despontam tendências moderadoras de marcas schmittianas, ressaltadas pelo dever de autocontenção e pelo discurso competente da corte.
This study intends to analyse the constitutionally established limits to the separation of powers at the federal level, especially with regard to the competencies of Brazilian s Supreme Court (BSC). It is asked whether there is, currently, some equivalence between the tasks of the moderating power during the Brazilian Empire and some of the functions constitutionally assigned to the constituted powers. It is believed that there is an opening to the moderating tendency in the BSC competencies, which is revealed by the court s jurisprudence. Methodologically, the theoretical references here applied consist in a dynamic perspective that distinguishes democracy from monarchy and aristocracy thought a difference of directions. In a democracy the desire to govern is open to fulfilment meanwhile in the other forms of government this desire remains captive. In fact, this methodological approach proposes the reconstruction of a system of analytical concepts based on contemporary constitutional theory in order to understand the role play by the BSC. The Brazilian judicial review system is a unique creation, from which emerge a moderating tendency with autocratic trends, highlighted by the self-restraint duty and the court s competent speech, whereby it calls itself the constitutional authority empowered to arbitrate institutional quarrels, interpreting, above all, its own constitutional competencies.

Sanctions are presumed to work on the logic of a cost/benefit analysis, where the actors make concessions in response to induced pressure from the public who demands policy change because of hardened living conditions. The literature regarding sanctions effect on policy change are numerous, but less research has been made on what effects follow in domestic politics when sanctions are lifted. The theory of economic voting explains how voters reward or punish their leaders depending on the economic performance of the country. Most studies have focused on democratic developed countries, but this research will extend the theories to an autocratic setting. This essay fills a gap in the literature by a applying case study approach to a field of work that is largely dominated by quantitative research designs. Through a case of structured focused comparison of two periods where sanctions are implemented and then lifted, this essay is able to show that for the case of Iran, the coercive measures had an impact on support for the government. The public rewarded the incumbent for good performance when the sanctions were lifted, which confirms earlier findings that voter behavior in autocratic countries are similar to those in democracies. The economy is here shown to be of importance for regime approval, but more research is needed on what affects support for governments in non-consolidated democracies.

The aim of this thesis is to understand and explain ‘deviant autocracies’, which are an overlooked and under-researched theme in the democratisation literature. Two major approaches, i.e. structural and process-driven explanations, have dominated the debate on and studies of democratisation. However, over the past few decades, there have been an increasing number of cases that have not made the transition to democracy. These cases, which I refer to as ‘deviant autocracies’, are the primary focus of this thesis. Deviant autocracies are countries that have a high level of economic development but are still governed by non-democratic regimes. Based on a large-N analysis of a dataset from 1960 to 2011, this thesis shows that since the 1970s, increasing numbers of high income countries have not made the transition to democracy. To understand the emergence and consolidation of deviant autocracies, an analytical framework, the neo actor-based approach, is developed. This approach synergies with the lens of existing actor-based approach, elite theory, models of the elite bargaining process and the elite-structure paradigm to examine the interactions of international actors, local elites and state capacity. Based on this analytical framework, two small-N case studies were conducted to examine the identified deviant autocracies, Singapore and Hong Kong, to understand why they have not made the transition to democracy. At the analytical level, this thesis aims to offer an explanation of the non-transition of deviant autocracies based on a middle-range theory that focuses on elite interactions during the transitional period. At the empirical level, it contributes to our empirical knowledge of why Hong Kong and Singapore have not made the transition to democracy despite favourable circumstances and structural factors. By focusing on understanding why these cases remain stable deviant autocracies, I hope to open up a new research agenda for scholars of democratisation.

Submitted by Helena Bejio (helena.bejio@unioeste.br) on 2018-07-06T11:55:36Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Samuel_Silva_Junior_2018.pdf: 2690767 bytes, checksum: 5f5a6b5406c1da46b91da38d51b67e88 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-06T11:55:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Samuel_Silva_Junior_2018.pdf: 2690767 bytes, checksum: 5f5a6b5406c1da46b91da38d51b67e88 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-29
Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
The purpose of this dissertation is to study the movement Diretas Já in Brazil, which took place during the years 1983 and 1984, in the midst of the political transition. For this analysis, it was necessary to make a digression about the model of economic and political development under which Brazil was inserted, seeking to highlight the antipopular and autocratic form of internal, dependent and subordinate modernization in its external relation, engendered by the colonial way of development , as well as its model of social organization based on rearrangements and political recompositions by the top in an unpopular and antipopular way. The corollary of this kind of development was what Gramsci called the passive revolution of regressive content, also known as the restoration revolution, a process permanently crowned in Brazil in its peripheral insertion to imperialism and to international development guidelines. In this way, we can understand in a more substantial way the importance and the sense that the Diretas Já already taken in the transition process. Another point necessary for the broader understanding of the movement by the Diretas is the rebuilding of the bloc in power that began in 1974 and intensified through successive crises – the exhaustion of the economic miracle, First (1973) and Second Oil Crisis (1979). This recomposition can be noticed from the reestablishment of alliances between the Brazilian businessmen who were beginning to envisage a transition process, but who did not lose both their privileges and the high rate of exploitation of the workforce at the same time. Faced with the economic crisis, these entrepreneurs, especially the so-called "new entrepreneurs" (the Gerdau, Ermírio de Morais, Setúbal, Diniz, among others) allied themselves with the "opposition economists" and with the PMDB opposition sectors around a "new" developmentalist project for the succession process. It is through this internally and externally embodied recomposition (by political and economic influences of Samuel P. Huntington and David Rockefeller) that we understand the possibilities and limits of the movement for immediate suffrage. Some hypotheses and conclusions that circumscribe the present research which can be presented in advance are: a) that the movement for the Diretas Já already had two different orientations between the years 1983 and 1984: in the first year marked mainly by the antiautocratic tensioning led by PT, CUT and base movements, and in the second by the anticesarist perspective hegemonically ruled by the PMDB, PDT and PDS dissidents; b) that the movement by the Diretas was only possible and relatively consistent (duration of about 15 months) by the permanent correlation of forces impressed within the movement between the antiautocratic and anticesarist opposition; c) that the Diretas Já already taken concrete and practical form with the PT's performance in 1983, culminating in the mobilization of November 15, 1983 in the Charles Muller square in São Paulo, forcing the PMDB to participate effectively in the movement, both to neutralize the anti-autocratic leadership as to acquiring political and electoral dividends, albeit in a disguised way; d) that the movement for the Diretas no longer ended with its defeat on April 25, 1984, when rejection of the amendment Dante de Oliveira in the Chamber of Deputies, as seen in the literature that sought to deal with the subject, but was led to carried out exclusively by the antiautocratic opposition and by cadres to the left of the PMDB under the mantle of the amendment Theodoro Mendes; e) that there was a dispute over the "paternity" of the pro-Diretas movement after its defeat between the consensus-building sector in the Electoral College, the pro-Tancredo movement and the Democratic Alliance, and the antiautocratic sector gathered around the amendment Theodore Mendes. This "paternity" was arbitrarily attributed to the pro-Tancredo movement by the media as a whole, relegating the pro-direct movement led by the antiautocratic opposition to oblivion. These are some of the hypotheses that surround the present research, and can only be answered with greater argument when we understand, historically, that is, vertically and horizontally, the Brazilian development model and its successive political recompositions, so that we can contrast that the Diretas, despite the successive limits imposed by the bourgeois opposition, was a privileged locus of political dispute; its existence as well as its contribution to the change in the correlation of forces is due to the participation and resistance of the popular movement led by the antiautocratic opposition, since they stressed that the political transition was "not given", that is, it could be modified, albeit partially, through political struggle.. Finally, the background of this research is to understand how the bourgeois autocracy is configured and institutionalized before the movements of political struggle in Brazil.
A presente dissertação tem como objetivo versar sobre o movimento Diretas Já no Brasil decorrido ao longo dos anos de 1983 e 1984, no bojo da transição política. Para tal análise se mostrou necessário fazer uma digressão acerca do modelo de desenvolvimento econômico e político sob o qual o Brasil esteve inserido, buscando evidenciar a forma antipopular e autocrática de modernização interna, e dependente e subalterna na sua relação externa, engendrado pela via colonial de desenvolvimento, bem como seu modelo de organização social pautado em rearranjos e recomposições políticas pelo alto de maneira impopular e antipopular. O corolário desse tipo desenvolvimento foi aquilo que Gramsci nominou de revolução passiva de conteúdo regressivo, também conhecido como revolução restauração, processo coroado no Brasil de forma permanente a partir de sua inserção periférica ao imperialismo. Desta forma, conseguimos compreender de maneira mais substancial a importância e o sentido que as Diretas Já tomaram no processo de transição. Outro ponto necessário para a compreensão mais ampla do referido movimento é a recomposição do bloco no poder iniciada ainda em 1974 e intensificada por meio de sucessivas crises – esgotamento do milagre econômico, Primeira (1973) e Segunda Crise do Petróleo (1979). Essa recomposição pode ser notada a partir do restabelecimento de alianças entre o empresariado brasileiro que começava a vislumbrar um processo de transição, mas que não perdesse, ao mesmo tempo, seus privilégios e a alta taxa de exploração da força de trabalho. Frente à crise econômica, esses empresários, principalmente os denominados de “novos empresários” (os Gerdau, Ermírio de Morais, Setúbal, Diniz, entre outros) se aliaram com os “economistas de oposição” e com os setores oposicionistas do PMDB em torno de um “novo” projeto desenvolvimentista para o processo sucessório. É a partir destas recomposições consubstanciadas interna e externamente (pelas influências políticas e econômicas de Samuel P. Huntington e David Rockefeller) que compreendemos as possibilidades e limites do movimento pelo sufrágio imediato. Algumas hipóteses e conclusões que circunscrevem a presente pesquisa as quais podem ser apresentadas de antemão são: a) que o movimento pelas Diretas Já teve duas orientações diferenciadas entre os anos de 1983 e 1984: no primeiro ano marcado majoritariamente pelo tensionamento antiautocrático liderado pelo PT, CUT e movimentos de base, e no segundo ano pela perspectiva anticesarista pautada hegemonicamente pelo PMDB, PDT e dissidentes do PDS; b) que o movimento pelas Diretas só foi possível e relativamente consistente (duração de mais ou menos 15 meses) pela permanente correlação de forças imprimida no interior do movimento entre as oposições antiautocrática e anticesarista; c) que as Diretas Já tomaram forma concreta e prática com a atuação do PT ainda em 1983, culminado na mobilização de 15 de novembro de 1983 na praça Charles Muller, em São Paulo, obrigando o PMDB a participar efetivamente do movimento, tanto para neutralizar a liderança antiautocrática quanto para adquirir dividendos políticos e eleitorais, ainda que de forma dissimulada; d) que o movimento pelas Diretas Já não terminou com a sua derrota no dia 25 de abril de 1984, quando da rejeição da emenda Dante de Oliveira na Câmara de Deputados, conforme visto pela literatura que buscou versar sobre o tema, mas foi levado a cabo exclusivamente pela oposição antiautocrática e por quadros à esquerda do PMDB sob o manto da emenda Theodoro Mendes; e) que houve uma disputa pela “paternidade” do movimento pró-Diretas após a sua derrota entre o setor favorável ao consenso no Colégio Eleitoral – movimento pró-Tancredo e Aliança Democrática – e o setor antiautocrático, reunido em torno da emenda Theodoro Mendes. Essa “paternidade” foi atribuída arbitrariamente ao movimento pró-Tancredo pelo conjunto da mídia, relegando o movimento pró-Diretas liderado pela oposição antiautocrática ao esquecimento. Essas são algumas das hipóteses que rodeiam a presente pesquisa, e só podem ser respondidas com maior argumentação quando compreendemos, historicamente, ou seja, vertical e horizontalmente, o modelo de desenvolvimento brasileiro e suas sucessivas recomposições políticas, para assim podermos contrastar que o movimento pelas Diretas, apesar dos sucessivos limites impostos pela oposição burguesa e pelo regime, foi um locus privilegiado de disputa política; sua existência, bem como sua contribuição para a mudança no quadro de correlação de forças se deve à participação e a resistência do movimento popular liderado pela oposição antiautocrática, uma vez que tensionaram para demonstrar que a transição política “não estava dada”, ou seja, podia ser modificada, ainda que parcialmente, por meio da luta política. Por fim, o pano de fundo desta pesquisa é entender como a autocracia burguesa se configura e se institucionaliza frente aos movimentos de luta política no Brasil.

Submitted by Leonardo Sartoretto null (leonardosartoretto@hotmail.com) on 2017-09-11T14:59:48Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Crise e Transição - um capítulo da modernização conservadora da autocracia burguesa no Brasil.pdf: 1931441 bytes, checksum: 5f9182281ec1fa91f92c8adba24a82ec (MD5)
Approved for entry into archive by Monique Sasaki (sayumi_sasaki@hotmail.com) on 2017-09-12T17:03:06Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 sartoretto_l_me_mar.pdf: 1931441 bytes, checksum: 5f9182281ec1fa91f92c8adba24a82ec (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-12T17:03:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 sartoretto_l_me_mar.pdf: 1931441 bytes, checksum: 5f9182281ec1fa91f92c8adba24a82ec (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-25
Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
O presente trabalho procura compreender as transformações que ocorrem na base do poder político da autocracia burguesa brasileira em 1930. Nomeadamente a crise que leva a recomposição das suas frações no bloco do poder com a ascensão da Aliança Liberal ao Governo Provisório. Para tanto estudamos a formação e consolidação da fração agrárioexportadora e portadora do grande capital cafeeiro, já que esta vai ser a matriz do intenso desenvolvimento que a nossa formação social vai conhecer com base no ciclo do café. É através de sua gênese e desenvolvimento que observamos que, no bojo de seu avanço social, inclusive na composição de sua hegemonia que ocorre durante a Primeira República, contradições como a formação de uma industrialização com capitais oriundos da acumulação cafeeira vão transformando a estrutura produtiva de sua dominação. Por outro lado, seu domínio absoluto começa a ser contestado em 1922, ferindo mortalmente sua capacidade hegemônica. A Aliança Liberal, herdeira de toda essa crise política, ao agregar em si inúmeros grupos, camadas e frações sociais que já não se veem mais representadas pela política monocultora e agroexportadora do café, com grande ênfase ao apoio armado tenentista, se insurrece e desloca do centro do poder a fração paulista. Como grupo dirigente, ela então reorienta o centro dinâmico da economia brasileira, respondendo ao caráter de suas próprias contradições, e com medidas políticas como o corporativismo trava contato íntimo com a burguesia industrial. Novamente se apropriando do Estado para recompor a relação de suas frações burguesas, e outra vez alijando a classe trabalhadora do poder através de sua organização em moldes corporativistas, mesmo que isso as leve para dentro do próprio Estado, e ainda reprimindo com violência os grupos sociais que não lograram obedecer a esse ditame, como a reorganização do DEOPS bem expressa, características todas de uma legítima autocracia burguesa, agora reposta em novos patamares, o grupo dirigente encabeçado por Getúlio Vargas procede a uma genuína modernização conservadora desta forma de domínio brasileira.
The present work tries to understand the transformations that occur in the base of the political power of the Brazilian bourgeois autocracy in 1930. In particular, the crisis that leads to the recomposition of its fractions in the power bloc with the rise of the Liberal Alliance to the Provisional Government. In order to do so, we study the formation and consolidation of the agrarian-exporting fraction and the great capital of coffee, since this will be the matrix of the intense development that our social formation will know based on the coffee cycle. It is through its genesis and development that we observe that, in the midst of its social advance, including in the composition of its hegemony that occurs during the Old Republic, contradictions such as the formation of an industrialization with capital from the coffee accumulation transform the productive structure of Their domination. On the other hand, its absolute domination begins to be contested in 1922, mortally wounding its hegemonic capacity. The Liberal Alliance, inheriting all this political crisis, by aggregating in itself numerous groups, strata and social fractions that are no longer represented by the monoculture and agro-exporting policy of coffee, with great emphasis on the tenentista armed support, insurrection and dislocation of the Center of power the São Paulo fraction. As a leading group, it then reorients the dynamic center of the Brazilian economy, responding to the character of its own contradictions, and with political measures such as corporatism, it has intimate contact with the industrial bourgeoisie. Once again appropriating the state to recompose the relation of its bourgeois fractions, and again throwing away the working class of power through its organization in a corporatist way, even if it takes them into the state itself, and still repressing social groups with violence which have not been able to obey this dictum, such as the reorganization of the DEOPS expressed, all characteristics of a legitimate bourgeois autocracy, now restored to new heights, the leading group headed by Getúlio Vargas proceeds to a genuine conservative modernization of this form of Brazilian domination.
El presente trabajo busca comprender las transformaciones que ocurren en la base del poder político de la autocracia burguesa brasileña en 1930. En particular la crisis que lleva a la recomposición de sus fracciones en el bloque del poder con el ascenso de la Alianza Liberal al Gobierno Provisional. Para ello estudiamos la formación y consolidación de la fracción agrario-exportadora y portadora del gran capital cafetero, ya que ésta va a ser la matriz del intenso desarrollo que nuestra formación social va a conocer con base en el ciclo del café. Es a través de su génesis y desarrollo que observamos que, en el seno de su avance social, incluso en la composición de su hegemonía que ocurre durante la Primera República, contradicciones como la formación de una industrialización con capitales oriundos de la acumulación cafetera van transformando la estructura productiva de su dominación. Por otro lado, su dominio absoluto comienza a ser discutido en 1922, hiriendo mortalmente su capacidad hegemónica. La Alianza Liberal, heredera de toda esta crisis política, al agregar en sí innumerables grupos, capas y fracciones sociales que ya no se ven más representadas por la política monocultiva y agroexportadora del café, con gran énfasis al apoyo armado tenentista, se insurrece y se desplaza el centro del poder la fracción paulista. Como grupo dirigente, entonces reorienta el centro dinámico de la economía brasileña, respondiendo al carácter de sus propias contradicciones, y con medidas políticas como el corporativismo traba contacto íntimo con la burguesía industrial. Nuevamente apropiarse del Estado para recomponer la relación de sus fracciones burguesas, y otra vez alijando a la clase obrera del poder a través de su organización en moldes corporativistas, aunque eso las lleve hacia dentro del propio Estado, y aún reprimiendo con violencia a los grupos sociales que no lograron obedecer a ese dictamen, como la reorganización del DEOPS bien expresada, características todas de una legítima autocracia burguesa, ahora restablecida en nuevos niveles, el grupo dirigente encabezado por Getúlio Vargas procede a una genuina modernización conservadora de esta forma de dominio brasileña.

 

 

 

 

 

Abstract

C-Level Paper in Political Science, by David Olsson, Autumn 2008. Supervisor: Malin Stegman McCallion. “Regime Type and Trade Policy: Has Increased Democratization Contributed to Lower Trade Barriers Among Autocratic States?”

 

In this paper a new two-level game theory, based on previous research and deductive reasoning, is constructed and tested empirically. The purpose is to examine if developing new democracies, trading with developing autocracies, is an explanatory factor of trade liberalization among the latter. The research questions are: 1) Have tariff rates in developing autocratic countries followed the pattern of reduced tariffs among their developing new democratic trading partners? And; 2) If this is the case, is there a relative shift in trade flows that confirms this change to be an effect of the new democracies’ presumed influence?

                      In order to sufficiently carry out an empirical scrutiny, seven other determinants found to have effects on trade policies in previous research, are accounted for using a “most similar systems design”. For reasons of delimitation, six autocracies and their fifteen most important trading partners, observed 1980-1999, have been paired and analyzed. Each pair consists of one autocracy that trades with new democracies and one that does not; regarding the other determinants they are as similar as possible. The used material is the World Development Indicators, the Polity IV Dataset, the Yearbook of International Trade Statistics, the World Economic Outlook Database, the Database of Political Institutions, statistics from the World Trade Organization, the Dataset of Armed Conflicts, and the Unweighted Average Tariffs Measurement.   

                      The conclusion is that there are no indicators that affirm the theory and research questions. However, the theory is not unambiguously falsified. Hence, studies on more countries and time spans are needed.       

 

 

 

 

 

Orientador: Anderson Deo
Banca: Angélica Lovatto
Banca: José Milton Pinheiro de Souza
Resumo: O presente trabalho procura compreender as transformações que ocorrem na base do poder político da autocracia burguesa brasileira em 1930. Nomeadamente a crise que leva a recomposição das suas frações no bloco do poder com a ascensão da Aliança Liberal ao Governo Provisório. Para tanto estudamos a formação e consolidação da fração agrário-exportadora e portadora do grande capital cafeeiro, já que esta vai ser a matriz do intenso desenvolvimento que a nossa formação social vai conhecer com base no ciclo do café. É através de sua gênese e desenvolvimento que observamos que, no bojo de seu avanço social, inclusive na composição de sua hegemonia que ocorre durante a Primeira República, contradições como a formação de uma industrialização com capitais oriundos da acumulação cafeeira vão transformando a estrutura produtiva de sua dominação. Por outro lado, seu domínio absoluto começa a ser contestado em 1922, ferindo mortalmente sua capacidade hegemônica. A Aliança Liberal, herdeira de toda essa crise política, ao agregar em si inúmeros grupos, camadas e frações sociais que já não se veem mais representadas pela política monocultora e agroexportadora do café, com grande ênfase ao apoio armado tenentista, se insurrece e desloca do centro do poder a fração paulista. Como grupo dirigente, ela então reorienta o centro dinâmico da economia brasileira, respondendo ao caráter de suas próprias contradições, e com medidas políticas como o corporativismo trava contato íntimo com a burguesia ... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: The present work tries to understand the transformations that occur in the base of the political power of the Brazilian bourgeois autocracy in 1930. In particular, the crisis that leads to the recomposition of its fractions in the power bloc with the rise of the Liberal Alliance to the Provisional Government. In order to do so, we study the formation and consolidation of the agrarian-exporting fraction and the great capital of coffee, since this will be the matrix of the intense development that our social formation will know based on the coffee cycle. It is through its genesis and development that we observe that, in the midst of its social advance, including in the composition of its hegemony that occurs during the Old Republic, contradictions such as the formation of an industrialization with capital from the coffee accumulation transform the productive structure of Their domination. On the other hand, its absolute domination begins to be contested in 1922, mortally wounding its hegemonic capacity. The Liberal Alliance, inheriting all this political crisis, by aggregating in itself numerous groups, strata and social fractions that are no longer represented by the monoculture and agro-exporting policy of coffee, with great emphasis on the tenentista armed support, insurrection and dislocation of the Center of power the São Paulo fraction. As a leading group, it then reorients the dynamic center of the Brazilian economy, responding to the character of its own contradictions,... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Mestre

Almost inevitably on occasions, purchasers, customers or users of services will be so dissatisfied with the quality or experience of procurement that they will feel driven to make a complaint. Whether in relation to public or private sector organisations, complaints can provide suppliers with valuable feedback information about their services which may help to inform and direct improvements more generally as well as in relation to the particular case and circumstances. This aim of this study has been to examine complaint management within a public governmental organization – and particularly within such an organization in an autocratic state context. The study has taken the form of a case-study – set in Brunei Darussalam - and involved a mixed methods research approach of both a survey of some 200 public servants with a structured questionnaire, and a set of some 60 more in-depth, semi structured, interviews with senior governmental officials drawn from a range of departments. While, almost all respondents and interviewees readily acknowledged the importance and value of complaints and complaint management as a key component of good customer focus, the research found that, mostly, the mechanisms for realizing such value were not in place and that, in practice, few government departments in Brunei were managing complaints in any systematic manner. This state of affairs, it has been concluded, reflects the lack of market or democratic pressures for departments to learn from complaints and to improve its public services.

A burgeoning literature argues that the abundance of oil in developing countries strengthens autocratic rule and erodes democracy. However, extant studies either show the average cross-national correlation between oil and political regime or develop particularistic accounts that do not easily lend themselves to theorizing. Consequently, we know little of the causal mechanisms that potentially link oil wealth to undemocratic outcomes and the conditions that would help explain the ultimate, not average, effect of oil on political regime. This study develops a conditional theory of the “political resource curse.” It does so by undertaking a statistical reassessment of the relationship between oil wealth and political regime and a nuanced qualitative examination of a set of carefully selected cases in order to contribute to developing an adequate account of causal mechanisms that transmit and conditions that shape the relationship between oil abundance and autocracy. It draws on qualitative and quantitative evidence collected over eighteen months of fieldwork in oil-rich former Soviet countries of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan, and the ‘counterfactual’ oil-poor Kyrgyzstan. Employing a theoretical framework that draws on insights from the rentier state theory, historical institutionalism, and rational choice institutionalism, I trace, compare, and contrast the processes that potentially link oil wealth to regime outcomes in these countries between 1989 and 2010. The findings strongly suggest that political regime differences can be better explained by the interaction of oil wealth with several structural and institutional variables rather than by oil abundance or another single factor alone. A thorough qualitative analysis of the post-Soviet cases shows that the causal mechanisms hypothesized in the ‘resource curse’ literature were neither necessarily present, nor uniform across these cases and throughout the post-Soviet period. This was because a particular interaction of exogenous variables and oil wealth affected the causal mechanisms differently, ultimately entailing different regime outcomes. The spread of alternative political elites, relative size of the ethnic minority with ties to a powerful kin state, and oil production geography were key exogenous factors that consistently interacted with oil in affecting the political regimes.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:32:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Arleandra de Lima Ricardo.pdf: 1113423 bytes, checksum: ac3cde1dd3c6b71e08d883d296cf80c9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-10-27
Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico
This dissertation displays the different forms of social control, monitoring and repression exerted by the Office of Political and Social Order (DOPS) of Pernambuco against the most varied social segments during the period between 1945 and 1956. The method of limiting and the monitoring extended to their own agents of the DOPS, to the Air base of Recife, the plants, the political parties (particularly to the Party Communist Brazilian), to the associations of classes and also to the feminist movement. It was also possible to expose mainly, the process of monitoring one of the militant women of the PCB, Adalgisa Rodrigues Cavalcanti. The research, through the analysis of documentation of the time, had as its principle, to understand the internal logic of this system of National Security. Thus disclosing how the DOPS, justified by ideology of the National Security, throughout the decade of 1950, not only continued the effective repression during the dictatorial period of Getúlio, but also extended its radius of action in to the society. The database that made possible such reflections was extracted from the State Library Jordão Emerenciano in Recife (PE) organized by Marcília Gama and her team. This database consists of dossiers and handbooks created by the agents of the DOPS. Such dossiers contain comments of the agents on the different social classes or the observations of these classes as materials apprehended as proofs of subversion: periodicals, documents of the organizations, acts of meetings, etc
Esta dissertação expõe como ocorreram as diferentes formas de controle social, de vigilância e de repressão exercidas pela Delegacia de Ordem Política e Social (DOPS) de Pernambuco contra os mais variados segmentos sociais no período compreendido entre 1945 e 1956. O cerceamento e a vigilância que se estenderam aos próprios agentes da DOPS, à Base Aérea de Recife, às fábricas, aos partidos políticos (particularmente ao Partido Comunista Brasileiro), às associações de classe e, também, ao movimento feminino. Foi possível expor também, principalmente, o processo de vigilância em torno de uma das militantes do PCB, Adalgisa Rodrigues Cavalcanti. A pesquisa, através da análise da documentação da época, teve como princípio, compreender a lógica interna deste sistema de Segurança Nacional. Desta forma, revelar como a DOPS, justificada pela ideologia da Segurança Nacional, ao longo da década de 1950, não apenas continuou a repressão vigente no período ditatorial de Getúlio, assim como ampliou seu raio de ação na sociedade. A base de dados que possibilitou tais reflexões foi extraída do Acervo Estadual Jordão Emerenciano em Recife (PE) organizado por Marcília Gama e pela sua equipe. Essa base de dados é constituída por dossiês e por prontuários criados pelos agentes da DOPS. Tais dossiês contêm observações dos agentes sobre as classes ou sobre o estrato das classes vigiadas, além de materiais diversos apreendidos como provas de subversão: jornais, documentos das organizações, atas de reuniões, etc

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigo Pereira Chagas.pdf: 8810051 bytes, checksum: 71c70c365f951c61ad63cd8772179ffc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-03-03
Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico
The object of this study is to examine, within the framework of the ideology upheld by the Sociologist Florestan Fernandes (1920-1995), his understanding of the process commonly known as transition or political opening in Brazil (1974-1988) where he participated as a privileged agent, setting forth a highly elaborated analysis of Brazilian social structures and functioning as an organic intellectual dos de baixo in activities such as: professor, publicist and deputy. Within this framework, we visualize an intense and promising activity but often leading to deep disappointment that discourage the institutionalization of the military dictatorship (counter-revolution) in Brazil and the preservation of archaic structures through conservative modernization , combined with the systematic repression and refrain from popular participation in the nation s destiny . This study emphasizes two aspects that reflect Florestan Fernandes´ ideas: it examines some structural theoretical concepts, particularly, his conception of bourgeois autocracy on the one hand; and introduces his theoretical-practical facet that corresponds with the dynamic history of the struggle of classes
Nossa pesquisa buscou resgatar, através do ideário do sociólogo Florestan Fernandes (1920-1995), sua compreensão sobre o processo comumente denominado transição ou abertura democrática no Brasil (1974-1988) ¬ processo que participou como agente privilegiado, partindo de uma análise altamente elaborada sobre as estruturas sociais brasileiras e atuando diretamente como intelectual orgânico dos de baixo em atividades como: professor, publicista e deputado federal. No conjunto deste ideário, visualizamos uma atividade intensa e esperançosa, mas de grandes desilusões; que amargam a institucionalização da ditadura militar (contra-revolução) no Brasil e a manutenção de estruturas arcaicas através de modernizações conservadoras , conjugadas à repressão e afastamento sistemáticos da participação popular no destino da Nação . O trabalho dá destaque a dois momentos que compõem o ideário florestaniano: por um lado, resgata alguns aspectos teóricos estruturais, principalmente, sua concepção de autocracia burguesa; e, por outro, apresenta sua face teórico-prática, que corresponde à história dinâmica da luta de classes

Virtually all African autocrats now govern with parliaments and organize regular, multiparty elections. They have little choice. Since the end of the Cold War, Western governments have required nominally democratic institutions in exchange for aid, investment, and debt relief. With violent repression impossible to conceal from the international community, life as an autocrat has grown more difficult. Since 1989, autocrats forced to govern with nominally democratic institutions have been 80% more likely to lose power than their counterparts. Between 1986 and 2000, the number of autocracies in Africa fell from 45 to 30. The rate of democratization has slowed, for Africa's autocrats learned to survive democratic institutions. To understand how, this dissertation focuses on the Republic of Congo, ruled by Denis Sassou Nguesso for all but five years since 1979. Using original data on the Congolese elite, their political parties, elections, and the security apparatus, this dissertation finds that Africa's autocrats confront challenges old and new with different constraints. Accordingly, they find different solutions. Whereas autocrats once relied on single parties to prevent elite coups, they now secure compliance with social tools. By redefining the pool of candidates for the regime's critical positions, Africa's autocrats employ a "politics of hope," which induces loyalty when elites are excluded from the regime. To monitor appointees, Africa's contemporary autocrats create social institutions, in which new recruits interact with trusted aides. Autocrats supplement these with parallel governments, which force elites separated by cleavages to compete against each other. When Africa's autocrats deploy these monitoring devices effectively, they forgo arbitrary purges in favor of tenure policies that reward competence. The international community's insistence on elections creates "focal moments," when citizens sense their shared discontent. Since they believe international attention will shield them from repression, opposition leaders mobilize unrest. This institutional landscape compels autocrats to fashion electoral alliances with opposition leaders. By joining the regime they once impugned, opposition leaders sacrifice public credibility for ministerial perquisites. Popular goodwill constitutes an insurance policy, and so Africa's autocrats commission surrogates to generate it. With repression less credible, autocrats construct their security apparatuses to threaten violence without provoking it.
Government

The thesis explores whether and how democratic and autocratic political institutions affect the welfare of people in developing countries. First, we empirically investigate whether democracy improves people's health, by using time-series country-level aggregate statistics. We find that there is a robust cross-sectional correlation between democracy and life expectancy at birth. Country fixed effects estimation, on the other hand, does not yield a statistically significant correlation between the two. This empirical approach, however, does not disentangle the effect of democracy from country-level confounding factors. To overcome this, I empirically examine whether democratization has reduced infant mortality in sub-Saharan Africa in the 1990s, by using micro data on child survival. Mother fixed effects estimation shows that mothers see their infants more likely to survive after democratization than before. This result may suggest that African dictatorships are particularly bad compared to those in other regions. To shed some light on this possibility, we theoretically investigate under what condition autocracy yields good policy outcomes. We show that such a condition is that those enfranchised in autocracy can retain the right of leadership selection after overthrowing a dictator for his bad performance. We also show that such a successful autocracy outperforms a democracy if distributional issues are so important that voters in democracy cannot discipline policy-makers in the general interest policy outcomes. What affects the salience of distributional issues, therefore, needs to be understood. One such factor may be ethnic favoritism by the government, which has rarely been empirically investigated in a systematic way. By using micro data on infant mortality and by exploiting one-time unexpected change in the president's ethnicity in Guinea, I provide evidence on whether the ethnicity of those in power affects infant mortality for each ethnic group under an autocratic rule.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:24:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2009-04-16Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:31:15Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 santosjunior_jo_me_mar.pdf: 855490 bytes, checksum: 0735539fe2b4b6313f9cd7dc22e5984d (MD5)
O Partido Comunista Brasileiro, desde o seu surgimento em 1922, entendeu que para se conquistar a democracia seria preciso construir uma aliança operária camponesa, e este entendimento foi ampliado a partir do final da década de vinte, quando os comunistas visualizaram a burguesia como participe da aliança juntamente com o operariado e o campesinato. Por esta época, começou a se forjar entre os comunistas do Brasil – em consonância com o acordo manifestado pelos comunistas russos --, a concretização da estratégia política nacional-democrática, cujo processo revolucionário estaria calcado no etapismo. Quando se deu a cisão em 1962 surgiu o PCdoB, este partido manteve a mesma estratégia política durante as décadas de setenta e oitenta. Cabe destacar que apesar de em seus documentos o partido afirme com veemência que a burguesia representa a classe social a ser varrida da historia, não raras vezes esta mesma classe foi lembrada pelo PCdoB como necessária ao processo de democratização. Assim, foi devido a essa pendularidade, que compreendemos que o PCdoB poderia ser denominado de pêndulo vermelho. Durante o processo de democratização brasileira, cujo pano de fundo foi o projeto de auto-reforma perpetrado pelo regime militar, o PCdoB não economizou esforços para manter as amplas alianças, que nos estertores do governo do Gal. Figueiredo ficou conhecida como Aliança Democrática. Algum tempo depois, quando a burguesia se certificou de que a sua dominação e direção sobre o conjunto da nação estava assegurada, tratou aprofundar a sua política conservadora, não restando alternativa ao PCdoB, a não a ser a sua saída desta mesma aliança. Portanto, consideramos que o PCdoB (por nós denominado de pêndulo vermelho) manteve a mesma estratégia política de buscar alianças – mesmo que conjunturais – com a burguesia, outrora denominada nacional, mesmo...
The Brazilian Communist Party, since its inception in 1922, understood that to achieve the democracy would have to build a working peasant alliance, and this understanding was expanded from the late twenties, when the communists viewed the bourgeoisie as a participant in the alliance with the working class and peasantry. By this time, began to forge between the Communists in Brazil - in line with the agreement expressed by the Russian Communists - the achievement of national policy strategy-democratic revolutionary process which would be trampled in steps. When the split occurred in 1962 came the YNA, the party maintained the same political strategy during the seventies and eighties. It should be noted that although in their documents the party asserting strongly that the bourgeoisie is the class to be wiped out of history, often the same class was remembered by YNA as necessary to the process of democratization. Thus, it was due to this oscillatory, we understand that PCdoB could be called red pendulum. During the process of democratization in Brazil, whose background was the project of self-reform perpetrated by the military regime, the YNA was hard at work to keep the broad alliances that in the throes of the government of Gal. Figueiredo was known as the Democratic Alliance. Some time later, when the bourgeoisie is satisfied that its domination and direction for the whole nation was assured, tried to deepen their political conservative, and there is an alternative to YNA, not to their departure of that alliance. Therefore, we consider the YNA (we called pendulum red) remained the same political strategy of seeking alliances - even if short-term - with the bourgeoisie, once called national, even at the expense of subordinate communist during the term of the same political alliance with the bourgeoisie to the establishment of the National Constituent Assembly in 1987

Orientador: Antônio Carlos Mazzeo
Banca: Marcos Tadeu Del Roio
Banca: Adilson Marques Gennari
Resumo: O Partido Comunista Brasileiro, desde o seu surgimento em 1922, entendeu que para se conquistar a democracia seria preciso construir uma aliança operária camponesa, e este entendimento foi ampliado a partir do final da década de vinte, quando os comunistas visualizaram a burguesia como participe da aliança juntamente com o operariado e o campesinato. Por esta época, começou a se forjar entre os comunistas do Brasil - em consonância com o acordo manifestado pelos comunistas russos --, a concretização da estratégia política nacional-democrática, cujo processo revolucionário estaria calcado no etapismo. Quando se deu a cisão em 1962 surgiu o PCdoB, este partido manteve a mesma estratégia política durante as décadas de setenta e oitenta. Cabe destacar que apesar de em seus documentos o partido afirme com veemência que a burguesia representa a classe social a ser varrida da historia, não raras vezes esta mesma classe foi lembrada pelo PCdoB como necessária ao processo de democratização. Assim, foi devido a essa pendularidade, que compreendemos que o PCdoB poderia ser denominado de pêndulo vermelho. Durante o processo de democratização brasileira, cujo pano de fundo foi o projeto de auto-reforma perpetrado pelo regime militar, o PCdoB não economizou esforços para manter as amplas alianças, que nos estertores do governo do Gal. Figueiredo ficou conhecida como Aliança Democrática. Algum tempo depois, quando a burguesia se certificou de que a sua dominação e direção sobre o conjunto da nação estava assegurada, tratou aprofundar a sua política conservadora, não restando alternativa ao PCdoB, a não a ser a sua saída desta mesma aliança. Portanto, consideramos que o PCdoB (por nós denominado de pêndulo vermelho) manteve a mesma estratégia política de buscar alianças - mesmo que conjunturais - com a burguesia, outrora denominada nacional, mesmo... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: The Brazilian Communist Party, since its inception in 1922, understood that to achieve the democracy would have to build a working peasant alliance, and this understanding was expanded from the late twenties, when the communists viewed the bourgeoisie as a participant in the alliance with the working class and peasantry. By this time, began to forge between the Communists in Brazil - in line with the agreement expressed by the Russian Communists - the achievement of national policy strategy-democratic revolutionary process which would be trampled in steps. When the split occurred in 1962 came the YNA, the party maintained the same political strategy during the seventies and eighties. It should be noted that although in their documents the party asserting strongly that the bourgeoisie is the class to be wiped out of history, often the same class was remembered by YNA as necessary to the process of democratization. Thus, it was due to this oscillatory, we understand that PCdoB could be called red pendulum. During the process of democratization in Brazil, whose background was the project of self-reform perpetrated by the military regime, the YNA was hard at work to keep the broad alliances that in the throes of the government of Gal. Figueiredo was known as the Democratic Alliance. Some time later, when the bourgeoisie is satisfied that its domination and direction for the whole nation was assured, tried to deepen their political conservative, and there is an alternative to YNA, not to their departure of that alliance. Therefore, we consider the YNA (we called pendulum red) remained the same political strategy of seeking alliances - even if short-term - with the bourgeoisie, once called national, even at the expense of subordinate communist during the term of the same political alliance with the bourgeoisie to the establishment of the National Constituent Assembly in 1987
Mestre

Submitted by JÚLIO HEBER SILVA (julioheber@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-11-24T17:15:18Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Rodrigo Jurucê Mattos Gonçalves - 2016.pdf: 3892287 bytes, checksum: ad62e49878dccd031b5b3501f905cb79 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5)
Approved for entry into archive by Jaqueline Silva (jtas29@gmail.com) on 2016-11-28T17:53:53Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Rodrigo Jurucê Mattos Gonçalves - 2016.pdf: 3892287 bytes, checksum: ad62e49878dccd031b5b3501f905cb79 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2016-11-28T17:53:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Rodrigo Jurucê Mattos Gonçalves - 2016.pdf: 3892287 bytes, checksum: ad62e49878dccd031b5b3501f905cb79 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-11-01
Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq
In our thesis, we start from the historical reconstruction of bourgeois autocracy in Brazil and the development of class society after 1930. From this historical perspective of autocratic developments as renovation, that is, as a constant rearrangement and update of the structural power of the ruling class, reconstituting the formation of the University of São Paulo, after 1934 as a project of the São Paulo‟s oligarchy, and the Brazilian Institute of Philosophy (IBF – the acronym in Portuguese) from 1949 as a program of some sectors of autocratic intelligentsia. The IBF was the entity responsible for the publication of the Brazilian Magazine of Philosophy (RBF – the acronym in Portuguese), which is our main research‟s source. Aiming at a critical questioning of our object (the IBF and RBF), rescued the concept of philosophical hegemony apparatus (AHF), which allowed us to elucidate the IBF‟s contribution to the formation of an autocratic ideology. The main contribution came from São Paulo‟s renowned jurist, Miguel Reale, leader and founder of the Institute. Known to have belonged to the “movimento integralista” (a fascista movement), Reale will provide new ideology of the ruling class after the decline of fascism and with the defeat of fascists regimes in the mid 40‟s. In the Philosophy of Law (1953) book, the jurist will finalize the so-called "three-dimensional theory of law", which, however, has a number of formulations in order to exploit the ruling class with an authoritarian legal ideology. Later, in the early 60‟s, when Brazil was at the culmination of a general crisis, which was reflected in the economy, society, politics and culture, Reale publish two political works: Brazilian parliamentarianism (1962) and Pluralism and Freedom (1963). In these books the author will refine the borders of democratic liberalism, together with authoritarian-legal formulations of 50‟s, will give life to an autocratic ideology that will thrive as one of the most important formulations of the brazilian autocratic intelligentsia. With the 1964‟s coup and the military dictatorship, the brazilian ruling class completes its historical maturity, putting its decision as a major factor in external relation to the central powers of capitalism and, internally, to social classes dominated. This historical maturation occurred, however, with the decisive ideological contribution of IBF leader who, in turn, widely developed autocratic ideology inside the AHF that, together with the RBF, was the locus of expansion, discussion and propagation of that thought.
Em nossa tese, partimos da reconstrução histórica da autocracia burguesa no Brasil e dos desenvolvimentos da sociedade de classes, após 1930. A partir dessa perspectiva histórica dos desenvolvimentos autocráticos como aggiornamento, isto é, como constante rearranjo e atualização das estruturas de poder da classe dominante, reconstituímos a formação da Universidade de São Paulo, a partir de 1934, como um projeto da oligarquia paulista, e do Instituto Brasileiro de Filosofia (IBF), a partir de 1949, como um programa de alguns setores da intelectualidade autocrática. O IBF era a entidade responsável pela publicação da Revista Brasileira de Filosofia (RBF), sendo esta nossa fonte privilegiada. Visando uma problematização crítica de nosso objeto (o IBF e a RBF), resgatamos o conceito de aparelho de hegemonia filosófico (AHF), que nos permitiu elucidar a contribuição ibeefeana para a formação de uma ideologia autocrática. A principal contribuição veio do renomado jurista paulista, Miguel Reale, líder e fundador do Instituto. Conhecido por ter pertencido ao movimento integralista, Reale dará novas formulações à ideologia da classe dominante após o ocaso do integralismo e com a derrota dos regimes fascistas, em meados dos anos 40. Na obra Filosofia do Direito (1953), o jurista dará forma acabada à chamada “teoria tridimensional do direito”, que, todavia, traz uma série de formulações no sentido de instrumentalizar a classe dominante com uma ideologia jurídica autoritária. Posteriormente, no início dos anos 60, quando Brasil vivia o auge de uma crise geral, que se refletia na economia, na sociedade, na política e na cultura, Reale publicaria duas obras políticas: Parlamentarismo brasileiro (1962) e Pluralismo e liberdade (1963). Nestes livros o autor irá aparar as “arestas” democráticas do liberalismo que, unido às formulações autoritário-jurídicas dos anos 50, darão vida à uma ideologia autocrática que vicejaria como uma das mais importantes formulações da intelectualidade autocrática brasileira. Com o golpe de 1964 e a Ditadura Militar, a classe dominante brasileira completa sua maturação histórica, colocando a sua decisão como fator preponderante em relação, externamente, às potências centrais do capitalismo e, internamente, às classes sociais dominadas. Essa maturação histórica ocorreu, no entanto, tendo a contribuição ideológica decisiva do líder do IBF que, por sua vez, pode dar amplo desenvolvimento à ideologia autocrática no interior do AHF que, junto da RBF, foi o locus de desenvolvimento, debate e disseminação daquele pensamento

According to Oliver (2002) the success of turnaround maintenances is measured in terms of the cost of completion, time, safety performance and the performance of the plant afterwards. The Escravos gas plant (EGP) is a gas processing plant that converts associated gas from Chevron owned crude oil wells to liquefied petroleum gas, natural gas and gas condensate (Chevron intranet. Website assessed on September 14, 2007). According to the EGP plant operations coordinator (See interview Appendix A), the plant undergoes a turnaround maintenance exercise once every two years. The major tasks done during these turnaround maintenances are 1. Change–out of three molecular sieve beds. 2. Servicing of three compressor turbines. 3. Servicing of expander turbo–machinery. 4. Clean–out of fired gas heater tubes and burners. 5. Tie–ins for major upgrades. The EGP management does not involve the contractor personnel that carry out the tasks in the management of the turnaround maintenance. The contractor’s personnel simply follow the work plans and instructions developed by the EGP management. The EGP turnaround management team consists of the coordinator who is the head of the turnaround maintenance team, shift supervisors, maintenance supervisors (rotating equipment maintenance supervisor, instrumentation and electrical maintenance supervisor, and static equipment maintenance supervisors), safety supervisors, maintenance planners, process engineers and construction supervisors. All these listed personnel in the preceding paragraph and the supervisors of the contractor teams participate in the pre–turnaround meetings which happen once a month for the first 10 months of the 12 months leading to the turnaround. The meeting frequency increases to once every two weeks during the last two months leading to the turnaround maintenance. The meeting is held daily during the turnaround maintenance and once every two weeks for the first month after the turnaround maintenance. During the preceding months to the turnaround maintenance, the work scope is defined, the job sequence outlined and schedules are developed. Resources requirements are detailed and procured. During the turnaround maintenance the focus of the turnaround meeting is to discuss potential deviations, observe at–risk behaviors and likely challenges. Plans are then made to address these deviations, challenges and at–risk behaviors. After the turnaround maintenance, “lessons learnt” are captured and the turnaround maintenance is closed out. According to the EGP coordinator (see interview in appendix A), the success of its turnaround maintenance is measured by the time used to complete the turnaround maintenance, the total recordable incident rate during the turnaround maintenance, the days away from work, the lost time injury(LTI) and the cost incurred. Poling et al noted that it is difficult to rate turnaround maintenance projects because no two turnaround maintenances strategies are exactly the same. They iterated that the most common tactics used is benchmarking and that benchmarking enables a company to measure and compare its performance against peer companies in a constructive and confidential manner. They pointed out that the quantitative differences computed between a plant and other similar plants using detailed data taxonomy can provide invaluable information regarding improvement opportunities. This is a way of effectively extending a “lessons learned” exercise across multiple companies. According to then however a critical attribute of effective reliability and maintenance benchmarking is the ability to compare disparate assets; but even small differences for similar plants can alter the value of the comparison. Existing literature indicate that the parameters the gas plant management use to rate the safety of its turnaround maintenance (i.e. the total recordable incident rate, the days away from work and the lost time injury)are reactive in nature. They are otherwise called lagging indicators. Lagging indicators are safety performance metrics that are recorded after the accident or incidents has occurred. For example lost time injury is any work related injury or illness which prevents that person from doing any work day after accident (E&P Consultancy Associates. Website assessed on June 15, 2009). In contrast the other group of metrics called pro–active metrics or leading indicators such as at–risk behaviors, near misses and preventive maintenance not completed are parameters that measure safety performance before accident occurs. Leading indicators gained popularity in the 1930’s after Heinrich postulate his iceberg theory (Wright, 2004). Heinrich’s used the iceberg analogy to explain reactive (lagging) and proactive (leading) indicators. Heinrich likened accident and at–risk behaviors to two parts of an Iceberg; the part you see above water and the part hidden under the water. The size of the iceberg above water is relatively small compared to that under water. The iceberg starts to grow under the water and only after they reach a certain size does part of the ice begin to appear above water. Heinrich believed that accidents are the result of root causes such as at–risk behaviors, inconsistencies, wrong policies, lack of training and lack of information. When the number of accidents that occur in an endeavor is measured you get relatively smaller numerical quantities when compared to the number of at–risk behaviors. Heinrich suggested that to eliminate accidents that occur infrequently, organizations must make effort to eliminate the root causes which occur very frequently. This makes sense because imagine a member of personnel coming to work intoxicated every day. Binging intoxicated at work is an at–risk behavior. The employee is very likely to be involved in an accident at some time as a result of his drinking habit. The number of times he is intoxicated if counted will be huge when compared to the impact of the accident when it does occur. The iceberg theory is supported by work from Bird (1980) and Ludwig (1980) who both attempted to establish the correct ratio of accidents to root causes in different industries. Heinrich suggested a ratio of three hundred incidents to twenty nine minor injuries to one major injury. This researcher chose to use the number of at–risk behavior exhibited by the turnaround maintenance teams to rate the safety performance of tasks despite criticism from individuals like Robotham (2004) who said that from his experience minor incidents do not have the potential to become major accidents and Wright et al (2004). Leading indicators are convenient to analysis because of their relative large quantity. In a turnaround environment, the numbers of accidents that occur are relatively few unlike the number of near misses (Bird, 1980). It is easy to statistically analyze thirty at–risk behaviors than four accidents. In addition Fleming et al (2001) noted that data from industry show much success by companies in the reduction of accidents by efforts at reducing the number of at–risk behaviors, increase the number of safety audits, and reduce the number of closed items from audits etc. Phimister et al made similar claims when they said Near miss programs improve corporate environmental, health and safety performance through the identification of near misses. Existing literature also reveals many theories about management styles and their possible impact on performance. The theories are grouped into trait theories, situational theories and behavioral theories. The trait theories tries to explain management styles by traits of the managers like initiative, wisdom, compassion and ambitious. Situational theories suggest that there is no best management style and managers will need to determine which management style best suit the situation. Behavioral theories explain management success by what successful managers do. Behavioral theorists identify autocratic, benevolent, consultative and participatory management styles. Vroom and Yetton (1973) identified variables that will determine the best management style for any given situation. The variables are; 1. Nature of the problem. Is it simple, hard, complex or clear? 2. Requirements for accuracy. What is the consequence of mistakes? 3. Acceptance of an initiative. Do you want people to use their initiative or not? 4. Time–constraints. How much time do we have to finish the task? 5. Cost constraints. Do we have enough or excess to achieve the objective? A decision model was developed by Vroom and Yago (1988)to help managers determine the best management style for different situations based on the variables listed above (See figure six). They also defined five management style could adopt, namely the; 1. Autocratic I style 2. Autocratic II style. 3. Consultative I style 4. Consultative II style 5. Group II style The autocratic I management style is a management style where the leader solves the problem alone using information that is readily available to him/her, is the normal management style of the Escravos gas plant management in all turnarounds prior to 2009. However the Vroom and Yago model recommends the Consultative II management style for the type of work done during the Escravos gas plant turnaround maintenance. According to Coye et al (1995), participatory management or consultative style II creates a sense of ownership in organization. In this management style the leader shares problem with group members individually, and asks for information and evaluation. Group members do not meet collectively, and leader makes decision alone (Vroom and Yago, 1988). Coye et al believe that this management styles instills a sense of pride and motivate employees to increase productivity. In addition they stated that employees who participate in the decisions of the organization feel like they are a part of a team with a common goal, and find their sense of self–esteem and creative fulfillment heightened. According to Filley et al (1961), Spector and Suttle did not find any significant difference in the output of employees under autocratic and participatory management style. This research studies if and how the Escravos gas plant turnaround maintenance can be improved by changing the management style from autocratic I style to consultative II style. Two tasks in the turnaround were studied; namely the change out of the molecular sieve catalyst beds and the servicing of the turbine engines. The turnaround contractor Techint Nigeria Limited divides the work group into teams responsible for specific tasks. Six teams (team A, B, C, D, E and F) were studied. EGP management will not allow the researcher to study more than these six teams for fear of the research disrupting the work. The tasks completed by these teams are amongst those not on the projects critical path so delays caused by the research will not impact the entire turnaround project provided the float on these activities were not exceeded. They also had the fewest number of personnel, so cost impact of the research work could be easier to manager. Teams A, B and C are different maintenance teams comprising of eight personnel each. They were responsible for changing the EGP molecular sieve beds A, B and C respectively in the 2007 and 2009 turnaround. Their tasks are identical because the molecular sieve beds are identical. Teams E, D and F are also maintenance teams comprising of six personnel each. They were responsible for servicing the EGP turbine engines A, B and C during the 2007 and 2009 turnaround maintenance. Their tasks are also identical because the turbine engines are identical. Consultative management style II is exercised by involving team A and team D in the development of the procedures, processes and job safety analysis of all tasks that they were assigned to complete during the 2009 turnaround maintenance. They were also permitted to participate in the turnaround maintenance meetings and to make contributions in the meetings. In the 2007 turnaround maintenance team A and team D only carried out their tasks. They did not participate in the development of procedures and job safety analysis neither did they participate in the turnaround maintenance meetings. The other four teams; team B, team C, team E and team F are used as experimental controls for the research. They did not participate in the development of the procedures, processes nor the job safety analysis for the tasks in either of the turnaround maintenance. They were also not permitted to attend the daily turnaround meetings. They only completed their tasks based on instructions given to them during the 2007 and 2009 turnaround maintenance. It was necessary to study the experimental control teams as the researcher was not sure whether task repetition, increased knowledge or improved team cohesion would lead to a reduced time or a reduced numbers of at–risk behavior. ix The research tested the hypothesis 1H0 and 1H1 and 2H0and 2H1 at the 0.025 and 0.05 level of significance as follows; Null hypothesis, 1H0: There is no significant difference in the time spent by team A and team Din 2007 when they did not participate in the development of the procedures and processes with the time in 2009 when they did(u1-u2=0). Alternate hypothesis, 1H1: There is a significant difference in the time spent by the team A and Din 2007 when they did not participate in the development of the procedures and processes with the time in 2009 when they did (u1-u2!=0). Null hypothesis, 2H0: There is no significant difference in the number of at–risk behaviors observed to have been exhibited by the team A and team D in 2007 when they did not participate in the development of the procedures and processes with the number in 2009 when they did (u1-u2=0). Alternate hypothesis, 2H1: There is a significant difference in the number of at–risk behaviors observed to have been exhibited by the team A and team D in 2007 when they did not participate in the development of the procedures and processes with the number in 2009 when they did (u1-u2!=0). The student t test was used to analyze these times and number of at–risk behavior. At the 0.025 and the 0.05 level of significance, the data show that there is no difference in the times all the teams used to complete their task in 2007 and in 2009. The researcher concludes that a change in the management style from autocratic I style to consultative II style did not lead to a reduction in the time used by any team to complete their task. However at the 0.025 and the 0.05 level of significance, there is a significant difference in the number of at–risk behaviors of the research team A and team D. There is however no significant difference in the number of at–risk behavior of the control team B, team C, team E and team F at the same level of significance. The researcher concludes that a change in the management style from autocratic I style to consultative II style lead to a reduction in the number of at–risk behavior of team A and team D. In addition the reduction in the number of at–risk behavior of team A and team D could not have been because of task repetition, increased knowledge or improved team cohesion since there is no significant difference in the number of at–risk behavior exhibited by team B, team C, team E and team F. The research can be used by the Escravos gas plant management and the management of any similar process plant to fashion out more cost effective, time effective and safer methods for carrying out their turnaround maintenance. A change in management styles may just be a better approach to improving productivity than giving financial incentives to contractors and personnel. Changes in management style will have to be managed. The change must be gradual because sudden change can be detrimental as people may just need to understand and adapt to the change. The turnaround personnel must also understand the intent so as to prevent conflicts.
Thesis (M.Ing. (Development and Management Engineering))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2012.

Made available in DSpace on 2019-03-30T00:34:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2007-12-19
The present paper has as the original theme, the radical change of society when the move of the man from his nature state to a civilized state. After this move, this research introduces analysis on topics by greats thinkers of political science, philosophy of law and constitutional law. Writing on Democracy, and its importance as a choice form of government in the Occidentals States. All this, from the philosophical movement known as Empirism. It also outlined here, a parallel of the freedoms and equality in Democracies and Autocracies. In no time wanted to say is, in this search, that the Autocracies are form of a bad government. The desire of the work was demonstrating the virtues and defects of Democracies and Autocracies and acceptance of that in Western countries. In its last stage, the work displays quickly, the situation in Brazil and a retrospective of Democracy in the world over the past century. It is recognized the magnitude of the issue, however the study of the forms of government and the politics systems, in particular the Democracy, a long time hung over on the master student mind s as essential factor of the final understanding of the proper state.
Este trabalho tem como tema inicial, a mudança radical da sociedade quando da passagem do homem de seu estado natural a um estado civilizado. Após esta passagem a pesquisa introduz análises sobre temas discorridos por grandes pensadores da Ciência Política, da Filosofia do Direito e do Direito Constitucional. Versando sobre a Democracia, sua importância e escolha como forma de Governo nos Estados Ocidentais. Tudo isto, a partir do movimento filosófico conhecido por Empirismo. É também traçado aqui um paralelo das liberdades e das igualdades nas Democracias em relação às Autocracias. Por nenhum momento se quis afirmar nesta pesquisa, que as Autocracias são formas de Governo imprestáveis. O desejo da empreitada foi demonstrar as virtudes e os defeitos das Democracias e das Autocracias e a aceitação daquelas nos países do Ocidente. Em sua etapa derradeira exibe, rapidamente, a situação brasileira e faz uma retrospectiva da Democracia no mundo através do século XX. Admite-se a amplitude do tema, contudo, o estudo das formas de Governo e dos regimes políticos , em especial, a Democracia, há tempos pairava sobre a mente do mestrando, como fator essencial da compreensão finalística do próprio Estado.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fabio Venturini.pdf: 3395217 bytes, checksum: 77fcfdf0740dd9152fbdbe515a1f7119 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-08
Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
In the 20th century, especially in its second half, the Brazilian bourgeois classes were organized into associations and conspiratorial ideological complexes for warranty and maintenance of their power in a State servile to their class interests. This action resulted in the coup of April 1st, 1964, ushering in a dictatorship operationalized with military leadership, notably the Brazilian Army, in which the entire State apparatus was used in political and economic benefit of Brazilians historical autocratic bourgeoisies. The block of dictatorial power also set up a complex telecommunication system for broadcasting content ideologically aligned with the dictatorship and historical autocratic bourgeoisie, which was operated by media companies that were part of these bourgeois classes and defending the same interests, forming an organic press in the service of dictatorial block. After a transition period for the return of State management to elected officials, the historical autocratic bourgeoisies, publicly broken with the military, but ideologically and operationally aligned, used the professional politicians to begin a constitutional process in 1986-1988 abridging the meager representation of progressive left-wingers which resulted in a conservative document, keeping all the economic foundations of the dictatorship, the wide area communication for organic press, led by Globo Organizations, and an apparent democracy of based on limited popular suffrage political participation, a dynamic validation of candidates by direct vote, but with provisions that allow an intervention by force if the bourgeois classes and/or the military so deem necessary
No século XX, especialmente na sua segunda metade, as classes burguesas brasileiras se organizaram em associações e complexos ideológicos conspiratórios para garantia e manutenção de poder e de um Estado servil aos seus interesses de classe. Tal atuação resultou no golpe de 1º de abril de 1964, inaugurando uma ditadura operacionalizada com liderança militar, notadamente o Exército Brasileiro, na qual todo o aparato estatal foi voltado para benefício político e econômico de burguesias autocráticas históricas. O bloco de poder ditatorial também montou um complexo sistema de telecomunicações para radiodifusão de conteúdo ideologicamente alinhado com a ditadura e as burguesias autocráticas históricas, o qual foi operado por empresas de comunicação que faziam parte destas classes burguesas e defendiam os mesmos interesses, formando uma imprensa orgânica a serviço do bloco ditatorial. Ao cabo de um período de transição para a devolução da gestão do Estado a governantes eleitos, as burguesias autocráticas históricas, publicamente rompidas com os militares, porém ideológica e operacionalmente alinhadas, valeram-se de políticos profissionais para iniciar um processo constitucional em 1986-1988 cerceando a parca representatividade de esquerdas progressistas que resultou num documento conservador, mantendo todas as bases econômicas da ditadura, o amplo domínio comunicacional para a imprensa orgânica, liderada pelas Organizações Globo, e uma democracia aparente baseada na limitação da participação política popular ao sufrágio, numa dinâmica de validação de candidatos pelo voto direto, no entanto, com dispositivos legais que permitam uma intervenção pela força se as classes burguesas e/ou as Forças Armadas assim julgarem necessário

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:31:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Waldeir Moreno Rosa.pdf: 2153826 bytes, checksum: f34031edf768e9fa5cdc0f7ad2902933 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-10-01
Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
This master's thesis analyzes the role of Antonio Delfim Netto in the various dimensions of political and economic power of bourgeois hegemony in the sixties and seventies. Initially, focuses on the historical period in which members of the Brazilian owning class associated with international capital, before compose the Bonapartist dictatorship established in 1964, have conspired against the constitutionally elected president, João Goulart, especially if extended into the Ipês complex (Institute of Economic and Social Research). Looks up at that first moment, on the class content of the article Problems of Brazilian economic development, especially prepared by the Dauphin to ipesiana magazine Convivium. In a second chapter, attentive to the participation of the economist at the National Association of Economic and Social Planning (ANPES), created by the conspirators to March 31, 1964, as a business front to influence the new business of the military dictatorship. Analyzes there, too, the book Planning for Economic Development of the then Secretary of the São Paulo State Finance. In the third chapter, after the so-called "coup within the coup", with the laying of the Bonapartist hardline and his dictatorial closing, we investigate the ideological reasons for the meteoric rise of the economist in the Ministry of Finance of the "years of lead" that is under Costa e Silva and Emilio Garrastazu Medici (1967-1974). At this point, enumerate up their participation in the "box" of Oban (Operation Bandeirante) and his vote in favor of the Institutional Act No. 5 in the National Security Council. Are analyzed, there, the official speeches the Minister considered the Czar Bonapartist political economy in his "years of lead", seeking to associate them with the practices of Delfim Netto attitudes and thus demonstrating the social function in the context of those years exercised by delfiniano ideological complex. That is, it is understood here delfiniana ideology in its social determination and particular historical context, deciphering the internal connection inherent to his autocratic bourgeois ideology, as well as explaining the effective function that fulfilled, in practice, the ideology of Brazilian economist. In view of Marx, with the advanced contributions by Chasin about Brazilian historical formation, has taken into account in the study of Delfim Netto, which is always "the man, the real, living man who does this, has it all and decides these combats; is not the story, you can be sure that, using man as a means to carry out - as if it were a person apart - their own ends; it is only the activity of the man who goes in search of himself. " Therefore, with all documentation found in newspapers, magazines, historiographical works, official speeches and events produced in the historical period under study, it remains more than proven the participation of Delfim Netto in class conspiracy, in the coup and the subsequent service who provided the political and economic reorganization of last Bonapartist dictatorship. Unfortunately, even today, however, its influence has continued, knowing the ideologue build for posterity one self-image of technocrat "neutral", supposedly the party or dissociated from all stratagems of state terrorism mounted in this country for the benefit of bourgeois autocracy atrophic capital. Its repeated denial before the crimes of the military dictatorship, registered in testimony to the Truth Commission of the City of 7 São Paulo, however, continues to separate and disassociate from manipulative way, made by Delfim Netto said about him by himself ideologue
Esta dissertação de mestrado analisa a atuação de Antonio Delfim Netto nas várias dimensões do poder político e econômico da hegemonia burguesa nas décadas de sessenta e setenta. Inicialmente, centra-se no período histórico em que membros da classe proprietária brasileira associada ao capital internacional, antes de comporem a ditadura bonapartista instituída em 1964, já conspiravam contra o presidente constitucionalmente eleito, João Goulart, em especial se articulados no complexo Ipês (Instituto de Pesquisas Econômicas e Sociais). Debruçamo-nos, nesse primeiro momento, sobre o teor classista do artigo Problemas do desenvolvimento econômico brasileiro, especialmente elaborado por Delfim para a revista ipesiana (Ipês) Convivium. Em um segundo capítulo, atenta-se para a participação do economista na Associação Nacional de Planejamento Econômico e Social (ANPES), criada pelos conspiradores a 31 de março de 1964, como uma frente empresarial para influir nos novos negócios da ditadura militar. Analisa-se aí, também, o livro Planejamento para o Desenvolvimento Econômico do então Secretário da Fazenda do Estado de São Paulo. No capítulo terceiro, depois do chamado golpe dentro do golpe , com a imposição da linha-dura bonapartista e seu fechamento ditatorial, investigam-se os motivos ideológicos da meteórica ascensão do economista no Ministério da Fazenda dos anos de chumbo , isto é, sob Costa e Silva e Emílio Garrastazu Médici (1967-1974). Nesse ponto, enumeram-se sua participação na caixinha da Oban (Operação Bandeirante) e seu voto a favor do Ato Institucional n.º 5 no Conselho de Segurança Nacional. Analisam-se, ali, os discursos oficiais do ministro tido como o czar da economia política bonapartista em seus anos de chumbo , buscando associá-los às atitudes práticas de Delfim Netto e, assim, demostrando a função social no contexto daqueles anos exercido pelo complexo ideológico delfiniano. Ou seja, compreende-se aqui a ideologia delfiniana em sua determinação social e contexto histórico particulares, decifrando a conexão interna inerente a seu ideário autocrático-burguês, bem como explicando a função efetiva que cumpriu, na práxis, a ideologia do economista brasileiro. Na perspectiva de Marx, com as contribuições avançadas por Chasin a respeito da formação histórica brasileira, tem-se em conta, no estudo de Delfim Netto, que é sempre o homem, o homem real e vivo, quem faz isso, possui tudo isso e decide esses combates; não é a história, podem estar certos disso, que usa o homem como meio para realizar como se ela fosse uma pessoa à parte seus próprios fins; ela é apenas a atividade do homem que vai em busca dele mesmo . Diante disso, com toda documentação encontrada em jornais, revistas, trabalhos historiográficos, discursos oficiais e outras manifestações produzidas no período histórico sob estudo, resta mais do que comprovada à participação de Delfim Netto na conspiração de classe, no golpe de Estado e no serviço subsequente que prestou ao reordenamento político-econômico da última ditadura bonapartista. Infelizmente, ainda hoje, porém, sua influência não cessou, sabendo o ideólogo construir para a posteridade uma autoimagem de tecnocrata neutro , supostamente, à parte ou dissociada de todos os estratagemas 5 do terrorismo de Estado montado neste país, em benefício da autocracia burguesa do capital atrófico. Seu reiterado negacionismo diante dos crimes da ditadura militar, registrado em depoimento à Comissão da Verdade da Câmara Municipal de São Paulo, entretanto, continua a separar e dissociar, de forma manipulatória, o feito por Delfim Netto do dito sobre si pelo próprio ideólogo

In a quantitative study in 2007, Davenport found that autocratic military regimes statistically face a higher risk of electoral violence than authoritarian party-backed regimes. This thesis has attempted to link Davenports findings with theories on military belligerence presented by Lai and Slater (2006) as well as Geddes et al. (2014), and thereby contribute to our understanding of the matter by investigating the potential causal mechanisms connecting regime type and electoral violence. The analysis specifically focuses on differences in pre-election violence by comparing the 2008 election in Pakistan and the 2007 election in Uzbekistan. Evidence from the cases suggest that there is some support for a covariation between regime type and levels of pre-election violence, although there are alternative explanations worth considering before one can determine whether or not a causal relationship can be observed. Finally, the findings indicate that military regime belligerence or lack of knowledge on how to use nonviolent political repressive tools in order to sway the elections do not explain the observed variation. Rather, the thesis suggests that levels of pre-election violence is more likely to be affected by other conflicts in the region, the design of the election campaign and whether there are established influential opposition parties present in the country.

This dissertation identifies and theorizes a new form by which leaders exert their influence over subordinates: hierarchical-decentralization. To further investigate hierarchical-decentralization and its effects on team outcomes, we develop two research themes which include three independent studies. The first research theme focuses on how hierarchical-decentralization influences team processes and team performance. We conduct an experimental study (Study 1-1) and a field study (Study 1-2) on this research theme. In Study 1-1 (detailed in Chapter 2), we conceptualize hierarchical-decentralization, examine the relationship between hierarchical-decentralization and team performance, and test whether and why hierarchical-decentralization produces higher team performance than either centralization or decentralization. Through an experimental study, we found that hierarchical-decentralization was positively related to team performance, and that hierarchical-decentralization outperformed either centralization or decentralization in steering team performance. Following Study 1-1, we conduct Study 1-2 (described in Chapter 3), which aims to further explore the underlying mechanism that produces the positive effect of hierarchical-decentralization on team performance, and to identify the conditions under which the benefit of hierarchical-decentralization tends to become more noticeable. Through a field study, we found that team coordination mediated the relationship between hierarchical-decentralization and team performance. We further found that inter-team competitive intensity strengthened the positive relationship between hierarchical-decentralization and team coordination, as well as the positive indirect relationship between hierarchical-decentralization and team performance via team coordination. The second research theme focuses on the application of influence structure of hierarchical-decentralization to the research on leader-member exchange (LMX) differentiation. We conduct a field study (Study 2) on this research theme. Specifically, in Study 2 (detailed in Chapter 4), we investigate whether and why the vertical chain of influence among team members (we follow the research conducted by Burderson et al (2016) and refer it to acyclicity) would offset the detrimental effect of LMX differentiation on social relations among team members and ultimately on team performance. Through a field study covering 89 diverse working teams, we found that LMX differentiation became to be not significantly related to status conflict when a team had a high level of acyclicity and meanwhile when its team members' LMX statuses were in line with their influence levels within acyclicity. Although this relationship is not statistically significant, the negative relationship between LMX differentiation and status conflict somewhat suggests that acyclicity, when all of the most influential members within it are of the highest relationship qualities with leaders, might have the potential to turn the detrimental effect of LMX differentiation on social interactions among team members into a beneficial effect (i.e., one that reduces status conflict among team members). We further found that status conflict was negatively related to team performance, and that it mediated the relationship between LMX differentiation and team performance. The theoretical and practical implications of the two research themes are then discussed.

My dissertation examines chief justice leadership of the United States Supreme Court during the judicial decision-making process. With the office steeped in secrecy, I borrow seminal concepts from the leadership literature such as autocratic, laissez-faire, and democratic leadership and adapt them to the office in order to systematically identify dominant patterns of leadership. While chief justices use different styles, the office is chiefly democratic in both structure and operation, which makes the chief justice a “first among equals” and requires him to be just as good of a political negotiator as he is a competent legal judge. This is a unique, but under appreciated, feature of the chief justice when compared to the associate justices.
10000-01-01

This thesis explores the delegitimation concept in an electoral authoritarian context by studying how religious institutions seek to delegitimise the autocratic tendencies of the government. The thesis conducts a case study of the main religious institutions in Zambia, where the response to the authoritarian practices by the government is analysed and reviewed through a qualitative textual analysis. Newspaper articles and written statements by the churches are the central material for the study. The results of the analysis show that during the period of 2016-2020, the main religious institutions have been highly critical of the actions by the government and openly criticised them through public progressive statements as well as rejected to join activities that were hosted or organised by the government. However, the results also show that the response has been divided among the otherwise unified religious actors, where some churches have been less bold in their criticism and rejection of the government. While still regarded as a strong response to authoritarian practices, this split in response does denote that the main religious institutions’ efforts to delegitimise the government is in some sense weakened.

Submitted by Jailda Nascimento (jmnascimento@pucsp.br) on 2016-09-16T19:22:56Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Vanessa De Mattos.pdf: 1961121 bytes, checksum: abf51a599ac71d124da744618741e2d6 (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-16T19:22:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Vanessa De Mattos.pdf: 1961121 bytes, checksum: abf51a599ac71d124da744618741e2d6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-29
Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
This thesis aims to analyze the work of death squads, death squads, political repression at the national level during the period from 1973 to 1979. We seek evidence that the violence of the Bonapartist state has also used these groups to perpetuation of political repression in contrast to the prevailing view that these organizations were limited to the application of "social cleansing". Active during the period of bourgeois Bonapartist autocracy, the death squads were part of the repressive system and had "modus operandi" itself, applied to any social segment taxed by the state as subversive, meeting the wishes of the hegemonic segments in the bourgeoisie represented by the class-State. Because of this integration, agents of squads enjoyed political protection from those autocrats by applying the abuse of legality which secured them legal freedom. Impunity was also afforded them through the logic of manipulative legality, embedded in that state. The end of the economic miracle and political opening process marked the decline of the death squads in view of the withdrawal of support of autocrats, the hegemonic sectors of the bourgeoisie and the favorable public opinion to those practices. To develop this research, we used DOPS documents, present in the São Paulo State Archives; the personal collection of Dr. Hélio Bicudo, available at PUC-SP Library and the National Archives of Rio de Janeiro. These documents were submitted to the immanent analysis, aimed at the analysis of the object in the search for ways of being and their role in the historical process
A presente tese tem o objetivo de analisar a atuação dos grupos de extermínio, os esquadrões da morte, na repressão política, em âmbito nacional, durante o período de 1973 a 1979. Buscamos evidenciar que a violência do Estado bonapartista se utilizou também desses grupos para perpetuação da repressão política em contraposição à ideia dominante de que essas organizações limitavam-se à aplicação da “limpeza social”. Atuantes durante o período da autocracia burguesa bonapartista, os esquadrões da morte integravam o sistema repressivo e possuíam “modus operandi” próprio, aplicado a qualquer segmento social taxado pelo Estado como subversivo, atendendo aos anseios dos segmentos hegemônicos na burguesia representados pelo Estado classista. Em virtude dessa integração, os agentes dos esquadrões gozavam de proteção política por parte daqueles autocratas por meio da aplicação do uso abusivo da legalidade que garantiu a eles liberdade legal. A impunidade também lhes foi conferida por meio da lógica da juridicidade manipulatória, entranhada naquele Estado. O fim do milagre econômico e o processo de abertura política marcaram a decadência dos esquadrões da morte tendo em vista a retirada do apoio dos autocratas, dos segmentos hegemônicos da burguesia e da opinião pública favorável àquelas práticas. Para o desenvolvimento desta pesquisa, utilizamos documentos do DOPS, presentes no Arquivo do Estado de São Paulo; do acervo pessoal do Dr. Hélio Bicudo, disponíveis na Biblioteca da PUC-SP e do Arquivo Nacional do Rio de Janeiro. Esses documentos foram submetidos à análise imanente, visando à análise do objeto na busca pelas formas do ser e sua função no processo histórico

Submitted by Helena Bejio (helena.bejio@unioeste.br) on 2018-05-02T12:37:54Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação pronta Veridiana 4abr18 FINAL.pdf: 2227565 bytes, checksum: ee9316d78f136333f6d3fdc016407d50 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-02T12:37:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação pronta Veridiana 4abr18 FINAL.pdf: 2227565 bytes, checksum: ee9316d78f136333f6d3fdc016407d50 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-01
The objective of this dissertation is to analyze how the National Security and Development Doctrine (DSN) is expressed in the universities and as contributions of the Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina (UFSC) in the design and consolidation of a university project based on "development with security" that has continuities to this day in the academic, administrative and political structure of the university. In a context of transition to monopoly capitalism dependent on Brazil and the establishment of the civil-military dictatorship in 1964, under the binomial of repression and concession requires a new functionality for universities. And it is with the process of institutionalization of the DSN that this new role is set up. This way, in the articulation between university students, businessmen, politicians and the military, it is possible to understand the autocratic and technocratic orientation assumed by UFSC since its foundation in 1962. And the degree of commitment to the dictatorship project allows explaining why it becomes a pioneer in the implementation of the Counter- Reformation University of 1968, in the courses on University Administration or in the conception of the vestibular unique and unified.
O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar como a Doutrina de Segurança Nacional e Desenvolvimento (DSN) se expressa nas universidades e as contribuições da Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina (UFSC) na concepção e consolidação de um projeto de universidade calcado no “desenvolvimento com segurança”, que tem continuidades até os dias de hoje na estrutura acadêmica, administrativa e política da universidade. Num contexto de transição para o capitalismo monopolista de forma dependente no Brasil e da instauração da ditadura civil-militar em 1964, sob o binômio da repressão e concessão é requerida uma nova funcionalidade para as universidades. E é com o processo de institucionalização da DSN que esse novo papel passa a ser configurado. Dessa forma, na articulação entre universitários, empresários, políticos e militares é possível compreender a orientação autocrática e tecnocrática assumida pela UFSC desde sua fundação em 1962. E o grau de compromisso com o projeto da ditadura permite explicar porque torna-se pioneira na implantação da Contrarreforma Universitária de 1968, nos cursos sobre Administração Universitária ou na concepção do vestibular único e unificado.

This study sought to explore the leadership styles and theories employed throughout the existence of the National Association for Stock Car Auto Racing (NASCAR). The research examines the decision process and subsequent outcomes, exploring how they ultimately affected the business and trajectory of the sport. NASCAR is the product of unique and specific characteristics of racing enthusiasts who turned their passion into an international empire. This illustrates how leadership styles, specifically dictatorial leadership, successfully managed decisions of the business. Through the use of qualitative research to review historical accounts of events, this study strives to explain how leadership guided the business from small beginnings to a worldwide phenomenon. Data collected included document review, observations, and an interview. Synthesis of the data showed that each of the four primary leaders (Bill France Sr., Bill France Jr., Brain France, and Jim France) used the autocratic/dictatorial leadership style as they directed the sport. Historical evidence shows that this style of leadership was required to build the sport and move it to its current recognized level. Recommendation for further study encourage future scholars to revisit the long-term impact of Brian France’s leadership once more time has passed since his negatively charged removal from the leadership position. Researchers would need to also examine the leadership of Jim France because at the time of this study he has been in his leadership position for less than two years.

This experimental study used eight written vignettes to analyze the effects of professor gender, professor leadership style (democratic/autocratic), and type of situation (task/personal) and participant gender on evaluations of professorsʹ competence, likeability and masculinity characteristics. Undergraduates from the College of Arts and Science (N=932; Males=464, Females=467), and the College of Education (N=722; Males=140, Females=582) were used. Results indicated that research participants rated democratic professors significantly more competent, likeable, and more feminine than autocratic professors. Contrary to expectations derived from gender spill-over and gender congruency theories, male participants did not rate female professors more negatively than their male counterparts when they acted autocratically in a personal situation (i.e., gender incongruent manner.) Exploratory results revealed trends that are discussed along with theoretical and practical implications.