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Books on the topic 'Autocratie'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Sawyer, Amos. The emergence of autocracy in Liberia: Tragedy and challenge. San Francisco, Calif: Institute for Contemporary Studies, 1992.

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2

Fénot, Anne. Achgabat, une capitale ostentatoire: Autocratie et urbanisme au Turkménistan. Paris: Harmattan, 2005.

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3

Fénot, Anne. Achgabat: Une capitale ostentatoire : autocratie et urbanisme au Turkm. Paris: L'Harmattan, 2006.

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4

Le pouvoir de Wade: Autocratie, impunité et perte de valeurs. Paris: L'Harmattan, 2013.

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5

Hunt, John. Philharmonic autocrat. London: John Hunt, 2001.

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6

Aaltola, Mika. Democratic Vulnerability and Autocratic Meddling. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54602-1.

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7

Autocratic tradition and Chinese politics. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge Universtiy Press, 1993.

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8

Larres, Klaus. Dictators and Autocrats. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003100508.

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9

Onta, Pratyoush R. (Pratyoush Raj), Parajuli Lokranjan, and Martin Chautari Centre for Social Research and Development (Kathmandu, Nepal), eds. Autocratic monarchy: Politics in panchayat Nepal. Kathmandu: Martin Chautari, 2012.

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10

Pirenne, Jacques-Henri. Alexandre Ier, autocrate de bonne volonté. Bruxelles: Editeurs d'art associés, 1988.

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11

Jack, Weiner. Democracia y autocracia en Cervantes. Vigo [Spain]: Editorial Academia del Hispanismo, 2009.

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12

Democracia y autocracia en Cervantes. Vigo [Spain]: Editorial Academia del Hispanismo, 2009.

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13

Autocracia o democracia en Cuba. La Habana: Editorial Cultura Popular, 1999.

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14

Jack, Weiner. Democracia y autocracia en Cervantes. Vigo [Spain]: Editorial Academia del Hispanismo, 2009.

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15

Mukherjee, Bumba, and Ore Koren. The Politics of Mass Killing in Autocratic Regimes. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-91758-0.

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16

Escher, Romy, and Melanie Walter-Rogg. Environmental Performance in Democracies and Autocracies. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-38054-0.

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17

The Emperor: Downfall of an autocrat. New York: Vintage International, 1989.

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18

Curzon-nama: Autocrat Curzon, unconquerable India. Mumbai: Eeshwar, 1999.

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19

Madonela: Donald Strachan, autocrat of Umzimkulu. Grahamstown, South Africa: Mark Rainier, 2003.

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20

Wendell, Holmes Oliver. The Autocrat of the Breakfast-Table. Ottawa: eBooksLib, 2005.

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21

Hallstein, Richard W. Memoirs of a recovering autocrat: Revealing insights for managing the autocrat in all of us. San Francisco: Berrett-Koehler, 1992.

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22

Massing, Andreas. Local government reform in Ghana: Democratic renewal or autocratic revival? Saarbrücken: Verlag für Entwicklungspolitik Breitenbach, 1994.

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23

Wurm, Iris. In doubt for the monarchy: Autocratic modernization in Saudi-Arabia. Frankfurt am Main: Peace Research Institute Frankfurt, 2008.

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24

Hessische Stiftung Friedens- und Konfliktforschung., ed. In doubt for the monarchy: Autocratic modernization in Saudi-Arabia. Frankfurt am Main: Peace Research Institute Frankfurt, 2008.

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25

Institute, Locke, ed. Autocratic, democratic, and optimal government: Fiscal choices and economic outcomes. Cheltenham: Edward Elger, 2003.

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26

Lincoln, W. Bruce. The Romanovs: Autocrats of all the Russias. Garden City, N.Y: Anchor Press/Doubleday, 1987.

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27

Liberatore, Matteo. L' autocrazia dell'Ente: Commedia filosofica in tre atti. 2nd ed. Napoli: Giannini editore, 1997.

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28

Menéndez, Cristina. Autocracia y democracia: Brasil : un camino al MERCOSUR. Buenos Aires, Argentina: Editorial de Belgrano, 1993.

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29

Samper, Andrés de Zubiría. ¿Democracia o autocracia?: Los sistemas políticos y territoriales. Bogotá, D.C: Ediciones Utopos, 2010.

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30

Autocracia e inversión pública: Temas para futuros gobiernos. Santo Domingo: Editora Taller, 1996.

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31

Klimenko, Michael. Tsar Alexander I: Portrait of an autocrat. Tenafly, N.J: Hermitage Publishers, 2002.

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32

Adaptable autocrats: Regime power in Egypt and Syria. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 2012.

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33

Bowering, George. Egotists and autocrats: The prime ministers of Canada. Toronto: Viking, 1999.

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34

Mazzeo, Antonio Carlos. Estado e burguesia no Brasil: Origens da autocracia burguesa. Belo Horizonte: Oficina de Livros, 1989.

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35

La autocracia fujimorista: Del estado intervencionista al estado mafioso. Lima [Peru]: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, Fondo Editorial, 2003.

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36

Epperly, Brad. The Political Foundations of Judicial Independence in Dictatorship and Democracy. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198845027.001.0001.

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This book argues that explaining judicial independence—considered the fundamental question of comparative law and politics—requires a perspective that spans the democracy/autocracy divide. Rather than seeking separate explanations in each regime context, in The Political Foundations of Judicial Independence in Dictatorship and Democracy, Brad Epperly argues that political competition is a salient factor in determining levels of de facto judicial independence across regime type, and indeed of greater import in autocracies. This is because a full “insurance” account of independence requires looking not only at the likelihood those in power might lose elections but also the variable risks associated with such an outcome, risks that are far higher for autocrats. First demonstrating that courts can and do provide insurance to former leaders, he then shows via exhaustive cross-national analyses that competition’s effects are far higher in autocratic regimes, providing the first evidence for the causal nature of the relationship. Epperly argues that these findings differ from existing case study research because in democratic regimes, a lack of political competition means incumbents target the de jure independence of courts. This argument is developed via in-depth case study of the Hungarian Constitutional Court after the country’s 2010 “constitutional revolution,” and then tested globally. Blending formal theory, observational and instrumental variables models, and elite interviews of leading Hungarian legal scholars and judges, Epperly offers a new framework for understanding judicial independence that integrates explanations of both de jure and de facto independence in both democratic and autocratic regimes.

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37

Frantz, Erica. Autocracy. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.3.

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Dictatorships have dominated global politics for hundreds of years, from the pharaohs of Egypt to the absolute monarchs of Europe. Though democracy has since spread to much of the world, about a third of today’s countries are still ruled by dictatorship. And yet, compared to democracies, we know very little about how dictatorships work, who the key political actors are, and where decision-making powers lie. Political processes are opaque, and information is often intentionally distorted. Political survival depends not on maintaining the favor of voters, as in democracies, but on securing the backing of a considerably smaller coalition of supporters. The absence of a reliable third party to enforce compromises among key players means that power-sharing deals lack credibility and the threat of forced ouster is omnipresent. Uncertainty pervades authoritarian politics.Modern autocrats respond to this uncertain environment in a variety of ways. They use political parties, legislatures, elections, and other institutions typically associated with democracies to lessen their risk of overthrow. Despite the façade of democracy, these institutions are key components of most autocrats’ survival strategies; those that incorporate them last longer in power than those that do not. The specific ways in which autocratic institutions are used and the extent to which they can constrain leadership choices to prevent consolidation of power into the hands of a single individual, however, vary enormously from one dictatorship to the next. Better understanding the conditions that push autocracies down a path of collegial versus strongman rule remains a critical task, particularly given that the latter is associated with more war, economic mismanagement, and resistance to democratization.

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38

Crisis in Autocratic Regimes. Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc., 2017.

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39

Rosenfeld, Bryn. The Autocratic Middle Class. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691192185.001.0001.

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Conventional wisdom holds that the rising middle-classes are a force for democracy. Yet in post-Soviet countries like Russia, where the middle-class has grown rapidly, authoritarianism is deepening. Challenging a basic tenet of democratization theory, this book shows how the middle-classes can actually be a source of support for autocracy and authoritarian resilience, and reveals why development and economic growth do not necessarily lead to greater democracy. In pursuit of development, authoritarian states often employ large swaths of the middle-class in state administration, the government budget sector, and state enterprises. Drawing on attitudinal surveys, unique data on protest behavior, and extensive fieldwork in the post-Soviet region, the book documents how the failure of the middle-class to gain economic autonomy from the state stymies support for political change, and how state economic engagement reduces middle-class demands for democracy and weakens prodemocratic coalitions. This book makes a vital contribution to the study of democratization, showing how dependence on the state weakens the incentives of key societal actors to prefer and pursue democracy.

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40

Weidmann, Nils B., and Espen Geelmuyden Rød. The Internet and Political Protest in Autocracies. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190918309.001.0001.

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In the aftermath of recent popular uprisings in dictatorships, many observers argued that information and communication technologies, notably the Internet, played a key role in the mobilization of political protest. This book unpacks when and under which circumstances Internet technology can benefit opposition activists aiming to mobilize protests, and when the technology plays into the hands of autocratic governments. Since autocratic governments enjoy a high degree of control over the introduction and expansion of Internet technology and over digital communication ows, the book argues that it should help them keep levels of protest low in the long-term. However, once protest has started, short-term government intervention becomes more difficult, which is why Internet technology can catalyze ongoing episodes of unrest. The book presents detailed empirical analyses of the relationship between the use of Internet technology and protest in autocracies. By leveraging new sub-national data on political protest and Internet penetration, these analysis cover more than sixty autocratic countries at the level of cities. The results show that higher levels of Internet penetration in cities reduce the overall occurrence of protest in dictatorships, but once protest has started, the Internet contributes to the continuation of protest in the same city as well as its diffusion to other locations. By examining the use of the Internet by governments in relation to other means of autocratic repression, the book also demonstrates the technological modernization of autocratic politics, where digital repression via the Internet partly substitutes traditional forms of political control.

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41

Lush, Charles K. The Autocrats. Kessinger Publishing, LLC, 2007.

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42

Lush, Charles K. The Autocrats. Kessinger Publishing, LLC, 2007.

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43

Manion, Melanie. Information for Autocrats. Cambridge University Press, 2016.

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44

Pranksters vs. Autocrats. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/book.78728.

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45

Pan, Jennifer. Welfare for Autocrats. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190087425.001.0001.

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What are the costs of the Chinese regime’s fixation on quelling dissent in the name of political order, or “stability”? In Welfare for Autocrats, Jennifer Pan shows that China has reshaped its major social assistance program, Dibao, around this preoccupation, turning an effort to alleviate poverty into a tool of surveillance and repression. This distortion of Dibao damages perceptions of government competence and legitimacy and can trigger unrest among those denied benefits. Pan traces how China’s approach to enforcing order transformed at the turn of the 21st century and identifies a phenomenon she calls seepage whereby one policy—in this case, quelling dissent—alters the allocation of resources and goals of unrelated areas of government. Using novel datasets and a variety of methodologies, Welfare for Autocrats challenges the view that concessions and repression are distinct strategies and departs from the assumption that all tools of repression were originally designed as such. Pan reaches the startling conclusion that China’s preoccupation with order not only comes at great human cost but in the case of Dibao may well backfire.

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46

Dukalskis, Alexander, and Johannes Gerschewski. Justifying Dictatorship: Studies in Autocratic Legitimation. Taylor & Francis Group, 2018.

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47

Corazao, Valentin Paniagua. Constitucion, Democracia y Autocracia. Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, 2004.

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48

SOBREVIVIR A LA AUTOCRACIA. TURNER, 2020.

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49

Is for Autocrat. Ulcer City Publications, 2020.

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50

Zogg, Alice. THE LONESOME AUTOCRAT. Aventine Press, 2006.

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