Journal articles on the topic 'Auto-ID systems'

Abstract In the last few years, the warehousing system use Auto Identification technology to manage the warehouse operation. Auto-ID is often used to obtain the information about amount, location, content, and condition of part or product. However, some industries still use manual warehouse management. Manual warehouse management systems usually cause some problem like inventory shrinkage and stock out. The investment and application of Auto-ID technology on the warehouse system can reduce the effect of the manual system. The use of Auto-ID technology in warehousing systems has a significant effect on the reduction of human error, the reduction of loss of goods, the accuracy of inventory stock, and can handle the product in large quantities, the speed of acceptance, and improve the delivery process. In this research, the cost and benefit analysis was carried out to assess the Auto-ID technology investments. The cost of inventory shrinkage reduction, labor and stock out, and the increase of productivity and maintenance on the spare parts warehouse management system used to analyse the cost benefit. To determine the expected NPV value in Auto-ID technology investments used Monte Carlo analysis. Furthermore, a company’s evaluation for selecting an Auto ID provider is a significant aspect. The evaluation of decision making for selecting Auto ID vendors is based on three criteria. This is referred to as many criteria decision making. Vendor performance, service after installation, and system attributes are the criteria employed in the decision-making model. Evaluation of Auto-ID vendor selection is done by using AHP. Based on the results of AHP analysis for the selection of Auto-ID suppliers, it was found that supplier PT C was the main priority (39.3%) for best suppliers, and the last priority was PT B (13.8%).

Order location information is undoubtedly one of the most critical pieces of supply chain information. Yet supply chain visibility generally remains a challenge as observations of order progress are often irregular and collected manually. The emergence of Automated Identification (Auto-ID) technologies like Radio Frequency Identification (RFID) is improving the effectiveness of supply chain tracking systems. The authors propose a model that describes how Auto-ID observations across a supply chain and historical observation data can be combined to produce an ongoing order location estimation over time. The model is based on probabilistic reasoning principles and the resulting location estimation can be used to support operational decisions as well as to assess the quality and value of tracking information. The authors provide explicit instructions as to how to use the proposed model and using an illustrative example, they demonstrate how the model can produce ongoing location estimates based on RFID read events.

Warehouses play a significant role in the seamless distribution, integration, and storage of items as well as in supply chain operations. Automated identification (auto-ID) technologies that include barcode and RFID provide class- or item-level visibility to facilitate effective and efficient decisions in their respective environments. A warehouse environment benefits from auto-ID through improved cost savings, operational efficiency, and opportunities for higher revenues. It is therefore not surprising that both researchers and practitioners have considered the use of auto-ID in warehouses. We take stock of related literature to determine the state-of-the-art on auto-ID use in warehouse management, with specific focus on RFID, and identify potential directions of further research. Based on our review, we develop a conceptual framework that incorporates the primary factors that guide the decision to adopt auto-ID in warehouse management.

Technologien zur automatischen Identifikation (Auto-ID) von Objekten dienen im industriellen Kontext zunehmend als Basis für neuartige Services. Sie sind essenzieller Bestandteil von Nachverfolgungsfunktionen, etwa für Produktionsfortschrittskontrollen und Materialflussoptimierungen. Sie identifizieren und lokalisieren Werkstücke, Produkte und/oder Betriebsmittel. Mit Anwendung und Akzeptanz in den Unternehmen steigt auch die Anzahl an Technologien und Anbietern im Markt. Um den Planungsprozess zum Einsatz dieser Technologien zu strukturieren und Planern einen Leitfaden zur Verfügung zu stellen, wurde ein Verfahren zur Auswahl geeigneter Technologien entwickelt.   Technologies for automatic identification (Auto-ID) of objects are increasingly used in industry as a basis for new services. They are essential for tracking functions – for example for production progress monitoring and material flow optimization. They are used for identifying and locating workpieces, products and/or resources. The number of technologies and suppliers in the market increases with application and acceptance in the companies. To structure the planning process for the use of these technologies and provide a guideline for planners, a procedure was developed for selecting suitable technologies.

The increasingly competitive industrial competition makes companies from all sectors around the world change the system to be more efficient and effective. One of the efforts to improve the company is by implementing a Warehouse Management System (WMS). Lately, many large companies are implementing Auto-ID (automatic identification) technology to solve existing problems. The types of Auto-ID technology that are often used are barcode, RFID and QR code technology. PT AKG is a manufacturing company that produces and markets plastic finished materials to serve the needs of other companies has not yet implemented WMS, this causes human error due to the process still manual. This research proposed to find the best warehouse management system using the Analytical Hierarchy Process (AHP) method for PT. AKG. Alternative systems in this study are barcode, RFID, and QR code with the criteria used are cost, fuctionality, performance, and sustainability. Based on the results, the system chosen is the QR code with a score of 0.578084. QR codes can make it easier for operators and PPIC department staff to take notes and minimize recording errors. Recording that originally used Microsoft Excel and paper as a tool is no longer needed because operators only need to scan using a smartphone that is connected to the company's warehouse management system.

<span lang="EN-US">Non-destructive evaluation (NDE) is very essential in measuring the properties of materials and in turn detect flaws and irregularities. Pulsed thermography (PT) is one of the advanced NDE technique which is used for detecting and characterizing subsurface defects. Recently many methods have been reported to enhance the signal and defect visibility in PT. In this paper, a novel unsupervised deep learning-based auto-encoder (AE) approach is proposed for enhancing the signal-to-noise ratio (SNR) and visualize the defects clearly. A detailed theoretical background of AE and its application to PT is discussed. The SNR and defect detectability results are compared with the existing approaches namely, higher order statistics (HOS), principal component thermography (PCT) and partial least square regression (PLSR) thermography. Experimental results show that AE approach provides better SNR at the cost of defect detectability.</span><br /><div id="ext-mouse-move" style="display: none;"> </div><div id="ext-mouse-down" style="display: none;"> </div><div id="ext-mouse-up" style="display: none;"> </div>

Recently, due to the rapid development and remarkable result of deep learning (DL) and machine learning (ML) approaches in various domains for several long-standing artificial intelligence (AI) tasks, there has an extreme interest in applying toward network security too. Nowadays, in the information communication technology (ICT) era, the intrusion detection (ID) system has the great potential to be the frontier of security against cyberattacks and plays a vital role in achieving network infrastructure and resources. Conventional ID systems are not strong enough to detect advanced malicious threats. Heterogeneity is one of the important features of big data. Thus, designing an efficient ID system using a heterogeneous dataset is a massive research problem. There are several ID datasets openly existing for more research by the cybersecurity researcher community. However, no existing research has shown a detailed performance evaluation of several ML methods on various publicly available ID datasets. Due to the dynamic nature of malicious attacks with continuously changing attack detection methods, ID datasets are available publicly and are updated systematically. In this research, spark MLlib (machine learning library)-based robust classical ML classifiers for anomaly detection and state of the art DL, such as the convolutional-auto encoder (Conv-AE) for misuse attack, is used to develop an efficient and intelligent ID system to detect and classify unpredictable malicious attacks. To measure the effectiveness of our proposed ID system, we have used several important performance metrics, such as FAR, DR, and accuracy, while experiments are conducted on the publicly existing dataset, specifically the contemporary heterogeneous CSE-CIC-IDS2018 dataset.

In an underwater acoustic cellular (UAC) system, underwater equipment or sensor nodes need to detect the identity of an underwater base station (UBS) and synchronise it with a serving UBS. It is known that, in an underwater acoustic channel, the temporal variability of the ocean coupled with the low speed of sound in water may induce a significant Doppler shift. In this paper, two different types of cell search techniques (CSTs) are proposed to detect the cell ID and correct timing of the UBS in UAC systems with a Doppler shift: CST based on linear frequency modulation with full bandwidth in the time domain (LFM-FT) and CST based on linear frequency modulation in the frequency domain (LFM-FF). The performances (auto-correlation, cross-correlation, ambiguity function, and cross ambiguity function) of the proposed techniques are analysed and compared with simulation results. It is demonstrated by simulation that the proposed techniques perform better than previous techniques in both AWGN and multipath channels when a Doppler shift exists. It is also shown that the LFM-FF-CST achieves the best performance in the presence of a Doppler shift and is suitable for mobile UAC systems.

This research investigates adverse events and patient safety in healthcare due to poor supply chain management practices, and inadequate and disorganized product validation procedures. Focusing on commodity medical and surgical products, this research investigates correct product validation points for maximum patient safety. This study also explores benefits of standard product identifying technologies such as HIBC or GS1 data standards as well as automated validation systems such as barcode or Auto ID to minimize workflow interruptions. Site visits and phone interviews are conducted with six healthcare providers to document common product validation practices and procedures. Based on observations and collected data, a simulation model is developed. Different scenarios are compared for patient safety, care delay, and system efficiency. The results show that validation points during PAR picking or bedside product administration, and warehouse picking operations provide optimal overall system performance. The results also indicate that standard product identifying technologies and automated validation systems significantly impact the efficiency of supply chain.

Radio-frequency identification (RFID) is an important wireless technology which utilizes radio frequencies (RFs) for exchanging data between two or more points (tags and readers), that represent an automatic identification (Auto-ID) system. This paper introduces an omnidirectional microstrip antenna operates at 2.45 GHz used for a radio-frequency identification (RFID) technology. The length of the proposed antenna is 36.5 mm and the width is 27 mm. The substrate material which has been used as a base of antenna is FR4 that has dielectric constant value of 4.3 and dielectric thickness value of 1.6 mm. Regarding the resonance frequency, return loss of the proposed antenna design is -34.8 dB. A promising directivity outcome of 2.8 dB has been achieved with omnidirectional radiation pattern as well as an acceptable efficiency of 66%. The proposed antenna design accomplishes a wideband frequency of 1.21 GHz in the frequency range of (2.14 3.35) GHz. The computer simulation technology (CST) microwave studio software has been used for implementing the proposed antenna design. The antenna design fabricatation and its characteristics have been measured using vector network analyzer (type MS4642A). The obtained results of the experimental design achieve a little bit differences as compared with the simulation results

El presente estudio analiza la utilidad de la repetición y los códigos de colores para ayudar a un grupo de estudiantes avanzados de inglés a pronunciar el sufijo morfológico -(e)d en las formas verbales regulares del pasado y el participio pasado. Para el estudio, se eligieron tres profesores de ingeniería de la Universidad de Costa Rica. Los resultados indican que la identificación y la pronunciación de los alomorfos /t/ y /d/ presentan mayor dificultad que el alomorfo /Id/. La repetición fue efectiva para identificar las realizaciones de -(e)d; no obstante, ésta no promovió la autonomía de los estudiantes en la producción de los sonidos. El código de colores ayudó a los estudiantes a auto corregirse. Asimismo, el número de errores disminuyó cuando se utilizó dicha técnica. A pesar de las ventajas del código de colores, se concluye que es necesario practicar y reciclar ambas técnicas en la clase para promover el aprendizaje de una segunda lengua.

Abstract: The number of new vehicles on the road is increasing rapidly, which in turn causes highly congested roads and due to the long awaiting red signals, few vehicle drivers ignore traffic rules by violating traffic signals. This leads to a high number of road accidents and hence it is essential to detect the signal violated vehicles automatically. Traffic violation detection systems using IOT technology can able to send violated vehicle information to the concern traffic police station automatically by which the vehicle can be penalized immediately. The proposed system can be implemented using vehicle ID card installed in the vehicle itself such that if the vehicle moves further during presence of red signal, automatically, vehicle information in the form of vehicle registration number, type of vehicle (weather it is two-wheeler, car, truck, auto, etc.), owner name, vehicle colour, etc, can be forwarded to the concern authorities through concern mobile phones. To prove the concept practically, all vehicles must be equipped with these low-cost wireless ID cards such that the vehicle data can be transmitted continuously. The demo module contains a mini automatic traffic signal post along with simulated road. The system is designed such that when red signal is energized and during this period, if any vehicle crosses the zebra lines, the system receives the vehicle data and transmits the same through Wi-Fi module. If anybody violates the traffic signal, immediately alarm will be energized to alert the nearest traffic police. The main processor must be installed near the traffic signals, which regrets to acquire vehicle information during the presence of yellow and green signals. The demo module contains one toy car which will be equipped with its wireless ID card. Major building blocks: Simulation of single lane road constructed with traffic signal post & zebra crossing, main processor designed with Arduino MCU, wireless ID card designed with 89C2051 controller chip, IR signal decoder (TSOP1738), Wi – Fi module, Alarm, IR LED, 5v Power supply unit, Toy car, etc.

Precision forestry and traceability services for the certification of timber products require reliable systems for the identification of items throughout the supply chains, starting from the inventory of standing trees. AutoID systems based on radio frequency identification (RFID) are regarded as the most promising technology for this purpose. Nevertheless, there is no information available regarding the capacity of RFID tags to withstand the climatic and biological wearing agents present in forests for long periods, while maintaining the stored information and the capacity to return a readable signal over time. In order to assess this aspect, seven RFID UHF tags, selected from the range of commercial models or developed for this purpose, were used to mark standing trees for two years. Results showed that all models proved able to maintain sufficient operative capacity to be identified with manual (proximity) readers. Some models suffered damage to the protective case or were deformed, with a strong decrease in readability. Tags with simple structure and lower cost proved strong enough to endure one year without major drawbacks, and could be best suited for deployment in integrated auto-ID supply chains if used as disposable components. More complex and expensive tags are best suited for long-term marking, but application on living trees requires specific solutions to prevent damage due to stem growth.

The purpose of this study is to provide an automated, user-friendly, and dependable parking system. Even if parking spots are known, many cars may chase them down, severely clogging the roads. In this study, we build and put into practice a smart parking system prototype. The suggested system has three operating modes: ON, OFF, and EMERGENCY. Through an IR sensor, the system was able to detect the presence of the automobiles blocking the main parking entrance. These IR sensors output data to the PLC (programmable logic controller). A worldwide trend is moving toward automatic automobile parking systems to determine precisely how much space is available for cars and to collect money as parking fees due to a scarcity of parking places and trained personnel. This new plan enhances the present auto parking system's dependability, and it can be readily put into place since it is highly cost-effective—using solar panels to provide all of its power—and the inexpensive IR sensor lowers the overall implementation cost. This type of equipment is important to address the issue of a lack of parking space in crowded cities since it is completely automated and assigns each user a unique ID that corresponds to the trolley that is assigned to them. The proportion of Indians who own cars and motorbikes has lately grown, boosting metropolitan traffic, as a result of changing economic behavior and an improvement in living standards. In order to facilitate the transportation network and guarantee the quality of urban life, parking difficulties will present a significant obstacle. In most major cities, it can be challenging for drivers to find a parking spot, especially during rush hour. The problem comes from not knowing where the open spots could be at that moment.

Recently researches and many developments were going in the field of automation and embedded systems to develop and reduce the work of the manpower in industry as well as in public domain areas like Railway station (automatic ticket collection), Metro bus (online reservation), Flight (Auto Pilot mode) etc. To develop more Automation in and to help the blind people, old age and handicapped person we proposed a technique named as automatic trolley carrier navigation and the billing system. This method can be implemented in all shopping malls, big clothing shop, house hold appliances shops etc. It avoids the people to stand in a big queue and automatic billing can be done. Moreover it helps blind people, old age people, Handicapped Persons in the shopping malls make them to purchase in shopping malls by informing about the location of the product, quantity, price and automatic billing etc. The arrangement of the trolley consists of the robotic structure and servo motor which makes the trolley tonavigate and tell way of location of the product availability and price based on the user input. Theuser gives the command through the Bluetooth. Then the keypad passes the customer product information to the Micro-controller then the trolley moves automatically. The use of RFID reader is to scan theEPIC tag ID of allproducts to Identifythe name, price, Quantity of the products. Depending on the RF signal from the RFID -reader, it passes the information to the micro - controller and from that it identify the product and display the name , Quantity , price of the each product in the LCD display. The ultrasonic sensor is used to detect the any obstacles as well as the object.

Background: Acinetobacter baumannii is a gram negative bacterium which is typically short, round, coccobacillus and was named after the bacteriologist Paul Baumann. It is an emerging dental pathogen since it acquires drug resistance and expression of several virulence genes. It is an opportunistic pathogen in humans, affecting people with compromised immune systems. Acinetobacter baumannii is an arising nosocomial microorganism causing serious complications because of the propensity of its multi-drug resistant property. Aim: The aim of the present study was to target omp-A protein of Acinetobacter baumannii with the bio active compounds from Azadirachta indica an in-silico approach. Materials and Methods: The crystal structure of ompA protein was obtained from the PDB protein data bank. The structures of the bio-active derivatives of A. indica were obtained from the chemsketch software. The generated 3D structures were then optimised. Auto Dock instrument was utilized for docking investigation to interpret the affinity between bio-compounds of A. indica against ompA protein of A. baumannii. Results: The 3D crystal structure of OmpA-like domain from A.baumannii was retrieved from PDB database and its PDB ID was 3TD3 – A chain. 3D Structure of OmpA visualization using Biovia-Discovery studio visualizer. The 2D structure of compounds from Azadirachta indica was drawn using ACD chemsketch and saved in MDL-mol format and converted to PDB format using open babel converter. The final docked structures for the drug ligand interactions were assessed for their binding energies and hydrogen bonds. Conclusion: The present study had achieved the anti-biofilm inhibitory effect of imidazole-2-carboxylic acid from A. indica exhibiting a great interaction between activity with ompA utilizing computational investigation.

Al Gore brought climate change into … our living rooms. … The 2008 oil price hikes [and the global financial crisis] awakened the world to potential economic hardship in a rapidly urbanising world where the petrol-driven automobile is still king. (Mouritz 47) Six hundred million cars (Urry, “Climate Change” 265) traverse the world’s roads, or sit idly in garages and clogging city streets. The West’s economic progress has been built in part around the success of the automotive industry, where the private car rules the spaces and rhythms of daily life. The problem of “automobile dependence” (Newman and Kenworthy) is often cited as one of the biggest challenges facing countries attempting to combat anthropogenic climate change. Sociologist John Urry has claimed that automobility is an “entire culture” that has re-defined movement in the contemporary world (Urry Mobilities 133). As such, it is the single most significant environmental challenge “because of the intensity of resource use, the production of pollutants and the dominant culture which sustains the major discourses of what constitutes the good life” (Urry Sociology 57-8). Climate change has forced a re-thinking of not only how we produce and dispose of cars, but also how we use them. What might a society not dominated by the private, petrol-driven car look like? Some of the pre-eminent writers on climate change futures, such as Gwynne Dyer, James Lovelock and John Urry, discuss one possibility that might emerge when oil becomes scarce: societies will descend into civil chaos, “a Hobbesian war of all against all” where “regional warlordism” and the most brutish, barbaric aspects of human nature come to the fore (Urry, “Climate Change” 261). Discussing a post-car society, John Urry also proffers another scenario in his “sociologies of the future:” an Orwellian “digital panopticon” in which other modes of transport, far more suited to a networked society, might emerge on a large scale and, in the long run, “might tip the system” into post-car one before it is too late (Urry, “Climate Change” 261). Amongst the many options he discusses is car sharing. Since its introduction in Germany more than 30 years ago, most of the critical literature has been devoted to the planning, environmental and business innovation aspects of car sharing; however very little has been written on its cultural dimensions. This paper analyses this small but developing trend in many Western countries, but more specifically its emergence in Sydney. The convergence of climate change discourse with that of the global financial crisis has resulted in a focus in the mainstream media, over the last few months, on technologies and practices that might save us money and also help the environment. For instance, a Channel 10 News story in May 2009 focused on the boom in car sharing in Sydney (see: http://www.youtube.com/watch? v=EPTT8vYVXro). Car sharing is an adaptive technology that doesn’t do away with the car altogether, but rather transforms the ways in which cars are used, thought about and promoted. I argue that car sharing provides a challenge to the dominant consumerist model of the privately owned car that has sustained capitalist structures for at least the last 50 years. In addition, through looking at some marketing and promotion tactics of car sharing in Australia, I examine some emerging car sharing subjectivities that both extend and subvert the long-established discourses of the automobile’s flexibility and autonomy to tempt monogamous car buyers into becoming philandering car sharers. Much literature has emerged over the last decade devoted to the ubiquitous phenomenon of automobility. “The car is the literal ‘iron cage’ of modernity, motorised, moving and domestic,” claims Urry (“Connections” 28). Over the course of twentieth century, automobility became “the dominant form of daily movement over much of the planet (dominating even those who do not move by cars)” (Paterson 132). Underpinning Urry’s prolific production of literature is his concept of automobility. This he defines as a complex system of “intersecting assemblages” that is not only about driving cars but the nexus between “production, consumption, machinic complexes, mobility, culture and environmental resource use” (Urry, “Connections” 28). In addition, Matthew Paterson, in his Automobile Politics, asserts that “automobility” should be viewed as everything that makes driving around in a car possible: highways, parking structures and traffic rules (87). While the private car seems an inevitable outcome of a capitalistic, individualistic modern society, much work has gone into the process of naturalising a dominant notion of automobility on drivers’ horizons. Through art, literature, popular music and brand advertising, the car has long been associated with seductive forms of identity, and societies have been built around a hegemonic culture of car ownership and driving as the pre-eminent, modern mode of self-expression. And more than 50 years of a popular Hollywood film genre—road movies—has been devoted to glorifying the car as total freedom, or in its more nihilistic version, “freedom on the road to nowhere” (Corrigan). As Paterson claims, “autonomous mobility of car driving is socially produced … by a range of interventions that have made it possible” (18). One of the main reasons automobility has been so successful, he claims, is through its ability to reproduce capitalist society. It provided a commodity around which a whole set of symbols, images and discourses could be constructed which served to effectively legitimise capitalist society. (30) Once the process is locked-in, it then becomes difficult to reverse as billions of agents have adapted to it and built their lives around “automobility’s strange mixture of co-ercion and flexibility” (Urry, “Climate Change” 266). The Decline of the Car Globally, the greatest recent rupture in the automobile’s meta-narrative of success came about in October 2008 when three CEOs from the major US car firms (General Motors, Ford and Chrysler) begged the United States Senate for emergency loan funds to avoid going bankrupt. To put the economic significance of this into context, Emma Rothschild notes “when the listing of the ‘Fortune 500’ began in 1955, General Motors was the largest American corporation, and it was one of the three largest, measured in revenues, every year until 2007” (Rothschilds, “Can we transform”). Curiously, instead of focusing on the death of the car (industry), as we know it, that this scenario might inevitably herald, much of the media attention focused on the hypocrisy and environmental hubris of the fact that all the CEOs had flown in private luxury jets to Washington. “Couldn’t they have at least jet-pooled?” complained one Democrat Senator (Wutkowski). In their next visit to Washington, most of them drove up in experimental vehicles still in pre-production, including plug-in hybrids. Up until that point no other manufacturing industry had been bailed out in the current financial crisis. Of course it’s not the first time the automobile industries have been given government assistance. The Australian automotive industry has received on-going government subsidies since the 1980s. Most recently, PM Kevin Rudd granted a 6.2 billion dollar ‘green car’ package to Australian automotive manufacturers. His justification to the growing chorus of doubts about the economic legitimacy of such a move was: “Some might say it's not worth trying to have a car industry, that is not my view, it is not the view of the Australian government and it never will be the view of any government which I lead” (The Australian). Amongst the many reasons for the government support of these industries must include the extraordinary interweaving of discourses of nationhood and progress with the success of the car industry. As the last few months reveal, evidently the mantra still prevails of “what’s good for the country is good for GM and vice versa”, as the former CEO of General Motors, Charles “Engine” Wilson, argued back in 1952 (Hirsch). In post-industrial societies like Australia it’s not only the economic aspects of the automotive industries that are criticised. Cars seem to be slowly losing their grip on identity-formation that they managed to maintain throughout “the century of the car” (Gilroy). They are no longer unproblematically associated with progress, freedom, youthfulness and absolute autonomy. The decline and eventual death of the automobile as we know it will be long, arduous and drawn-out. But there are some signs of a post-automobile society emerging, perhaps where cars will still be used but they will not dominate our society, urban space and culture in quite the same way that they have over the last 50 years. Urry discusses six transformations that might ‘tip’ the hegemonic system of automobility into a post-car one. He mentions new fuel systems, new materials for car construction, the de-privatisation of cars, development of communications technologies and integration of networked public transport through smart card technology and systems (Urry, Mobilities 281-284). As Paterson and others have argued, computers and mobile phones have somehow become “more genuine symbols of mobility and in turn progress” than the car (157). As a result, much automobile advertising now intertwines communications technologies with brand to valorise mobility. Car sharing goes some way in not only de-privatising cars but also using smart card technology and networked systems enabling an association with mobility futures. In Automobile Politics Paterson asks, “Is the car fundamentally unsustainable? Can it be greened? Has the car been so naturalised on our mobile horizons that we can’t imagine a society without it?” (27). From a sustainability perspective, one of the biggest problems with cars is still the amount of space devoted to them; highways, garages, car parks. About one-quarter of the land in London and nearly one-half of that in Los Angeles is devoted to car-only environments (Urry, “Connections” 29). In Sydney, it is more like a quarter. We have to reduce the numbers of cars on our roads to make our societies livable (Newman and Kenworthy). Car sharing provokes a re-thinking of urban space. If one quarter of Sydney’s population car shared and we converted this space into green use or local market gardens, then we’d have a radically transformed city. Car sharing, not to be confused with ‘ride sharing’ or ‘car pooling,’ involves a number of people using cars that are parked centrally in dedicated car bays around the inner city. After becoming a member (much like a 6 or 12 monthly gym membership), the cars can be booked (and extended) by the hour via the web or phone. They can then be accessed via a smart card. In Sydney there are 3 car sharing organisations operating: Flexicar (http://www.flexicar.com.au/), CharterDrive (http://www.charterdrive.com.au/) and GoGet (http://www.goget.com.au/).[1] The largest of these, GoGet, has been operating for 6 years and has over 5000 members and 200 cars located predominantly in the inner city suburbs. Anecdotally, GoGet claims its membership is primarily drawn from professionals living in the inner-urban ring. Their motivation for joining is, firstly, the convenience that car sharing provides in a congested, public transport-challenged city like Sydney; secondly, the financial savings derived; and thirdly, members consider the environmental and social benefits axiomatic. [2] The promotion tactics of car sharing seems to reflect this by barely mentioning the environment but focusing on those aspects which link car sharing to futuristic and flexible subjectivities which I outline in the next section. Unlike traditional car rental, the vehicles in car sharing are scattered through local streets in a network allowing local residents and businesses access to the vehicles mostly on foot. One car share vehicle is used by 22-24 members and gets about seven cars off the street (Mehlman 22). With lots of different makes and models of vehicles in each of their fleets, Flexicar’s website claims, “around the corner, around the clock” “Flexicar offers you the freedom of driving your own car without the costs and hassles of owning one,” while GoGet asserts, “like owning a car only better.” Due to the initial lack of interest from government, all the car sharing organisations in Australia are privately owned. This is very different to the situation in Europe where governments grant considerable financial assistance and have often integrated car sharing into pre-existing public transport networks. Urry discusses the spread of car sharing across the Western world: Six hundred plus cities across Europe have developed car-sharing schemes involving 50,000 people (Cervero, 2001). Prototype examples are found such as Liselec in La Rochelle, and in northern California, Berlin and Japan (Motavalli, 2000: 233). In Deptford there is an on-site car pooling service organized by Avis attached to a new housing development, while in Jersey electric hire cars have been introduced by Toyota. (Urry, “Connections” 34) ‘Collaborative Consumption’ and Flexible, Philandering Subjectivities Car sharing shifts the dominant conception of a car from being a ‘commodity’, which people purchase and subsequently identify with, to a ‘service’ or network of vehicles that are collectively used. It does this through breaking down the one car = one person (or one family) ratio with one car instead servicing 20 or more people. One of Paterson’s biggest criticisms concerns car driving as “a form of social exclusion” (44). Car sharing goes some way in subverting the model of hyper-individualism that supports both hegemonic automobility and capitalist structures, whereby the private motorcar produces a “separation of individuals from one another driving in their own private universes with no account for anyone else” (Paterson 90). As a car sharer, the driver has to acknowledge that this is not their private domain, and the car no longer becomes an extension of their living room or bedroom, as is noted in much literature around car cultures (Morris, Sheller, Simpson). There are a community of people using the car, so the driver needs to be attentive to things like keeping the car clean and bringing it back on time so another person can use it. So while car sharing may change the affective relationship and self-identification with the vehicle itself, it doesn’t necessarily change the phenomenological dimensions of car driving, such as the nostalgic pleasure of driving on the open road, or perhaps more realistically in Sydney, the frustration of being caught in a traffic jam. However, the fact the driver doesn’t own the vehicle does alter their relationship to the space and the commodity in a literal as well as a figurative way. Like car ownership, evidently car sharing also produces its own set of limitations on freedom and convenience. That mobility and car ownership equals freedom—the ‘freedom to drive’—is one imaginary which car firms were able to successfully manipulate and perpetuate throughout the twentieth century. However, car sharing also attaches itself to the same discourses of freedom and pervasive individualism and then thwarts them. For instance, GoGet in Sydney have run numerous marketing campaigns that attempt to contest several ‘self-evident truths’ about automobility. One is flexibility. Flexibility (and associated convenience) was one thing that ownership of a car in the late twentieth century was firmly able to affiliate itself with. However, car ownership is now more often associated with being expensive, a hassle and a long-term commitment, through things like buying, licensing, service and maintenance, cleaning, fuelling, parking permits, etc. Cars have also long been linked with sexuality. When in the 1970s financial challenges to the car were coming as a result of the oil shocks, Chair of General Motors, James Roche stated that, “America’s romance with the car is not over. Instead it has blossomed into a marriage” (Rothschilds, Paradise Lost). In one marketing campaign GoGet asked, ‘Why buy a car when all you need is a one night stand?’, implying that owning a car is much like a monogamous relationship that engenders particular commitments and responsibilities, whereas car sharing can just be a ‘flirtation’ or a ‘one night stand’ and you don’t have to come back if you find it a hassle. Car sharing produces a philandering subjectivity that gives individuals the freedom to have lots of different types of cars, and therefore relationships with each of them: I can be a Mini Cooper driver one day and a Falcon driver the next. This disrupts the whole kind of identification with one type of car that ownership encourages. It also breaks down a stalwart of capitalism—brand loyalty to a particular make of car with models changing throughout a person’s lifetime. Car sharing engenders far more fluid types of subjectivities as opposed to those rigid identities associated with ownership of one car. Car sharing can also be regarded as part of an emerging phenomenon of what Rachel Botsman and Roo Rogers have called “collaborative consumption”—when a community gets together “through organized sharing, swapping, bartering, trading, gifting and renting to get the same pleasures of ownership with reduced personal cost and burden, and lower environmental impact” (www.collaborativeconsumption.com). As Urry has stated, these developments indicate a gradual transformation in current economic structures from ownership to access, as shown more generally by many services offered and accessed via the web (Urry Mobilities 283). Rogers and Botsman maintain that this has come about through the “convergence of online social networks increasing cost consciousness and environmental necessity." In the future we could predict an increasing shift to payment to ‘access’ for mobility services, rather than the outright private ownerships of vehicles (Urry, “Connections”). Networked-Subjectivities or a ‘Digital Panopticon’? Cars, no longer able on their own to signify progress in either technical or social terms, attain their symbolic value through their connection to other, now more prevalently ‘progressive’ technologies. (Paterson 155) The term ‘digital panopticon’ has often been used to describe a dystopian world of virtual surveillance through such things as web-enabled social networking sites where much information is public, or alternatively, for example, the traffic surveillance system in London whereby the public can be constantly scrutinised through the centrally monitored cameras that track people’s/vehicle’s movements on city streets. In his “sociologies of the future,” Urry maintains that one thing which might save us from descending into post-car civil chaos is a system governed by a “digital panopticon” mobility system. This would be governed by a nexus system “that orders, regulates, tracks and relatively soon would ‘drive’ each vehicle and monitor each driver/passenger” (Urry, “Connections” 33). The transformation of mobile technologies over the last decade has made car sharing, as a viable business model, possible. Through car sharing’s exploitation of an online booking system, and cars that can be tracked, monitored and traced, the seeds of a mobile “networked-subjectivity” are emerging. But it’s not just the technology people are embracing; a cultural shift is occurring in the way that people understand mobility, their own subjectivity, and more importantly, the role of cars. NETT Magazine did a feature on car sharing, and advertised it on their front cover as “GoGet’s web and mobile challenge to car owners” (May 2009). Car sharing seems to be able to tap into more contemporary understandings of what mobility and flexibility might mean in the twenty-first century. In their marketing and promotion tactics, car sharing organisations often discursively exploit science fiction terminology and generate a subjectivity much more dependent on networks and accessibility (158). In the suburbs people park their cars in garages. In car sharing, the vehicles are parked not in car bays or car parks, but in publically accessible ‘pods’, which promotes a futuristic, sci-fi experience. Even the phenomenological dimensions of swiping a smart card over the front of the windscreen to open the car engender a transformation in access to the car, instead of through a key. This is service-technology of the future while those stuck in car ownership are from the old economy and the “century of the car” (Gilroy). The connections between car sharing and the mobile phone and other communications technologies are part of the notion of a networked, accessible vehicle. However, the more problematic side to this is the car under surveillance. Nic Lowe, of his car sharing organisation GoGet says, “Because you’re tagged on and we know it’s you, you are able to drive the car… every event you do is logged, so we know what time you turned the key, what time you turned it off and we know how far you drove … if a car is lost we can sound the horn to disable it remotely to prevent theft. We can track how fast you were going and even how fast you accelerated … track the kilometres for billing purposes and even find out when people are using the car when they shouldn’t be” (Mehlman 27). The possibility with the GPS technology installed in the car is being able to monitor speeds at which people drive, thereby fining then every minute spent going over the speed limit. While this conjures up the notion of the car under surveillance, it is also a much less bleaker scenario than “a Hobbesian war of all against all”. Conclusion: “Hundreds of Cars, No Garage” The prospect of climate change is provoking innovation at a whole range of levels, as well as providing a re-thinking of how we use taken-for-granted technologies. Sometime this century the one tonne, privately owned, petrol-driven car will become an artefact, much like Sydney trams did last century. At this point in time, car sharing can be regarded as an emerging transitional technology to a post-car society that provides a challenge to hegemonic automobile culture. It is evidently not a radical departure from the car’s vast machinic complex and still remains a part of what Urry calls the “system of automobility”. From a pro-car perspective, its networked surveillance places constraints on the free agency of the car, while for those of the deep green variety it is, no doubt, a compromise. Nevertheless, it provides a starting point for re-thinking the foundations of the privately-owned car. While Urry makes an important point in relation to a society moving from ownership to access, he doesn’t take into account the cultural shifts occurring that are enabling car sharing to be attractive to prospective members: the notion of networked subjectivities, the discursive constructs used to establish car sharing as a thing of the future with pods and smart cards instead of garages and keys. If car sharing became mainstream it could have radical environmental impacts on things like urban space and pollution, as well as the dominant culture of “automobile dependence” (Newman and Kenworthy), as Australia attempts to move to a low carbon economy. Notes [1] My partner Bruce Jeffreys, together with Nic Lowe, founded Newtown Car Share in 2002, which is now called GoGet. [2] Several layers down in the ‘About Us’ link on GoGet’s website is the following information about the environmental benefits of car sharing: “GoGet's aim is to provide a reliable, convenient and affordable transport service that: allows people to live car-free, decreases car usage, improves local air quality, removes private cars from local streets, increases patronage for public transport, allows people to lead more active lives” (http://www.goget.com.au/about-us.html). References The Australian. “Kevin Rudd Throws $6.2bn Lifeline to Car Industry.” 10 Nov. 2008. < http://www.theaustralian.news.com.au/business/story/ 0,28124,24628026-5018011,00.html >.Corrigan, Tim. “Genre, Gender, and Hysteria: The Road Movie in Outer Space.” A Cinema Without Walls: Movies, Culture after Vietnam. New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1991. Dwyer, Gwynne. Climate Wars. North Carlton: Scribe, 2008. Featherstone, Mike. “Automobilities: An Introduction.” Theory, Culture and Society 21.4-5 (2004): 1-24. Gilroy, Paul. “Driving while Black.” Car Cultures. Ed. Daniel Miller. Oxford: Berg, 2000. Hirsch, Michael. “Barack the Saviour.” Newsweek 13 Nov. 2008. < http://www.newsweek.com/id/168867 >. Lovelock, James. The Revenge of Gaia: Earth’s Climate Crisis and the Fate of Humanity. Penguin, 2007. Lovelock, James. The Vanishing Face of Gaia. Penguin, 2009. Mehlman, Josh. “Community Driven Success.” NETT Magazine (May 2009): 22-28. Morris, Meaghan. “Fate and the Family Sedan.” East West Film Journal 4.1 (1989): 113-134. Mouritz, Mike. “City Views.” Fast Thinking Winter 2009: 47-50. Newman, P. and J. Kenworthy. Sustainability and Cities: Overcoming Automobile Dependence. Washington DC: Island Press, 1999. Paterson, Matthew. Automobile Politics: Ecology and Cultural Political Economy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007. Rothschilds, Emma. Paradise Lost: The Decline of the Auto-Industrial Age. New York: Radom House, 1973. Rothschilds, Emma. “Can We Transform the Auto-Industrial Society?” New York Review of Books 56.3 (2009). < http://www.nybooks.com/articles/22333 >. Sheller, Mimi. “Automotive Emotions: Feeling the Car.” Theory, Culture and Society 21 (2004): 221–42. Simpson, Catherine. “Volatile Vehicles: When Women Take the Wheel.” Womenvision. Ed. Lisa French. Melbourne: Damned Publishing, 2003. 197-210. Urry, John. Sociology Beyond Societies: Mobilities for the 21st Century. London: Routledge, 2000. Urry, John. “Connections.” Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 22 (2004): 27-37. Urry, John. Mobilities. Cambridge, and Maiden, MA: Polity Press, 2008. Urry, John. “Climate Change, Travel and Complex Futures.” British Journal of Sociology 59. 2 (2008): 261-279. Watts, Laura, and John Urry. “Moving Methods, Travelling Times.” Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 26 (2008): 860-874. Wutkowski, Karey. “Auto Execs' Private Flights to Washington Draw Ire.” Reuters News Agency 19 Nov. 2008. < http://www.reuters.com/article/newsOne/idUSTRE4AI8C520081119 >.

Introduction: Game Culture and GenderAs texts with the potential to help mediate specific forms of identity, video games are rich and complex sites for analysis. A tendency, however, still exists in scholarship to treat video games as just another kind of text, and work that explores the expression of masculine identity persists in drawing from cinematic analysis without proper consideration of game design and how these games are played (Triana). For example, insights from studies into horror cinema may illuminate the relationship between players and game systems in survival horror video games (Habel & Kooyman), but further study is needed to explore how people interact with the game.This article aims to build towards a scholarly definition of the term “Power Fantasy”, a concept that seems well established in wider discourse but is not yet well theorised in the scholarly literature. It does so through a case of the most recent reboot of Doom (2016), a game that in its original incarnation established an enduring tradition for high-action Power Fantasy. In the first-person shooter game Doom, the player fills the role of the “Doom Guy”, a faceless hero who shuttles between Earth and Hell with the sole aim of eviscerating demonic hordes as graphically as possible.How, then, do we begin to theorise the kind of automediation that an iconic game text like Doom facilitates? Substantial work has been done to explore player identification in online games (see Taylor; Yee). Shaw (“Rethinking”) suggests that single-player games are unexplored territory compared to the more social spaces of Massively Multiplayer Online games and other multiplayer experiences, but it is important to distinguish between direct identification with the avatar per se and the ways in which the game text mediates broader gender constructions.Abstract theorisation is not enough, though. To effectively understand this kind of automediation we also need a methodology to gain insights into its processes. The final part of this article, therefore, proposes the analysis of “Let’s Play” videos as a kind of gender identity performance which gives insight into the automediation of dominant masculine gender identities through Power Fantasy video games like Doom. This reflexive performance works to denaturalise gender construction rather than reinforce stable hegemonic identities.Power Fantasy and Gender IdentityPower Fantasy has become an established trope in online critiques and discussions of popular culture. It can be simply defined as “character imagines himself taking revenge on his bullies” (TVTropes). This trope takes on special resonance in video games, where the players themselves live out the violent revenge fantasy in the world of the game.The “power fantasy” of games implies escapism and meaninglessness, evoking outsize explosions and equally outsized displays of dominance. A “power gamer” is one who plays with a single-minded determination to win, at the expense of nuance, social relationships between players, or even their own pleasure in play. (Baker)Many examples apply this concept of Power Fantasy in video games: from God of War to Metroid: Prime and Grand Theft Auto, this prevalent trope of game design uses a kind of “agency mechanics” (Habel & Kooyman) to convince the player that they are becoming increasingly skilful in the game, when in reality the game is simply decreasing in difficulty (PBS Digital Studios). The operation of the Power Fantasy trope is also gendered; in a related trope known as “I Just Want To Be a Badass”, “males are somewhat more prone to harbour [the] wish” to feel powerful (TVTropes). More broadly, even though the game world is obviously not real, playing it requires “an investment in and commitment to a type of masculine performance that is based on the Real (particularly if one is interested in ‘winning’, pummelling your opponent, kicking ass, etc.)” (Burrill 2).Indeed, there is a perceived correlation (if not causation) between the widespread presence of Power Fantasy video games and how “game culture as it stands is shot through with sexism, racism, homophobia, and other biases” (Baker). Golding and van Deventer undertake an extended exploration of this disconcerting side of game culture, concluding that games have “become a venue for some of the more unsophisticated forms of patriarchy” (213) evidenced in the highly-publicised GamerGate movement. This saw an alignment between the label of “gamer” and extreme misogyny, abuse and harassment of women and other minorities in the industry.We have, then, a tentative connection between dominant gameplay forms based on high skill that may be loosely characterised as “Power Fantasy” and some of the most virulent toxic gender expressions seen in recent times. More research is needed to gain a clearer understanding of precisely what Power Fantasy is. Baker’s primary argument is that “power” in games can also be characterised as “power to” or “power with”, as well as the more traditional “power over”. Kurt Squire uses the phrase “Power Fantasy” as a castaway framing for a player who seeks an alternative reward to the usual game progression in Sid Meier’s Civilisation. More broadly, much scholarly work concerning gameplay design and gender identity has been focussed on the hot-button question of videogame violence and its connection to real-world violence, a question that this article avoids since it is well covered elsewhere. Here, a better understanding of the mediation of gender identity through Power Fantasy in Doom can help to illuminate how games function as automedia.Auto-Mediating Gender through Performance in Doom (2016) As a franchise, Doom commands near-incomparable respect as a seminal text of the first-person shooter genre. First released in 1993, it set the benchmark for 3D rendered graphics, energetic sound design, and high-paced action gameplay that was visceral and deeply immersive. It is impossible to mention more recent reboots without recourse to its first seminal instalment and related game texts: Kim Justice suggests a personal identification with it in a 29-minute video analysis entitled “A Personal History of Demon Slaughter”. Doom is a cherished game for many players, possibly because it evokes memories of “boyhood” gaming and all its attendant gender identity formation (Burrill).This identification also arises in livestreams and playthroughs of the game. YouTuber and game reviewer Markiplier describes nostalgically and at lengths his formative experiences playing it (and recounts a telling connection with his father who, he explains, introduced him to gaming), saying “Doom is very important to me […] this was the first game that I sat down and played over and over and over again.” In contrast, Wanderbots confesses that he has never really played Doom, but acknowledges its prominent position in the gaming community by designating himself outside the identifying category of “Doom fan”. He states that he has started playing due to “gushing” recommendations from other gamers. The nostalgic personal connection is important, even in absentia.For the most part, the critical and community response to the 2016 version of Doom was approving: Gilroy admits that it “hit all the right power chords”, raising the signature trope in reference to both gameplay and music (a power chord is a particular technique of playing heavy metal guitar often used in heavy metal music). Doom’s Metacritic score is currently a respectable 85, and, the reception is remarkably consistent between critics and players, especially for such a potentially divisive game (Metacritic). Commentators tend to cite its focus on its high action, mobility, immersion, sound design, and general faithfulness to the spirit of the original Doom as reasons for assessments such as “favourite game ever” (Habel). Game critic Yahtzee’s uncharacteristically approving video review in the iconic Zero Punctuation series is very telling in its assessment of the game’s light narrative framing:Doom seems to have a firm understanding of its audience because, while there is a plot going on, the player-character couldn’t give a half an ounce of deep fried shit; if you want to know the plot then pause the game and read all the fluff text in the character and location database, sipping daintily from your pink teacup full of pussy juice, while the game waits patiently for you to strap your bollocks back on and get back in the fray. (Yahtzee)This is a strident expression of the gendered expectations and response to Doom’s narratological refusal, which is here cast as approvingly masculine and opposed to a “feminine” desire for plot or narrative. It also feeds into a discourse which sees the game as one which demands skill, commitment, and an achievement orientation cast within an exclusivist ideology of “toxic meritocracy” (Paul).In addition to examining reception, approaches to understanding how Doom functions as a “Power Fantasy” or “badass” trope could take a variety of forms. It is tempting to undertake a detailed analysis of its design and gameplay, especially since these feed directly into considerations of player interaction. This could direct a critical focus towards gameplay design elements such as traversal and mobility, difficulty settings, “glory kills”, and cinematic techniques in the same vein as Habel and Kooyman’s analysis of survival horror video games in relation to horror cinema. However, Golding and van Deventer warn against a simplistic analysis of decontextualized gameplay (29-30), and there is a much more intriguing possibility hinted at by Harper’s notion of “Play Practice”.It is useful to analyse a theoretical engagement with a video game as a thought-experiment. But with the rise of gaming as spectacle, and particularly gaming as performance through “Let’s Play” livestreams (or video on demand) on platforms such as TwitchTV and YouTube, it becomes possible to analyse embodied performances of the gameplay of such video games. This kind of analysis allows the opportunity for a more nuanced understanding of how such games mediate gender identities. For Judith Butler, gender is not only performed, it is also performative:Because there is neither an “essence” that gender expresses or externalizes nor an objective ideal to which gender aspires, and because gender is not a fact, the various acts of gender create the idea of gender, and without those acts, there would be no gender at all. (214)Let’s Play videos—that show a player playing a game in real time with their commentary overlaying the on screen action—allow us to see the performative aspects of gameplay. Let’s Plays are a highly popular and developing form: they are not simple artefacts by any means, and can be understood as expressive works in their own right (Lee). They are complex and multifaceted, and while they do not necessarily provide direct insights into the player’s perception of their own identification, with sufficient analysis and unpacking they help us to explore both the construction and denaturalisation of gender identity. In this case, we follow Josef Nguyen’s analysis of Let’s Plays as essential for expression of player identity through performance, but instead focus on how some identity construction may narrow rather than expand the diversity range. T.L. Taylor also has a monograph forthcoming in 2018 titled Watch Me Play: Twitch and the Rise of Game Live Streaming, suggesting the time is ripe for such analysis.These performances are clear in ways we have already discussed: for example, both SplatterCat and Markiplier devote significant time to describing their formative experiences playing Doom as a background to their gameplay performance, while Wanderbots is more distanced. There is no doubt that these videos are popular: Markiplier, for example, has attracted nearly 5 million views of his Doom playthrough. If we see gameplay as automediation, though, these videos become useful artefacts for analysis of gendered performance through gameplay.When SplatterCat discovers the suit of armor for the game’s protagonist, Doom Guy, he half-jokingly remarks “let us be all of the Doom Guy that we can possibly be” (3:20). This is an aspirational mantra, a desire for enacting the game’s Power Fantasy. Markiplier speaks at length about his nostalgia for the game, specifically about how his father introduced him to Doom when he was a child, and he expresses hopes that he will again experience “Doom’s original super-fast pace and just pure unadulterated action; Doom Guy is a badass” (4:59). As the action picks up early into the game, Markiplier expresses the exhilaration and adrenaline that accompany performances of this fastpaced, highly mobile kind of gameplay, implying that he is becoming immersed in the character and, by performing Doom Guy, inhabiting the “badass” role and thus enacting a performance of Power Fantasy:Doom guy—and I hope I’m playing Doom guy himself—is just the embodiment of kickass. He destroys everything and he doesn’t give a fuck about what he breaks in the process. (8:45)This performance of gender through the skilled control of Doom Guy is, initially, unambiguously mediated as Power Fantasy: in control, highly skilled, suffused with Paul’s ‘toxic meritocracy. A similar sentiment is expressed in Wanderbots’ playthrough when the player-character dispenses with narrative/conversation by smashing a computer terminal: “Oh I like this guy already! Alright. Doom Guy does not give a shit. It’s like Wolf Blascowicz [sic], but like, plus plus” (Wanderbots). This is a reference to another iconic first-person shooter franchise, Wolfenstein, which also originated in the 1980s and has experienced a recent successful reboot, and which operates in a similar Power Fantasy mode. This close alignment between these two streamers’ performances suggests significant coherence in both genre and gameplay design and the ways in which players engage with the game as a gendered performative space.Nonetheless, there is no simple one-to-one relationship here—there is not enough evidence to argue that this kind of gameplay experience leads directly to the kind of untrammelled misogyny we see in game culture more broadly. While Gabbiadini et al. found evidence in an experimental study that a masculinist ideology combined with violent video game mechanics could lead to a lack of empathy for women and girls who are victims of violence, Ferguson and Donnellan dispute this finding based on poor methodology, arguing that there is no evidence for a causal relationship between gender, game type and lack of empathy for women and girls. This inconclusiveness in the research is mirrored by an ambiguity in the gendered performance of males playing through Doom, where the Power Fantasy is profoundly undercut in multiple ways.Wanderbots’ Doom playthrough is literally titled ‘I have no idea what I’m Dooming’ and he struggles with particular mechanics and relatively simple progression tools early in the game: this reads against masculinist stereotypes of superior and naturalised gameplay skill. Markiplier’s performance of the “badass” Doom Guy is undercut at various stages: in encountering the iconic challenge of the game, he mentions that “I am halfway decent… not that good at video games” (9:58), and on the verge of the protagonist’s death he admits “If I die this early into my first video I’m going to be very disappointed, so I’m going to have to kick it up a notch” (15:30). This suggests that rather than being an unproblematic and simple expression of male power in a fantasy video game world, the gameplay performances of Power Fantasy games are ambiguous and contested, and not always successfully performed via the avatar. They therefore demonstrate a “kind of gender performance [which] will enact and reveal the performativity of gender itself in a way that destabilizes the naturalized categories of identity and desire” (Butler 211). This cuts across the empowered performance of videogame mastery and physical dominance over the game world, and suggests that the automediation of gender identity through playing video games is a complex phenomenon urgently in need of further theorisation.ConclusionUltimately, this kind of analysis of the mediation of hegemonic gender identities is urgent for a cultural product as ubiquitous as video games. The hyper-empowered “badass” digital avatars of Power Fantasy video games can be expected to have some shaping effect on the identities of those who play them, evidenced by the gendered gameplay performance of Doom briefly explored here. This is by no means a simple or unproblematic process, though. Much further research is needed to test the methodological insights possible by using video performances of gameplay as explorations of the auto-mediation of gender identities through video games.ReferencesBaker, Meguey. “Problematizing Power Fantasy.” The Enemy 1.2 (2015). 18 Feb. 2018 <http://theenemyreader.org/problematizing-power-fantasy/>.Burrill, Derrick. Die Tryin’: Video Games, Masculinity, Culture. New York: Peter Lang, 2008.Butler, Judith. Gender Trouble. 10th ed. London: Routledge, 2002.Ferguson, Christopher, and Brent Donellan. “Are Associations between “Sexist” Video Games and Decreased Empathy toward Women Robust? A Reanalysis of Gabbiadini et al. 2016.” Journal of Youth and Adolescence 46.12 (2017): 2446–2459.Gabbiadini, Alessandro, Paolo Riva, Luca Andrighetto, Chiara Volpato, and Brad J. 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