Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Authoritarianisme'
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1
Anderson, Clifford W. "Authoritarianism in Turkey." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/43867.
Abstract:
Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedTurkey is a member of NATO and has long been upheld by the West as proof that a Muslim-majority state can maintain a stable democracy. However, the current regime seeks to establish executive power over the judiciary in a move that would violate the separation of powers. This demonstrates an attempt by the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) to subjugate the state without oversight from other parties or branches of government. As constitutional talks have broken down and no new draft is scheduled, any attempt to institutionalize a new system of government has met with failure. Executive decrees and legislation indicate this regime’s authoritarian proclivities, which have precluded EU membership despite initial efforts to the contrary. This thesis applies the authoritarian models of Juan Linz to examineTurkey’s political system. Results indicateTurkey should be classified as an authoritarian state, both before and after the rise of the AKP.
2
Hatzistavrou, Antony. "Socrates and political authoritarianism." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/22298.
3
El, Tarouty Safinaz. "Businessmen and authoritarianism in Egypt." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2014. https://ueaeprints.uea.ac.uk/48815/.
Abstract:
The main concern of this thesis is to examine how the Mubarak authoritarian regime survived for three decades, especially after the introduction of economic liberalization. I argue that the Mubarak regime created a new constituency of businessmen who benefited from economic reform and in return provided support to the regime. Based on interviews with Egyptian businessmen and political activists, this thesis examines the different institutional mechanisms used by the regime to co-opt businessmen and based on predation of public and private resources. Extending the literature on clientelism, I create a typology of regime-businessmen relations in terms of authoritarian clientelism, semi-clientelism, patron-broker client relationships, and mutual dependency. The thesis further examines how the regime dealt with an opposition that refused to enter into its clientelisitic chain. I demonstrate how the regime weakened this opposition by creating among them a divided political environment on different levels (i.e., among the legal and illegal opposition, inside the legal opposition, and among the illegal opposition). This thesis demonstrates that there are businessmen who are supportive of authoritarianism; however, they may also oppose authoritarian regimes, not for their own business interests but rather for their own political/ideological stance. This thesis concludes that the 25th of January Revolution showed the failure of Mubarak‘s political economy of authoritarianism based on predation and co-opting businessmen.
4
Hutchings, John David. "The state, development, and persistent authoritarianism." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=18487.
Abstract:
This thesis helps explain persistent authoritarianism in Egypt and theMiddle East. It does so with two arguments: one about development and anotherabout the state. As economic reform ended Arab socialism, members of theprivate sector found their economic interests in collusion with the authoritarianstate. The character of this state-sponsored development trajectory maintainedbusiness support for authoritarian persistence. Egypt implemented a slow reformprocess that ruptured the Nasserite populist-authoritarian social contract but builtnew business support for the regime. In so doing, it abandoned the popular sectorand fractured state-society relations. Zones of informality developed, with civilsociety stepping in to provide services. This associational vigour has a perverseeffect on political engagement. State-society rupture feeds depoliticization andapathy, helping people survive while contributing to regime stability.Comparative perspective from Thailand, Ghana and Zambia supports theseconclusions.Cette thèse contribue à l'explication de l'autoritarisme égyptien et moyen-oriental. Elle avance deux arguments : un sur le développement, et un sur l'État.Quand la libéralisation économique mit terme au socialisme arabe, les membresdu secteur privé réalisèrent leurs intérêts économiques en collusion avec l'Étatautoritaire. Ce trajet de développement étatique maintint le soutien du patronat àl'autoritarisme persistant. L'Égypte exécuta un programme de libéralisation lentequi fractura le contrat social populiste-autoritaire nassériste tout en créant unenouvelle base d'appui pour le régime. De cette façon, elle abandonna le secteurpopulaire et fractura les relations étatiques-sociales. Des zones d'informalité sedéveloppèrent, et la société civile intervint pour fournir des services. Cettevigueur associationnelle a un effet pervers sur l'engagement politique. La ruptureétatique-sociale nourrit la dépoliticisation et l'apathie, aidant la survie du peupletout en stabilisant le régime. Les expériences de la Thaïlande, le Ghana, et laZambie soutiennent ces conclusions.
5
Greitens, Sheena E. "Coercive Institutions and State Violence Under Authoritarianism." Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10871.
Abstract:
Why do we observe such widely differing patterns of repression and state violence under authoritarian rule? Despite a wave of recent interest in authoritarian politics, the origins, design and behavior of the coercive institutions that embody the state's monopoly on violence remain relatively unexamined. This project draws on new statistical and geographic data, elite interviews, and archival evidence from the U.S. and Asia to chronicle the origins and operation of the internal security apparatus in three Cold War anti-communist authoritarian regimes – Taiwan, the Philippines, and South Korea – and compares them to similar processes in Communist authoritarian regimes in North Korea and China. Its findings challenge dominant narratives about contentious politics and state-society conflict in Asia; offer an unprecedented view inside 'secret police' use of surveillance, coercion, and violence; and provide a new understanding of the institutional and social foundations of authoritarian power.I argue that autocrats face a fundamental tradeoff between designing their internal security apparatus to deal with a popular threat, or coup-proofing it to defend against elite rivals. Coup-proofing requires an internally fragmented security force drawn from narrow segments of society; managing popular unrest requires a unitary apparatus with broadly embedded, socially inclusive intelligence networks. Autocrats construct coercive institutions based on the dominant perceived threat when they come to power, but these organizational tradeoffs, exacerbated by institutional stickiness, blunt their ability to adapt as new threats arise. Organizational characteristics thus give rise to predictable patterns of state violence. A more fragmented, exclusive security apparatus – associated with a high initial threat from fellow elites – is likely to be more violent, both because it has stronger incentives to engage in violence and because it lacks the intelligence capacity to engage in discriminate, pre-emptive repression. In contrast to existing threat-based explanations of repression, I demonstrate that autocrats who are deeply concerned about popular threats use less violence rather than more, and do so because they mobilize organizations expressly designed for that purpose. In these organizations, intelligence becomes a substitute for violence, and citizens relinquish their privacy, but less often their lives.Government
6
Celik, Cihan. "The nature of Turkish authoritarianism, 1934-1945." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2017. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/26486/.
7
Gahre, Connor J. "SELLING AUTHORITARIANISM: SINGAPORE AND CHINA’S BRANDING PROCESSES." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1561577957887846.
8
Li, Jessica. "Internet control and authoritarianism : regimes defying political change." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/742.
Abstract:
An oft-stated view held by scholars and political observers is that given the unique characteristics of the Internet, the technology offers real opportunities for democratization and political transformation, especially in societies where the basic rights of freedom of expression and the press are constricted by state control. This thesis seeks to challenge this main assumption by examining the impact of the Internet along with the politics surrounding its use in Asia, with specific attention to the cases of China, Singapore and Iran. This thesis postulates that in the cases of certain authoritarian regimes such as China and Singapore, not only has the presence and use of the Internet failed to spawn strong opposition movements, but authorities in these states have cleverly entered the domain of online expression and have utilized the technology to improve governance and control of these societies. The conditions which make it possible for certain states to suppress online activism, and which in turn contributes to the strengthening of authorial control are then clearly identified and delineated. They include, namely: a strong regulatory regime; an effective use of e-governance and the pacification of Internet entrepreneurs. Iran serves as a contrast case to China and Singapore as civil society actors in the Islamic country have demonstrated a clear interest in participating in a struggle against the state by entering and articulating their positions in the virtual space of cyber interaction. The notable absence of stated conditions in Iran, however, clearly shows that a confluence of circumstances is still necessary for regimes to more fully manipulate online spaces. It is not the intention of the thesis to project the notion that China’s infamous “Firewall” is one-hundred percent full-proof or that citizens in these countries are deprived of all access to controversial news and media. The main conclusion that is drawn is that despite the government’s open promotion and dissemination of Internet technology, certain states have managed to strike a precarious balance by also maintaining control of the public agora.
9
Tertytchnaya, Katerina. "Shocks, the state, and support under electoral authoritarianism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e340b269-6c8d-4a9e-9946-94134adc36a7.
Abstract:
The literature on authoritarian politics emphasises the threat unexpected shocks such as economic downturns or political and security challenges pose for regime stability. However, we know relatively little about how incumbents can influence the process by which citizens evaluate government performance and attribute blame in non-democratic regimes. To gain insights into these questions, I study how government responses to collective shocks to citizen income and security influence support for electoral authoritarian regimes, i.e. those that combine authoritarian practices with multiparty elections. I propose that when shocks make information about government performance publicly observable, illiberal governments can take action that moderates or ameliorates their effect on the levels of support they enjoy. Little constrained by constitutional rules, critical media or coalition partners, electoral authoritarians can use tactical redistribution to appease the discontented electorate on the one hand and propaganda to manipulate attributions of responsibility for the shock on the other. Repression against opposition parties and activists in this context is used rarely, and only after targeted transfers and propaganda have failed to prevent support from eroding and crowds from taking to the streets. The thesis illustrates arguments with the case of contemporary Russia - an electoral authoritarian regime with high levels of personalist rule - and leverages evidence from government and citizen responses to natural disasters, economic downturns, terror attacks and electoral protests. Empirical analysis combines original datasets on the framing of economic news in Kremlin-controlled media, the forced dismissals of government actors, the provision of tactical redistribution, and the use of repression against opposition parties and activists with over 60,000 responses from nationally and regionally representative public opinion surveys. Bringing new data and evidence from individual-level surveys to bear on the debate of how non-democratic governments manage public opinion, the thesis makes an original contribution to scholarship on authoritarian vulnerability and resilience.
10
Karno, Donna E. "A theoretical exploration of authoritarianism, ideology and generativity." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1221236227.
11
Barth, Jasper. "The PAP-state : housing, health, and resilient authoritarianism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:551a83bf-f0a6-4a28-b682-e36e4019bc92.
Abstract:
The thesis aims to explain the continued durability of state authoritarianism in Singapore. This durability is usually attributed to citizens acquiescing to Singapore's authoritarian state on account of the prosperity it has delivered. The thesis argues that the contemporary resilience of authoritarianism and undergirding stability of state-citizen relations is better accounted for by two factors. First, the state is apparently able to address evolving policy demands brought forward by citizens. Addressing contemporary 'hot button' issues through policy change produces popular support for the regime and eliminates the basis for serious political challenges. The thesis stresses the increasing role played by the state's provision of social protection and nation-building with respect to regime legitimation. Second, citizens are often able to sidestep authoritarian state practices in everyday life. The thesis argues that this can make authoritarian state practices more bearable for Singaporeans and thus further abates the emergence of pressures for political liberalisation. The thesis analyses economic and social policy to make these arguments while focussing on the public housing and healthcare programmes as central case studies. It also draws on fieldwork data about state interventions, and how these interventions pan out 'on the ground' in Singapore. Beyond the case of Singapore, the thesis speaks to the resilience and re-emergence of state authoritarianism in other countries. The thesis also contributes to state theory and discussions about the reconfiguration of states' economic and social functions in the face of economic globalisation.
12
Carr, Christie Arine. "Christian Fundamentalism, Authoritarianism, and Attitudes toward Rape Victims." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2006. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/2206.
Abstract:
This study focused on the relationship of five variables: rape myth acceptance, attitudes toward rape victims, sex roles, authoritarianism, and Christian fundamentalism. Also, differences between men and women were compared. The study was conducted at East Tennessee State University, and 100 people participated. Contrary to past research, Christian fundamentalism was not a significant predictor of rape myth acceptance or attitudes towards rape victims, but there were significant relationships between all of the other variables. Men were found to be more accepting of rape myths and had a more negative view of rape victims than did women. Implications of these findings, future research ideas, and possible rape-awareness educational programs are discussed.
13
Aydin, Gulsen. "Authoritarianism Versus Democracy In Uzbekistan: Domestic And International Factors." Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12604690/index.pdf.
Abstract:
The objective of this thesis is to analyze the authoritarian Karimov regime in post-Soviet Uzbekistan on a comprehensive basis and shed light on the domestic and international factors that has shaped this regime. The thesis consists of three main parts. The first part of the study defines the concepts of democracy and authoritarianism and provides the criteria to determine if a regime is democratic or authoritarian. The second part applies the theoretical framework developed in the first part to Uzbekistan. The third part deals with the factors that helped Karimov to strengthen his authoritarian rule in the country. The main argument of this study is that the incumbent leadership in Uzbekistan has failed to take steps to establish democracy in the country in post-Soviet period. The changes that were introduced proved to be only decorative, they lacked substance. The president of the country, Islam Karimov, has aimed at consolidating his own authority rather than establishing democracy and that his attempts to realize this aim resulted in the strengthening of executive branch in Uzbekistan at the expense of legislative and judiciary, silencing of the opposition forces, curtailment of the civil and political rights of the citizens, restriction of autonomy of civil society organizations and media.
14
Smith, Steven Michael. "Authoritarianism as a moderator of the similarity-attraction effect." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq20701.pdf.
15
Frear, Matthew. "An anatomy of adaptive authoritarianism : Belarus under Aliaksandr Lukashenka." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3183/.
Abstract:
This case study examines contemporary Belarus as an example of a modern non-democratic regime. Two sets of questions are answered which relate firstly to the characteristics of the successful authoritarian consolidation which has taken place under President Aliaksandr Lukashenka over the years since his initial election in 1994, and secondly to the factors which have discouraged disloyalty to the authorities and contributed to the marginalisation of any opposition. The thesis argues that a concept of ‘adaptive authoritarianism’ is the most appropriate term to describe the non-democratic system constructed around Lukashenka. The research develops a conceptual framework based on existing models used in comparative politics, which are then applied in a manner which reflects the realities of the political landscape in Belarus by taking a bottom-up approach to identifying and analysing the structures in place. Adaptive authoritarianism is classified as featuring electoral authoritarianism with neopatrimonial tendencies; seeking to claim legitimacy through a mixture of charisma, populism, rational self-interest and resigned acceptance; employing both high-intensity and low-intensity techniques of state coercion; and demonstrating pragmatism, expediency and opportunism to modify and adapt the approaches and policies pursued at any given time, as deemed in the best interests of the incumbent.
16
Twohey, Michael Edward. "New authoritarianism and Chinese political debate : a historical analysis." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.627070.
17
Stacher, Joshua Alan. "Adapting authoritarianism : institutions and co-optation in Egypt and Syria /." St Andrews, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/354.
18
Stacher, Joshua A. "Adapting authoritarianism : institutions and co-optation in Egypt and Syria." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/354.
Abstract:
This PhD thesis compares Egypt and Syria’s authoritarian political systems. While the tendency in social science political research treats Egypt and Syria as similarly authoritarian, this research emphasizes differences between the two systems with special reference to institutions and co-optation. Rather than reducibly understanding Egypt and Syria as sharing similar histories, institutional arrangements, or ascribing to the oft-repeated convention that “Syria is Egypt but 10 years behind,” this thesis focuses on how events and individual histories shaped each states current institutional strengthens and weaknesses. Specifically, it explains the how varying institutional politicization or de-politicization affects each state’s capabilities for co-opting elite and non-elite individuals. Beginning with a theoretical framework that considers the limited utility of democratization and transition theoretical approaches, the work underscores the persistence and durability of authoritarianism. Chapter two details the politicized institutional divergence between Egypt and Syria that began in the 1970s. Chapter three and four examines how institutional politicization or de-politicization affects elite and non-elite individual co-optation in Egypt and Syria. Chapter five discusses the study’s general conclusions and theoretical implications. This thesis’s argument is that Egypt and Syria co-opt elites and non-elites differently because of the varying degrees of institutional politicization in each governance system. Rather than view one country as more politically developed than the other, this work argues that Syria’s political institutions are more politicized than their Egyptian counterparts. Syria’s political arena is, thus, described as politicized-patrimonialism. Syria’s politicized-patrimonial arena produces uneven co-optation of elites and non-elites as they are diffused through competing institutions. Conversely, the Egyptian political arena remains highly personalized as weak institutions and individuals are manipulated and molded according to the president’s ruling clique. This is referred to as personalized-patrimonialism. As a consequence, Egypt’s political establishment demonstrates more flexibility in ad hoc altering and adapting its arena depending on the emergence of crises. This study’s theoretical implications suggest that, contrary to modernization and democratization theory’s adage that institutions lead to a political development, politicized institutions within a patrimonial order actually hinder regime adaptation because consensus is harder to achieve and maintain. It is within this context that Egypt’s de-politicized institutional framework advantages its top political elite. In this reading of Egyptian and Syrian politics, Egypt’s personalized political arena is more adaptable than Syria’s. These conclusions do not indicate that political reform is a process underway in either state.
19
Wahlberg, Scott Andrea. "Promoting digital authoritarianism : A study of China’s Digital Silk Road." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-37656.
Abstract:
China’s influence is increasing steadily in all corners of the world. One of China’s foreign policy goals is to become a technological superpower by 2025. An important part of that goal is the Digital Silk Road (DSR), a sub-project to China’s massive infrastructure project, the Belt and Road Initiative. The DSR is on one hand contributing to positive technological developments, especially in developing countries. But on the other hand, it has gotten substantial criticism for being a front for spreading China’s digital authoritarian model and for giving authoritarian regimes the tools to effectively repress citizens and violate human rights. The aim of this study is twofold. The first aim is to examine and map out how China might be promoting autocracy through the DSR, this will contribute to a deeper empirical understanding. The second aim is to give a theoretical contribution by categorizing autocracy promotion and testing the value of active and passive autocracy promotion in relation to China and the DSR. To conduct the analysis, I will draw on literature about autocracy promotion and digital authoritarianism. The existing literature is divided on whether or not China is promoting autocracy, and I will thus be arguing that technological advances, and the DSR, makes it problematic to claim that China is not engaged in autocracy promotion. Therefore, I seek to contribute to the existing literature. The results show that China is in fact involved in autocracy promotion through the different DSR projects. It also shows that China’s support, in some cases, have been crucial in providing authoritarian regimes with repressive technologies. The results also indicate that promoting autocracy might not be an outspoken goal or strategy from China, but rather an unintended consequence when trying to reach domestic political and economic goals.
20
Almén, Oscar. "Authoritarianism constrained : the role of local people's congresses in China /." Göteborg : Göteborg university, departement of peace and development research, 2005. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40058545s.
21
Sum, Ngai-ling Ivin. "The changing nature of colonial-bureaucratic authoritarianism in Hong Kong and its implications for public policies." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 1989. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B31976086.
22
Sum, Ngai-ling Ivin, and 岑艾玲. "The changing nature of colonial-bureaucratic authoritarianism in Hong Kong and its implications for public policies." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1989. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31976086.
23
Stein, Elizabeth A. "Leading the way the media and the struggle against authoritarian rule /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1779835431&sid=8&Fmt=2&clientId=48051&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
24
Paik, Woo Yeal. "Political participation, clientelism, and state-society relations in contemporary China." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1925793231&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
25
Hillin, Suzanne. "Authoritarianism, Social Dominance Orientation, and Behavior in Majority and Minority Groups." TopSCHOLAR®, 2000. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/719.
Abstract:
The influence of authoritarianism, social dominance, and ingroup identification on ingroup favoritism and outgroup discrimination in a minimal group paradigm were investigated in this study. Possible effects of majority and minority group size interactions with these constructs were also examined. It has been previously shown that right-wing authoritarianism (Altemeyer, 1981) and social dominance orientation (Pratto, Sidanius, Stallworth, & Malle, 1994) influence ingroup favoritism and outgroup discrimination in Tajfel's (1978) minimal group paradigm (McFarland & Ageyev, 1992; Perrault & Bourhis, 1999; Sidanius, Pratto, & Mitchell, 1994). Majority and minority group status also influence behavior in minimal groups (Gerard & Hoyt, 1974; Otten, Mummendey, & Blanz, 1996; Sachdev & Bourhis, 1984; Simon & Brown, 1987). Based on motivational differences between authoritarianism and social dominance, individuals higher in authoritarianism were expected to display greater ingroup favoritism than those lower in authoritarianism, regardless of group size. Social dominance was expected to interact with group size such that individuals higher on this dimension in minority groups would identify less with the ingroup, as opposed to those in majority groups who would identify more, and display less favoritism toward the ingroup than those in majority groups. To create minimal groups, participants completed an estimation task and were told that their scores indicated they were either "overestimators" or "underestimators." Three conditions were established: Neutral (group size was unspecified), majority (one group was identified as being numerically large), and minority (one group was identified as being numerically small). Trait ratings (Thompson & Crocker, 1990) and Tajfel's (1978) resource allocation task were used to measure ingroup favoritism. Participants overall displayed ingroup favoritism on both dependent measures, although parity was used most on the Tajfel (1978) matrices. Neither authoritarianism, social dominance, nor any interaction between these constructs and group size significantly affected trait ratings. On the matrices, authoritarianism led to favoritism on only one of the six pull scores and did not interact with group size. Social dominance led those in the neutral condition to display greater ingroup favoritism. Contrary to predictions, social dominance led those in majority groups to select parity over favoritism, but did not affect those in minority groups. Finally, ingroup identification mediated the relationship between social dominance and ingroup favoritism on the trait ratings for those in neutral and minority groups, though not in the predicted direction. Those in minority groups gave more positive trait ratings to the ingroup rather than to the majority outgroup as their identification with the ingroup increased.
26
Pragnell, Bradley John School of Industrial Relations & Organisation Behaviour UNSW. "???Selling Consent???: From Authoritarianism to Welfarism at David Jones, 1838-1958." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Industrial Relations and Organisation Behaviour, 2001. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/18241.
Abstract:
This thesis investigates the history of labour management at David Jones, the major Australian retailer and manufacturer, between the years 1838 and 1958. This thesis examines the development of consent-based approach to labour management at David Jones, in particular the development of paternalism and welfarism. In doing so this thesis explores both general questions regarding the factors that influence why certain firms adopt a consent-based approach to labour management, as well as informing debates around the existence of nineteenth century paternalism and the origins of twentieth century welfarism. The historical material contained at the David Jones Archives and elsewhere reveals little evidence of paternalism as a deliberate management strategy. This brings into question the usefulness of paternalism as a concept in the historical study of Australian labour management. The inability to trace paternalism also undermines explanations of twentieth century welfarism premised on the pre-existence of nineteenth century paternalism. The historical materials, however, do note that twentieth century welfarism was a deliberate labour management strategy adopted by David Jones management. Welfarism, combined with systematic management and training, was initially adopted following the First World War to deal with the threat of industrial turmoil. However, in the 1930s, welfarism increasingly became a pro-active strategy designed to create skilled selling and raise the profile of the firm within the community. Further, welfarism at David Jones in the inter-war period was more than merely a new form of paternalism, somehow transformed by being in a larger, more bureaucratic setting or a result of employers confronted an increasingly feminised workforce. Welfarism at David Jones was a deliberate strategy, informed by overseas experiments, management consultants and the new science of psychology. Welfarism at David Jones continued into the post World War Two period. However, new forms of retailing, in particular self-service, undermined attempts to create skilled selling. Elements of welfarism remain at David Jones and continue to support the firm???s corporate image as a provider of high-quality customer service.
27
Watt, Steven. "Authoritarianism, constitutionalism and the Special Council of Lower Canada, 1838-1841." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ37243.pdf.
28
Douek, Daniel. "Counterinsurgency's impact on transitions from authoritarianism: the case of South Africa." Thesis, McGill University, 2012. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=106273.
Abstract:
Counterinsurgency's impact on transitions from authoritarianism remains poorly understood and undertheorized by the insurgency, civil war, and democratic transitions literatures. Using archival sources and interviews with ex-rebels, this paper examines the apartheid counterinsurgency program's hidden history. A program of clandestine violence and intelligence operations orchestrated at the regime's highest military and political echelons, it intensified during the 1990-94 transitional period. This paper analyzes its impacts on the state and its security sector during and after the negotiated transition. By marginalizing former rebels with high popular legitimacy, counterinsurgency disables security sector reform, while preserving entrenched criminal networks and racist tendencies within the police and army. This perpetuates institutional illegitimacy and corruption, and weakens security sector responses to post-transition violence, thereby distorting democratic outcomes. It also leaves lasting impacts at the social capital and participatory levels.Ni la littérature sur les guerres civiles et ni celle sur les transitions démocratiques ne considère l'importance des opérations militaires clandestines menées par l'État afin d'affaiblir les forces politiques et militaires rebelles. À la lumière du cas de l'Afrique du Sud, basée sur des entretiens avec des ex-rebelles et des archives, cette thèse vise à combler cette lacune en expliquant comment les enjeux politiques et militaires des transitions démocratiques sont déterminés par ces opérations clandestines. Au moment même de la transition démocratique en 1990-94, l'État autoritaire chercha à affaiblir les forces politiques et militaires rebelles. Les opérations militaires clandestines de l'ancien régime visa alors les institutions étatiques de sécurité, dont l'armée, la police, et les services d'espionnage, afin d'y sauvegarder des éléments autoritaires et ainsi renforcer la résistance aux changements démocratiques. Notre hypothèse est que, malgré la transition démocratique, c'est le succès de ces opérations destinées à conserver le personnel et les pratiques autoritaires et racistes de l'ancien régime qui contribua vers le niveau d'implication des institutions de sécurité dans la corruption et le crime, l'importance du taux de violence urbaine ainsi que le niveau de confiance de la population envers ces institutions.
29
Ma, Sang-Yoon. "Dealing with authoritarianism : US policy towards South Korean governments, 1960-1968." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.369618.
30
MacDonald, Andrew W. "What is the nature of authoritarian regimes? : responsive authoritarianism in China." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ea011de5-9231-4f77-9899-2d1bbe5be2a5.
Abstract:
This work proposes a new theory of authoritarian regimes: responsive authoritarianism. Most existing theories of autocracies take as their point of departure elite politics or the state’s repressive apparatus to explain the rise and fall of regimes. I argue that, for many states, regimes also have to consider the consent of the governed when designing policies. Specifically, when regime legitimacy is low but the central leadership maintains a long time horizon, autocratic regimes are predicted to become more responsive to the needs of citizens. This theory is tested against a number of aspects of the Chinese fiscal system dealing with public goods provision during the period of 2002-2011 and generally finds in favor of the theory. Chapter 4 tests the fiscal transfer system, Chapter 5 tests the fiscal expenditure data, and Chapter 6 tests data on the results of the transfer and expenditure data: actual public goods provision. This theory has a number of implications that suggest that scholars begin to rethink how they conceptualize power dynamics within an authoritarian regime, in particular paying closer attention to the relationship between the ruler(s) and the ruled. It suggests that, at least in the political science literature, power be returned to the people.
31
Blomkvist, Pontus. "Political Resocialization : Immigrants from Authoritarianism and Adaptation to Democratic Political Life." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-95576.
Abstract:
To what extent do immigrants who spent their formative years under authoritarianism adapt to the socio-political environment of their new democratic host country? The purpose of this thesis is to illuminate the political socialization of immigrants and provide governments with information for evidence-based policy regarding the assimilation of these immigrants. This is achieved by statistical analysis, measuring the effects of exposure to host country and age on political interest, political participation and political values. The evidence shows that immigrants from authoritarianism are able to adapt their political attitudes after exposure to new democratic socio-political environments, but that the exposure gained from living in a democratic country might not be sufficient to increase political participation by itself. These results speak in favor of governments attempts to inform a potentially vulnerable minority group of their political rights and the importance of political participation so as their voices might be heard. As well as immigrant’s ability to adapt to democratic political life.
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Van, den Berg Rika. "Authoritarianism revisited: a study among Afrikaans and English middle-class women." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/18312.
Abstract:
This study explored the concept of authoritarianism from a social group perspective. It was argued that authoritarian social attitudes are derived from social categorisations (underpinned by ideological beliefs) which maintain imbalances in power and authoritarian social structures and practices. Historical analyses have found ideologies of nationalism, militarism, conspiracy and patriarchy operative among Afrikaans-speakers. It was argued that these ideologies underpin Altemeyer's (1981) Right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) scale, and that Afrikaans-speakers would therefore score significantly higher than English-speakers on the RWA scale. Exploratory investigations compared a group of 97 white, Afrikaans-speaking, middle-class women in the age group 30-45, with a matched sample of 101 English-speaking women, on the RWA scale. It was argued that among Afrikaners, the mentioned ideologies are legitimated by a religious discourse. A measure of Christian Orthodoxy (SCO) was therefore included. A correlation between RWA and Racism, as measured by Duckitt's (1990) Subtle racism (SR) scale was demonstrated in previous research. This finding was investigated in the study. The Washington University Sentence Completion test (WUSCT) served as a control measure of adherence to social norms. Afrikaans women were expected to score significantly higher on the RWA, SCO and SR measures, and to show less variability in their responses to these scales, and to the WUSCT. This hypothesis was confirmed, suggesting that Afrikaans-speakers adhere to group ideologies more than English-speakers do. SR and RWA correlated significantly in combined and group data sets, supporting the findings in past research. SR and SCO, and RWA and SCO correlated in the combined data set. The RWA, SR and SCO scales demonstrated validity and reliability.
33
Balkind, Nicole Robertson Graeme. "A model republic? trust and authoritarianism on Tatarstan's road to autonomy /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2009. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,2492.
Abstract:
Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2009.Title from electronic title page (viewed Oct. 5, 2009). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Curriculum of Russian and East European Studies." Discipline: Russian and East European Studies; Department/School: Russian and East European Studies.
34
Ratliff, Chasity. "The Effects of Societal Threat on Authoritarianism and Social Dominance Orientation." OpenSIUC, 2018. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/theses/2335.
Abstract:
The present study examined the effects of societal threat on levels of authoritarianism and social dominance orientation and investigated if those self-report measures were consistent or inconsistent with a measure of implicit attitudes regarding Americans and Immigrants. Exposure to societal threat was hypothesized to increase authoritarianism and social dominance orientation, as well as to increase implicit prejudicial attitudes, as measured by the Implicit Relational Assessment Procedure (IRAP), towards out-group members. Based on prior findings, men were expected to have higher levels of social dominance orientation. As predicted, exposure to societal threat significantly increased right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation. Additionally, men endorsed greater levels of social dominance orientation than did women. However, there were no statistically significant differences in implicit attitudes between the participants who were exposed to societal threat and those who were not (all p’s > .05).
35
Sung, Suz-Chieh. "Parenting practices : parenting practices across children's temperament and cultures." Online access for everyone, 2007. http://www.dissertations.wsu.edu/Thesis/Spring2007/s_sung_042607.pdf.
36
Blaydes, Lisa A. "Competition without democracy elections and distributive politics in Mubarak's Egypt /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1608576921&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
37
Brillinger, Marc A. "Silence descends : the effects of rising authoritarianism and fear on citizen engagement." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/17437.
Abstract:
Neutralized by fear, so called first world citizens have failed to react to massive inequalities in the distribution of wealth, or the ongoing reductions in basic freedoms and social justice at home and abroad. The University itself is arguably suffering from this same malaise as powerful interests infiltrate its higher echelons and subvert its public responsibility as “truth tellers and truth seekers.” The apparent inactivity and non-responsiveness of citizens and students to injustice can be partially if not wholly attributed to the systemic and ubiquitous use of fear contained within the intensive influence campaigns undertaken by the authoritarian-infused milieu of politics, economics, and religion now dominant in modern societies.
Beginning in the 1950s, research on and application of intense influence tactics began to accelerate. Authoritarianism at both individual and systemic levels in politics, economics and religion, benefited from these advancements in and proliferation of influence techniques. Further, intense influence is easily understood through an examination of common social processes and psychological conditions delivered in specific ways; however, the vast majority of the citizenry remain unaware or unconvinced of the efficacy of these techniques. Subsequently, modern society allowed, even assisted, powerful institutions to successfully subvert public resources for private gain. The ubiquitous use of influence techniques increasingly permeated with attributes of fear not only work to the benefit of those persons and institutions who utilize them for specific purposes, but also, have a cumulative debilitating effect on the citizenry intimidating and eliminating much needed reactions to any and all abuses. Here, I consider the possibility that the aforementioned scenario has nullified long-held assumptions that ever more education, research, information, and knowledge eventually contributes to significant improvements in society. The endless collection and extension of knowledge is probably of little use in a society where generalized fear of imagined repercussions prevents any meaningful transfer of that knowledge into action. I conclude that a critical thinking stance combined with a rapid increase in overall radical (direct) activism is needed to overcome the current malaise—in short, we are in desperate need of heroes.
38
Jones, Indiana Baron. "The role & importance of democratic political institutions : Zimbabwe's regression towards authoritarianism." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96767.
Abstract:
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis seeks to advance the understanding of Zimbabwe’s current political situation and how it has regressed towards authoritarianism. The assumption when initially embarking on this research assignment was that Zimbabwe’s political failures over the past three and a half decades since its independence in 1980 could be traced back to its original Constitution – the Lancaster House Constitution of 1979. The research in this thesis is guided by a central question: Has Zimbabwe’s failure to successfully institutionalise democratic institutions, in particular through the 1979 Constitution, contributed to its regression to authoritarianism, despite its initial democratic transition? This question is substantiated by way of four sub-questions: • What processes lead from democratic transition to authoritarianism? • What are the institutional prerequisites for democratic development? • How was Zimbabwe’s Lancaster Constitution negotiated? • Did Zimbabwe’s institutional framework set it up for failure? In order to answer the research questions, a descriptive and exploratory study with emphasis on a case study was conducted by drawing from both secondary as well as primary sources of data. The primary data examined is a compilation of original documents belonging to the late Leo Baron, former Acting Chief Justice of Zimbabwe (1983) and lawyer to Joshua Nkomo. These documents include a personal record and interviews previously conducted in 1983 for the national archives of Zimbabwe between Baron and the state, an original ZAPU document titled Proposals for a settlement in Southern Rhodesia as well as the original Lancaster House Constitution of 1979. This thesis used democratic consolidation as a theoretical framework to assess the processes that lead from democratic transition to authoritarianism as well as the institutional prerequisites for democratic development. By exploring the field of democratic consolidation, the author settled upon two analytical frameworks for this research assignment. The first is that of Kapstein and Converse, who argue that in order for a democracy to be effective the power of the executive needs to be successfully constrained. They contend that if the executive faces sufficient constraints only then is it accountable to the electorate. Secondly, this thesis focuses largely on the institutional framework developed by Dahl, which highlights a set of criteria underlining the political institutions necessary for a country to transition into a successful democracy. The key findings are that, firstly, Zimbabwe’s Lancaster Constitution was not the product of an inclusive and participatory process; instead it has been discovered that the process was one that lacked public participation and thus lacked wider legitimacy. It can thus be argued that the Lancaster House Conference, normally regarded as the platform upon which Zimbabwe’s negotiated transition to majority rule took place, was in fact not a negotiation at all; instead it resembled more of a handover of power with forced implications and unrealistic expectations. And secondly, that the Lancaster Constitution of 1979 did not sufficiently provide for a democratic political institutional framework for democratic development in Zimbabwe. Instead it failed to highlight the importance of, and make provision for, several important independent organs usually responsible for the smooth transition towards democratisation and the eventual consolidation of democracy.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis beoog om ‘n dieper begrip van Zimbabwe se huidige politieke situasie aan te bied, asook die reprogressie na outoritarisme. Die aanvanklike aanname met die begin van hierdie studie was dat Zimbabwe se politieke mislukkings oor die afgelope drie en ‘n half dekades, sedert Zimbabwe se onafhanklikheid in 1980, terugspoor na die oorspronklike Grondwet naamlik – die Lancaster House Grondwet van 1979. Die navorsing in hierdie tesis is deur ‘n sentrale vraag gelei: Het Zimbabwe se mislukking om suksesvol demokratiese instellings te institusionaliseer, in besonder die Grondwet van 1979, bygedrae tot die regressie na outoritarisme, ten spyte van die aanvanklike demokratiese oorgang? Hierdie vraag word gestaaf deur vier sub-vrae: • Watter prosesse is gelei van demokratiese oorgang na outoritarisme? • Wat is die institusionele voorvereistes vir demokratiese ontwikkeling? • Hoe was Zimbabwe se Lancaster Grondwet beding? • Het Zimbabwe se institusionele raamwerk homself vir mislukking opgestel? Om in staat te wees om die bogenoemde navorsingsvrae te beantwoord, was ‘n beskrywende en verkennende studie met die klem op ‘n gevalle studie gedoen, deur data van beide sekondêre sowel as primêre bronne te trek. Die primere data wat geondersoek is, was ‘n samestelling van oorspronklike dokumente uit die besit van oorlede Leo Baron, voormalige Waarnemende Hoof Regter van Zimbabwe en prokureur van Joshua Nkomo. Hierdie dokumente sluit in ‘n persoonlike rekord asook onderhoude gevoer in 1983 vir die nationale argiewe van Zimbabwe tussen Baron en die staat. Hiermee saam volg ‘n oorspronklike ZAPU dokument getiteld Proposals for settlement in Southern Rhodesia asook die oorspronklike Lancaster House Konstitusie van 1979. Hierdie tesis gebruik demokratiese konsolidasie as ‘n teoretiese raamwerk waardeer die prosesse wat gelei het van demokratiese oorgang na outoritarisme, asook die institusionele voorvereistes vir demokratiese ontwikkeling, beoordeel word. Deur die veld van demokratiese konsolidasie te verken, het die outeur haar studie op twee analitiese raamwerke gevestig. Die eerste is die van Kapstein en Converse wat argumenteer dat vir ‘n demokrasie om effektief te wees, moet die mag van die uitvoerder beperk word. Hulle beweer dat slegs indien die uitvoerder voldoende beperkinge het, die kiesers dit as verantwoordelik erken. Tweedens fokus hierdie tesis grootliks op die institusionele raamwerk wat deur Dahl ontwikkel is. Dahl beklemtoon ‘n stel kriteria wat die nodige politieke grondwette vir ‘n land onderstreep om ‘n suksesvolle oorgang na demokrasie te verkry. Die sleutel bevindings is dit, Zimbabwe se Lancaster Grondwet was nie die produk van ‘n insluitende en deelnemende proses nie; in stede was dit bevind dat dit ‘n proses was van gebrekkige publieke deelname en dus het weier legitimiteit ontbreek. Daar kan dus geargumenteer word dat die Lancaster House Konferensie, wat normaalweg beskou is as die platform waarop Zimbabwe se oorgang tot meerderheid oorheers geonderhandel is, was in werklikheid nooit ‘n onderhandeling nie; instede blyk dit meer in gestalte na ‘n oorhandiging van mag met geforseerde implikasies en onrealistiese vereistes. Tweedens, dat die Lancaster Grondwet van 1979 nie daarin voldoen het om ‘n suksesvolle politieke institutionele raamwerk vir demokratiese ontwikkeling in Zimbabwe neer te lê nie. Eerder het dit daarin misluk om die belangrikheid van verskeie onafhanklike noodsaaklike organe uit te lig, of te voorsien, wat normaalweg verantwoordelik is vir ‘n gladde oorgang tot demokrasie en uit eindelik konsolidasie van demokrasie.
39
Pule, Ramakwe Nicholus. "State ownership, petroleum revenue, and the enduring legacy of authoritarianism in Angola." Master's thesis, Faculty of Humanities, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/33919.
Abstract:
In the post-independence period, Angola's political economy has been shaped by the petroleum industry. After gaining independence in 1975, Angola turned authoritarian and subsequently, Sonangol, a state-owned oil company, was created. Once established, authoritarianism in Angola persisted for a long period, with oil playing a major role. This study investigates how the state's ownership of Sonangol has reinforced authoritarianism in Angola. Theoretically, it builds on the ideas of the resource curse hypothesis, which refers to the adverse effects of abundant non-renewable resources on a country's socio-economic and political outcomes. In addition to these findings of an adverse impact of non-renewable resources, this study argues that the type of resource ownership matters. Specifically, state ownership adversely affects political regimes. The rentier state model and the centralized political economy model of the resource curse are applied to investigate how the interaction between state ownership and petroleum revenue has reinforced authoritarian persistence in Angola. Building on Ross' quantitative cross-national findings of this interaction, this study uses process tracing research method to provide an in-depth investigation of Angola. There are two central findings. First, state ownership (with control) in the oil sector enabled the Angolan state to capture petroleum rents directly. This direct access to rents granted the state autonomy from having to formulate its goals under the scrutiny of its citizens, and thus undermined the statesociety bargaining dynamic. Second, the incumbent's discretionary power over the distribution of petroleum rents as patronage increased the value of staying in power and provided sufficient incentives for authoritarian practices to persist.
40
Ölçer, Dilan. "Purchasing power : the political economics of authoritarianism, natural resources, and budget cycles." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013IEPP0028.
Abstract:
Cette thèse de doctorat en économie politique se compose de trois chapitres indépendants qui enquêtent sur les différents aspects de l’interaction entre l’allocation des ressources publiques et le résultat économique. Bien que la volonté d’acquérir et de conserver le pouvoir politique figure centralement dans chacun des trois chapitres, les environnements institutionnels et les questions abordés varient. Le premier chapitre pose, Quels outils fiscaux utilisent les dirigeants politiques pour améliorer leurs chances de rester au pouvoir dans les pays à faible revenu, et comment les utilisent-ils? Le deuxième chapitre pose, Est-ce que les électeurs dans les États Unis d’Amerique récompense différemment de des dépenses publique lorsque les ressources de l’Etat s’appuient fortement sur les revenus pétroliers? Enfin, le troisiéme chapitre demande, Quelle dynamique de croissance économique peut-on attendre d’un pays où le leader autoritaire, dont la survie au pouvoir dépend de la proportion de la population le soutient, fait le compromis entre investir dans son propre support ou dans le prospérité économique future du pays?This PhD dissertation in political economics consists of three independent papers that investigate different aspects of the interaction between public resource allocation and economic outcome. While the willingness to acquire and maintain political power figures centrally in each of the three papers, the institutional environments and the questions addressed vary. The first paper asks, What fiscal tools do political leaders use to improve their chances of remaining in power in low-income countries, and how do they use them? The second paper asks, Do voters in the American states reward spending growth differently when the state resources rely heavily on oil revenues? Finally, the third paper asks, What economic growth dynamics may we expect from a country where the authoritarian leader, whose survival in power depends on the share of the population supporting him, makes the trade-off between investing in his own support or in the nation’s future economic prosperity?
41
Makhova-Gregg, Anna Nikolaevna. "Russian civil service reform : a step toward democratic consolidation or bureaucratic authoritarianism? /." Available to subscribers only, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1605114471&sid=10&Fmt=2&clientId=1509&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
42
Sacchetti, Fabiana. "Political and socio-economic liberalizations in Morocco: genuine democratization or smart authoritarianism?" Thesis, IMT Alti Studi Lucca, 2012. http://e-theses.imtlucca.it/93/1/Sacchetti_phdthesis.pdf.
Abstract:
“Regime change” in the Arab world has attracted strands of literature which, especially in the last 20 years, variously tried to explain a general “reluctance to democratize” and/or the singular “resilience of
authoritarianism” that most Arab countries were showing, at times when other areas of the world were experiencing wide processes of democratization and political/economic liberalization. Among them, Morocco has so far been reported as one of the most “successful” cases of gradual democratization: partly since its independence in 1956 but mostly in the last two decades, Morocco has indeed been fairly responsive to the mainly external pressures toward political liberalization, endorsing a transition path marked by top-down liberalizing reforms on the political and economic spheres, along with attempts to improve unsatisfactory levels of social indicators and reduce poverty and inequality across the country. Though, this path - far from being linear and incremental – hinder tensions and contradictions which question the easy hypothesis of a country inscribed on a pattern of simultaneous successful democratization and structural change. Besides, Morocco also showed somewhat of a “partial” resilience to the revolutionary upheaval which has been shaking the Arab World since the eve of 2011: mass protests did spread out - leading the King to make concessions in terms of the adoption of a new constitution – but were much milder than in the neighbouring countries and no “revolution” as such took place. This partial resilience represents a further puzzle to explain, in so far as it can be read as a natural outcome in either one or the other of the two contrasting views presented above.
By analysing thus the dynamics of political and socio-economic transformations occurred in Morocco during the last few decades, this work aims at answering to two interrelated questions: 1) Should Morocco be defined as a country embarked in a comprehensive path of democratization (of which the recent adoption of the new constitution represent a major significant step), or rather as trapped into a stalled democratization, or even as just pursuing a piecemeal strategy of ad hoc and often superficial reforms which cannot be described as an overall coherent process of transition (in which both cases the new constitution
would be read as just cosmetic change)? 2) Morocco’s partial resilience to the recent revolutionary upheaval in the Arab world should be read as the result of a substantial (satisfied) acceptance by the population of the country’s socio-economic conditions and ongoing path of democratization (with thus protests calling for just
reforms and not for radical regime change) or it is rather the result of a particularly smart and successful “survival strategy” by part of an authoritarian monarchy able to suffocate real demands for change coming from the masses, even when it appears to respond to them?
43
ABDELRAHMAN, Moaz Nasser Saber. "On the margins of democracy : the EU’s legitimization of authoritarianism in Egypt." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/74777.
Abstract:
Award date: 17 June 2022. Supervisor: Professor Kalypso Nicolaidis, European University InstitutionThe European Union’s response to the Arab Spring and July 3rd military coup in Egypt contested the normative power of the EU in international politics. Meanwhile it is praised for being a transnational liberal institution that upholding the principles of democracy and respect human rights, the EU’s reaction to the July 3rd military coup proves otherwise. After the January 25th revolution in Egypt, and during the democratic transition, the EU was able to speak its opinion about the state of democracy, human rights, and the rule of law in Egypt. However, since the July 3rd military coup, the EU’s policy has been negligent to democracy, human rights, and the rule of law, and more focused on stability and cooperation. This thesis examines the EU’s response to the democratic transition and military coup in Egypt, and how the EU was unable to engage its moral clauses when conducting relations with Sisi’s Egypt.
44
Kjellström, Sara. "Har Rwandas valprocess blivit mer auktoritär de senaste 25 åren? : En studie av Rwandas valprocess." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-338801.
Abstract:
The aim of this essay is to study the electoral process of Rwanda, and whether or not an authoritarian development can be found within the electoral process. This will be achieved through a case study of Rwanda, categorising the changes made in its electoral process since 1991 as either semi - authoritarian or authoritarian. Furthermore, the electoral process is divided into three phases: the pre - existing conditions, the procedure, and final ly the outcome. The theoretical framework consists of theories regarding both semi - authoritarianism and authoritarianism. The study finds that the pre - existing conditions and the outcome have transitioned from being defined as semi - authoritarian to be defi ned as authoritarian, while the procedure remains semi - authoritarian. This illustrates the discrepancy between the different phases of the electoral process, as opposed to them being synchronised. The final analysis concludes that Rwanda’s electoral proces s has become more authoritarian since 1991.
45
Kreindler, Sara A. "Of insurgents and innovators : contextual authoritarianism and influence in political parties and beyond." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.400432.
46
Elliott, Oliver. "The American press and the rise of authoritarianism in South Korea, 1945-1954." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3450/.
Abstract:
This thesis looks at American press coverage of the rise of authoritarian rule in South Korea between 1945 and 1954, during the period of the American occupation government and the first six years of the Syngman Rhee regime. Making use of government, military and press archives, it is the first scholarly analysis of how the American press wrote about the early political development of South Korea and explores the question of why political repression under both the occupation and the Rhee regime did not receive greater attention from American journalists. This thesis focuses primarily on the production process of press coverage. Specifically, it shows how coverage of the authoritarianism issue was shaped by U.S. and South Korean political and military authorities, the professional working culture of the journalism profession and the worldviews and activism of individual journalists and lobbyists. It argues that coverage was sharply limited by five major factors. Firstly, the dominance of anti-Korean and Cold War press narratives ensured that relatively little attention was paid to the repression of the South Korean population. Secondly, most journalists working in the Far East were highly deferential to American authorities. Thirdly, American military authorities greatly constrained reporting during the occupation period. Fourthly, the Syngman Rhee regime became increasingly effective in its public relations activities. Fifthly, the low level of U.S. political interest in the political situation in South Korea greatly reduced the importance of the topic for the American press.
47
Bhattacharya, Gargi. "FEMINIST ORIENTATION AND RIGHT WING AUTHORITARIANISM IN THE PERCEPTION OF SEXUAL HARASSMENT ACCUSATIONS." OpenSIUC, 2014. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/938.
Abstract:
This study examined criticisms in the media that women and feminists are ultra-sensitive to sexual harassment, making false accusations that may ruin an accused man's career by empirically examining gender and feminist identity in relation to SH judgments for scenarios that varied by evidence strength. This study also examined whether those endorsing radically conservative views, specifically Right Wing Authoritarianism (RWA), are particularly insensitive to sexual harassment, denying that it exists even when evidence is strong. We hypothesized that perceiver gender, attitudes toward the feminist movement, stages of feminist identity, and RWA attitudes would impact perceptions of sexual harassment severity, accuser guilt, perceptions of future job consequences for the accused perpetrator, and perceptions of false accusations, and that strength of evidence would moderate these relationships. A sample of 961 adults was recruited from Amazon's MTurk to complete an online vignette study. Participants were assigned to a scenario condition based on a 2 (Hostile Work Environment vs. Unwanted Sexual Attention scenario) * 2 (Strength of Evidence: Strong vs. Weak) factorial design. Contrary to the popular belief that feminists are ultra-sensitive, findings indicated that women endorsing feminist beliefs were more cautious than others to judge a scenario as sexually harassing when evidence was weak. Those endorsing RWA beliefs, however, were more likely than others to claim a woman was making a false accusation of unwanted sexual attention sexual harassment regardless of strength of evidence.
48
Trentin, Federico <1992>. "L’azione del Networked Authoritarianism sull’opinione pubblica online cinese. Il caso di Zhou Yongkang." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/10517.
Abstract:
L’utilizzo di Internet in Cina sta conoscendo uno sviluppo molto veloce in tutti i propri settori di applicazione. Il terziario avanzato, l’e-commerce, i social network quelli che stanno conoscendo la più grande espansione, la quale vedendo ancora molti dei propri limiti inesplorati, sta contribuendo alla modifica e all’evoluzione della società cinese, unendosi così al grande processo di leap frogging che ne coinvolto innumerevoli aspetti. Fra le aree di ricerca che riguardano l’internet-sfera cinese, lo sviluppo dei nuovi Social Media (Social Network, Blog, siti di infotainment) merita particolare attenzione, in quanto si è affermato come uno dei mezzi di comunicazione principali in un periodo di popolarità relativamente breve. Molte persone, specie appartenenti alle fasce più giovani di età, si affidano ai siti di microblogging e ad applicazioni come WeChat per leggere e commentare notizie. Il governo cinese, al fine di mantenere stabile la propria influenza sui cittadini e limitare il più possibile le evenienze di casi con collective action potential, ha sviluppato una serie di metodi per contrastare la nascita e lo sviluppo di movimenti e idee anti-governative. Il caso della condanna all’ergastolo di uno degli ex-leader del Partito Comunista Cinese Zhou Yongkang è utile a evidenziare questo tipo di comportamento del governo, e mette in luce alcune delle difficoltà che sta incontrando il processo di “democratizzazione attraverso internet” in molti regimi autoritari.
49
Michalik, Susanne Enterline Andrew John. "The use of democratic institutions as a strategy to legitimize authoritarian rule." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2007. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-3639.
50
Stieber, Paul R. "A critical perspective of patriotism." Virtual Press, 1992. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/834128.
Abstract:
As an attempt to investigate attitudes and beliefs held presently by American youths, the following exploratory study of patriotism presents a variant of the original Berkeley group's analysis presented in their classic book The Authoritarian Personality (1950). By reconstructing the Berkeley group's theoretical model, their concept of "pseudopatriotism" was examined as an agent of false consciousness. Within the framework of critical theory, it was discovered that this type of patriotism relates positively to individuals' lack of perception of their alienated state in society. As hypothesized in the original study by the Berkeley group, authoritarianism was found to have a significant positive relationship to patriotism. In contrast, the concept of feminism was discovered to relate negatively to patriotism, indirectly, through its direct relationship with the variable of alienation. The findings of this investigation were obtained by surveying undergraduate students (N=405) at Ball State University.Department of Sociology