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1
Motsok, Vitalii. "Democracy Promotion's Resistance in «Ukraine Crisis»: Whether Russian «Sovereign Authoritarianism» is Effective?" Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 35-36 (December 20, 2017): 339–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2017.35-36.339-350.
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The articledeals withthe efforts of the Russian Federation, which is pushing the concept of “sovereign authoritarianism”,to resist democracy promotion under the conditions of “Ukraine Crisis”. The author emphasizes that the ideological component plays an important role for the global geopolitical fight. In particluar, ideological basis of geopolitical struggle for Ukraine has a significant influence and largely determines the course of confrontation between the main global players, namely: the collective West and Russia. Russian Federation has developed its own concept of the non-liberal regime and the mechanisms of its external projection as a way to counter the democracy promotion. By the end of 2017, Russia`s “sovereign authoritarianism” shows its sufficient effectiveness to contain democracy promotion efforts towards Ukraine under the conditions of the “Ukraine Crisis” and in the wider context of European and Euro-Atlantic integration of Ukraine.
Keywords: “Ukraine crisis”, democracy promotion, sovereign authoritarianism, Ukraine, Russia
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Golosov, Grigorii V. "Russia’s centralized authoritarianism in the disguise of democratic federalism: Evidence from the September 2017 sub-national elections." International Area Studies Review 21, no. 3 (July 23, 2018): 231–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865918789521.
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While formally a federation that vests significant powers in the sub-national bodies of government and leaves it for its federal units and municipalities to decide who will govern them by conducting elections, the Russian Federation is effectively a centralized authoritarian state. This paper uses evidence from the September 2017 sub-national elections in Russia to examine the role of formal political institutions in sustaining the country’s political regime. The analysis shows that the political domination of the pro-government party over the regional political assemblies is sustained by a complex combination of party regulations and electoral rules. In particular, gubernatorial elections are organized and conducted in a way that ensures the victories of the incumbent governors who are effectively appointed by the president of Russia.
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Milutinović, Irina, and Aleksandar Gajić. "The Role of Information War in the Strengthening of Stereotypes about Russia in the Western Political Space." Srpska politička misao 66, no. 4/2019 (February 3, 2020): 125–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/spm.6642019.6.
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Negative perceptions of Russia as “the Other” in societies belonging to the Western political tradition have been shaped in a long historical perspective and have their own cultural and geopolitical matrix. These stereotypes mostly perceive Russia and its population through collectivism, authoritarianism and impulsiveness. Media and information policies play an indispensable role in shaping stereotypes in the modern and postmodern era. Therefore, the aim of this research is to point at the role of media discourse in supporting and forming negative stereotypes about contemporary Russia. In the introductory part of the Paper, the problem of stereotyping the notions of Russia and the Russians in the Western political space is contextualized, and then the case study on the empirical basis describes the role of the so-called Western media in supporting the established stereotypes in modern times. The main narratives of the information war between the European Union and the Russian Federation were used for media mediation and interpretation of events on the international scene in which the Russian Federation was the main actor during the year of sanctions (2014) and immediately afterwards (2015). We conclude that in the observed period there was a mutual deterioration of the images among the citizens of the EU and RF, while the leading media sacrificed the principle of impartiality of reporting.
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DUNCAN, PETER J. S. "CONTEMPORARY RUSSIAN IDENTITY BETWEEN EAST AND WEST." Historical Journal 48, no. 1 (March 2005): 277–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04004303.
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This is a review of recent English-language scholarship on the development of Russian identity since the collapse of the USSR in 1991. The first part examines literature on the economic and political changes in the Russian Federation, revealing how scholars became more sceptical about the possibility of Russia building a Western-type liberal democracy. The second part investigates approaches to the study of Russian national identity. The experience of empire, in both the tsarist and Soviet periods, gave Russians a weak sense of nationhood; ethnic Russians identified with the multi-national Soviet Union. Seeking legitimacy for the new state, President El'tsin sought to create a civic identity focused on the multi-national Russian Federation. The Communist and nationalist opposition continued to promote an imperial identity, focused on restoring the USSR or creating some other formation including the Russian-speaking population in the former Soviet republics. The final section discusses accounts of the two Chechen wars, which scholars see as continuing Russia's imperial policy and harming relations with Russia's Muslim population. President Putin's co-operation with the West against ‘terrorism’ has not led the West to accept Russia as one of its own, due to increasing domestic repression and authoritarianism.
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Nichols, Thomas M. "The Logic of Russian Presidentialism: Institutions and Democracy in Postcommunism." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 1301 (January 1, 1998): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.1998.73.
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This study began as an investigation into the proverbial "dog that didn't bark," that failure of intuition which often opens the most interesting avenues of inquiry. In this case, the silent dog was an authoritarian Russian Federation: from 1991 onward, there was widespread expectation that it would be only a matter of time before Russia fell back into old habits, and that the experiment with democracy would be little more than an odd footnote in an otherwise unbroken record of autocracy. I am forced to admit that I was part of this chorus of pessimism, and in late 1993-despite the fact that I felt Y eltsin was right to crush the attempted coup of Ruslan Khasbulatov and Aleksandr Rutskoi-I expected little more than that Russia would then descend into some kind of muddled and mild authoritarianism.
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Maréchal, Nathalie. "Networked Authoritarianism and the Geopolitics of Information: Understanding Russian Internet Policy." Media and Communication 5, no. 1 (March 22, 2017): 29–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v5i1.808.
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In the aftermath of the 2016 U.S. election, researchers, policymakers and the general public are grappling with the notion that the 45th president of the United States may very well owe his electoral victory to a sophisticated propaganda effort masterminded by the Kremlin. This article synthesizes existing research on Russia’s domestic information controls, its internet policy at the global level (notably via internet governance processes), and the country’s resurgence as a major geopolitical player to argue that policymakers as well as the general public should consider these themes holistically, particularly as they formulate responses to what many see as the Russian threat to Western liberal democracy. Russia may have lost the Cold War, but it is now waging information warfare against the liberal democracies of Europe and North America in a sophisticated bid to win the next round. Russia does not view internet governance, cybersecurity, and media policy as separate domains. Rather, all the areas covered by those disciplines fall under “information security” for Russian foreign policy. The paper begins by tracing the history of information controls within what is now the Russian Federation before discussing the role of information and internet policy in Russian foreign policy, drawing connections between the Russian government’s control and manipulation of information—including its internet policy—in the domestic and international arenas. Next, it discusses the spread of networked authoritarianism and suggests that a “geopolitics of information” will become increasingly necessary in the coming years. Just as networked authoritarianism establishes strategic infrastructures to control the message domestically and intervene in global media systems, liberal democracies need to rethink media and communication infrastructures to ensure they foster pluralist, rights-respecting societies that are resilient to authoritarianism and extremism. In doing so, they should resist the temptation to respond to this threat in ways that will erode democracy even further, such as expanded surveillance and limits on free expression.
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Minaeva, Eleonora, and Petr Panov. "Localization of Ethnic Groups in the Regions as a Factor in Cross-Regional Variations in Voting for United Russia." Russian Politics 5, no. 2 (June 16, 2020): 131–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00502001.
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Abstract In the context of electoral authoritarianism, political mobilization is likely to be a more reasonable explanation of cross-regional variations in voting for the party of power than the diversity of the regions’ policy preferences. In the Russian Federation, the political machines which coordinate various activities aimed at mobilizing people to vote for United Russia demonstrate different degrees of effectiveness. This article examines the structural factors that facilitate machine politics focusing on ethnic networks. Although strong ethnic networks are more likely to arise if the members of an ethnic group live close to each other, and at the same time separately from other ethnic groups, so far researchers have neglected to consider the localization of ethnic groups within the territory of an administrative unit as a factor. In order to fill the gap, we have created an original geo-referenced dataset of the localization of non-Russian ethnic groups within every region of the Russian Federation, and developed special GIS (geographic information systems) techniques and tools to measure them in relation to the Russian population. This has made it possible to include the localization of ethnic groups as a variable in the study of cross-regional differences in voting for United Russia. Our analysis finds that the effect of non-Russians’ share of the population on voting for UR increases significantly if non-Russian groups are at least partially geographically segregated from Russians within a region.
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ÖZKAN, Zeynep, and Çiğdem Serra UZUNPINAR. "Erosion of the Rule of Law Principle through the Instrumentalization of Law: Practices from Council of Europe States." Ankara Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi 71, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 621–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.33629/auhfd.1080812.
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Today, authoritarian tendencies are reaching a global extent. It ispossible to say that these tendencies deserve the characterization of - inHuntington's words- a Reverse Wave in the Third Wave of democratization.This study examines the developments in the Russian Federation, Hungary,and Poland, where authoritarianism and regression from the rule of law areseen. A separation from democratization and the rule of law in all these threecountries is clear. It started in Russia and spread to other countries in theform of an avalanche, especially in the field of judiciary. The regression inthe Third Wave is taking place in the judiciary, relatively the most harmlesspolitical power, through instrumentalization of law. It is observed that thesupranational mechanisms, which protect human rights, are rendereddysfunctional under the pretext of ensuring the supremacy of theconstitution, and the rupture from those mechanisms is veiled by presentingit as a matter of sovereignty. Therefore, it is essential that the judiciary befreed from the interventions of other powers and regains its essential role inprotecting rights. To that end, the necessity of nation-states’ reintegrationwith supranational mechanisms which protect human rights is emphasized.
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Turovsky, Rostislav, and Karina Funk. "Electoral Reforms in Russia’s Regions: An Equilibrium between Disproportionality and Legitimacy." Russian Politics 7, no. 4 (November 9, 2022): 485–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00604028.
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Abstract This study examines the dynamics of electoral reforms in the constituent entities of the Russian Federation and their influence on the disproportionality of parliamentary representation since the electoral system experienced major changes in 2003. We suggest that some characteristics of the electoral system may be highly instrumental in ensuring and maintaining United Russia’s influence in legislative bodies. This makes it possible to classify them as forms of institutional manipulation typical of electoral authoritarianism. Based on the statistical description and regression analysis, the study demonstrates the impact of some elements of electoral reforms on disproportionality during the periods at issue. At the same time, we can identify the methods of cementing the dominant party’s hold on power that the authorities find the most effective. In this regard, we make the conclusion that certain elements of the electoral system function as a balanced mechanism, which is evidenced by how they have been used during the different periods. Additionally, the study analyses the impact of disproportionality on electoral behavior, with the hypothesis about its negative influence on the electoral turnout being supported. Yet we regard the lower turnout as a consequence of the voting behavior of both the opposition’s supporters and loyalists. Finally, the electoral reforms in Russia seem to have put limits on disproportionality of parliamentary representation due to the issue of legitimacy.
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Voropayeva, Tetiana. "THE MAIN CHALLENGES, THREATS AND DANGERS FOR MODERN UKRAINIANNESS." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 27 (2020): 50–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2020.27.8.
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The article is devoted to the study of the biggest challenges, threats and dangers for modern Ukrainianness. The issue of challenges, threats and dangers facing Ukraine and Ukrainianness since 1991 is very relevant today. Scientists who work in the field of crisisology distinguish the concepts of «challenges», «threats», «dangers», «crises», «risks», «catastrophes», «collapse», «wreck», etc. The theoretical and methodological basis of our study is a combination of scientific potential of crisisology, conflictology and Ukrainian studies. Crisisology, conflictology and Ukrainian studies face the task of transdisciplinary understanding of the essence and severity of these challenges, threats and dangers, which are relevant in many areas such as military-defense, geopolitical, demographic, state-building, spiritual worldview, ecological, economics, energy, information, cultural and artistic, linguistic, moral and ethical, scientific, nation-building, educational, political and legal, social, territorial, technological, financial, etc. To these are added threats and dangers: 1) large-scale war with Russia; 2) total spread of COVID-19 in Ukraine; 3) the implementation of a new geostrategic course in Russia (called «geopolitical revenge»); 4) spreading the ideology of the «Russian world», intensifying new attempts by the Russian Federation to dismember Ukraine, supporting separatization and federalization of Ukraine; 5) possible escalation of the Russian-Ukrainian and Armenian-Azerbaijani conflicts, which could lead to a new global confrontation and even a world war; 6) ineffective fight against corruption in Ukraine; 7) the lack of a proper response from the authorities to the need to immediately end Russia’s information and psychological war against Ukraine; 8) destruction of small and medium business and further financial and economic stratification of Ukrainian society; 9) procrastination with the solution of the poverty problem (in conditions when about 60% of Ukrainians are below the poverty line); 10) possible man-made disasters in Ukraine; 11) possible transformation of Ukraine from a subject into an object of international relations; 12) possible rejection of European integration; 13) discrediting the Orange Revolution and the Revolution of Dignity, in order to spread Russian narratives about the coup in Ukraine; 14) intensification of interfaith conflicts in Ukraine; 15) inadequate decision-making by incompetent authorities (threat of economic decline and large-scale financial crisis in Ukraine, possible change in Ukraine’s vector of development, threat of capitulation, refusal of the authorities to resolve the «Ukrainian crisis» (which began after Russia’s aggression and has become a factor influencing the security of Europe and the world) from the standpoint of Ukraine as a subject, not an object); 16) refusal to solve the problems of internally displaced persons; 17) possible «freezing» of the Russian-Ukrainian armed conflict in order to further destabilize Ukraine; 18) strengthening of geopolitical and geoeconomic instability, intensification of intercivilizational and geopolitical confrontation in the world; 19) possible decline of democracy and rise of authoritarianism in Ukraine; 20) expansion of the border with Russia (in case of its absorption of Belarus); 21) possible disintegration of Ukrainian society and world Ukrainiannes; 22) further violation of international law by the Russian Federation; 23) exacerbation of the economic and migration crisis in Europe; 24) radicalization of part of the Islamic world; 25) due to the collapse of the USSR. The challenges, threats and dangers facing Ukrainians can unfold at the global, continental and national levels. Ukrainians must find adequate answers to modern challenges and mechanisms to minimize threats and dangers; ensure stable economic growth; to create a powerful system of national security, army and defense-industrial complex; find ways to ensure national interests in the current crisis; to develop optimal models for resolving the Russian-Ukrainian armed conflict, reintegrating the population of the occupied territories and restoring the territorial integrity of Ukraine.
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Parakhonsky, Borys, and Galina Yavorska. "DESTABILIZING EUROPE: RUSSIA’S HYBRID WARFARE." Strategic Panorama, no. 1-2 (December 7, 2021): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.53679/2616-9460.1-2.2021.01.
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The European Union is in a political and security crisis. The crisis tends to become existential, which undermines the future of the EU as an integration project. The conflict of values between liberal democracy and authoritarianism is becoming an important factor in international security.
Negative current trends in the international security environment increase risks for the EU. In its foreign policy the EU does not demonstrate the ability to speak with one voice. It does not support EU’s ambition to be a global international actor. Within the EU, centrifugal tendencies and Euroscepticism appear to be gaining ground. Among the destructive external and internal factors affecting European security, the hybrid threat posed by Moscow’s ambitious plans and aggressive actions is at the forefront. These actions are aimed at undermining democracies, international solidarity and security. Russia is systematically acting to destabilize the EU, using a set of means of destructive influence, trying to undermine European unity both externally and internally.
Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, operations in Syria and Libya, interference in domestic processes in the EU, etc., are exacerbating destructive trends in the European security environment. In this con- text, the EU faces the need to increase its resilience, as a tool to deter destructive actions of the Russian Federation and a means to mitigate their effect.
The purpose of the article is to analyze the causes and consequences of Russia’s hybrid influence against the EU, plus to identify the means of Russia’s destructive impact, such as the spread of misinformation, active special operations, energy pressure, etc.
The article examines the imperatives of Russian foreign policy, the impact of the value crisis on the European project and its future, as well as obstacles to strategic dialogue between the EU and Russia.
Europe returns to searching for its collective European identity, discussing revitalization of the global European narrative. Maintaining a system of liberal democratic values is a key precondition for the future of the EU in order to avoid the risk of disintegration of the European Union.
Sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, its national security could be guaranteed only by full-fledged integration into the European political, economic and security space. Europe’s hesitations regarding the European perspective for Ukraine, which arise under pressure from the Kremlin and internal contradictions in the EU, negatively affect the security environment in Europe.
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Saikkonen, Inga A. L. "Variation in subnational electoral authoritarianism: evidence from the Russian Federation." Democratization 23, no. 3 (March 11, 2015): 437–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2014.975693.
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Villasmil-Espinoza, Jorge J., Yevhen Leheza, and Liudmyla Holovii. "Reflections for the interdisciplinary study of the Russian Federation’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022." Cuestiones Políticas 40, no. 73 (July 29, 2022): 16–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.4073.00.
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The Russian Federation’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 is an unusual geopolitical event that puts the security of Western Europe at risk and, at the same time, erodes the norms of international law that regulate, at least in theory, relations between civilized countries. Indeed, it is a tragic event that has cost the lives of thousands of civilians who have been victims of war crimes and serious violations of their fundamental rights. In this sense, the objective of this editorial is twofold, on the one hand, to present volume 40, number 73 of Political Questions and, on the other, to briefly explain the causes and geopolitical consequences of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. It is concluded that the invasion of Putin’s Russia in Ukraine can trigger a prolonged and extensive conflict that can even confront NATO directly with Russia. Ideologically, it is a conflict that means a clash between different political models such as the liberal democracies of the West (ensuring human rights, adherence to the principles of international law - the sovereignty of the country, freedom of speech, free movement around the world, etc.) with the militarist and neoconservative authoritarianism of tsarist roots.
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Mongush, Snezhana P., and Valeriana T. Liktan. "THE IMPORTANCE OF SPATIAL POSITIONING OF THE TERRITORY IN THE MODERN PERSPECTIVE OF ECONOMIC TRANSFORMATIONS." EKONOMIKA I UPRAVLENIE: PROBLEMY, RESHENIYA 5, no. 11 (2021): 84–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/ek.up.p.r.2021.11.05.012.
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After the collapse of the command and administrative system, the main focus of the new market economy was aimed at strengthening the role of single-industry towns in the central part of the country, the peripheral territories of the state developed inertly, thanks to state support in the form of transfers and subsi-dies. All this caused a deep differentiation of macroeconomic indicators between the regions of one country, which significantly began to affect state security at the level of the whole country, since at the moment it is impossible to build a full-fledged economy without international relations. A healthy economy is where there are no weak links, but in the Russian economy such links have formed and started to fail, reflected in macro-economic indicators, which negatively affects the authoritarianism of the federation at the international level, where a stable economy within the country characterizes its foreign policy and the resulting relationships.
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Eremyan, Vitaliy V. "The Soviet Union as a composite state structure: education, development trends and causes of disintegration." RUDN Journal of Law 26, no. 4 (December 15, 2022): 747–807. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2337-2022-26-4-747-807.
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This article is devoted to a critical comparative-legal analysis of the process of formation, development, transformation and disintegration of the first multinational political-territorial entity with a republican form of government of the “Soviet” type, which over time has become a clear example for such complex European states as Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia. This theme is unique not only in terms of solving the ethnic issue, but also as the “model” of territorial structure since the basis of one federation, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, formed another federation, the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic, which integrated, along with traditional administrative units, national political-territorial entities in the form of autonomous republics, regions, and districts. The article emphasizes the fact that one of the consequences of the appearance on the political map of the Soviet Union, which defeated Nazi Germany and its numerous satellites in World War II, was not only the formation of “popular democracy” countries and the so-called “socialist camp” that existed for over forty years and represented a civilizational alternative to the capitalist path of social development, but also the collapse of the colonial system and acquisition of independence and sovereignty by the peoples inhabiting the regions of Africa, Asia, and the Middle East. The Soviet model of the state structure and democracy institutions as antipodes to bourgeois populism and liberal demagogy facilitated an accelerated transition from declarations of constituent and constitutional documents proclaiming human and civil rights and freedoms to their practical implementation in the economic and political sphere in countries that had associated themselves with Western-style democracy; it resulted in a more socially oriented role of state and its structures. The Soviet experience clearly demonstrates what real results the state and society can achieve in solving the women's issue, elimination of total illiteracy, and growth of the well-being of citizens. At the same time, manifestations of authoritarianism and totalitarianism that took place at certain stages reveal that the power mechanism was subject not only to voluntaristic tendencies or official personification, but also to relapses into a personality cult, one of the most negative consequences of state disintegration and local civil wars within its former territory.
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Stremoukhov, D. A. "Political Conflicts between Governors and Regional Economic Elites (Case of the Republic of Karelia)." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 105, no. 2 (June 23, 2022): 118–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2022-105-2-118-135.
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Why do some regional entrepreneurs engage in conflicts with the heads of the subnational units of the Russian Federation within a system that puts economic elites in a deliberately unequal position in relation to the authorities? Based on the analysis of conflicts between governors and businessmen in Karelia, the author hypothesizes that contradictions around redistribution, combined with the availability of the independent resources e.g., branchy patronal networks, drive such confrontation. According to the author’s conclusion, the federal center also plays a significant role. When deciding whether to start confrontation with governors, regional actors could count on the support from Moscow and resignation of an undesirable regional leader. However, due to the peculiarity of the external environment, primarily institutional and informational, the rationality of such behavior often turns out to be low. The opaque informal rules, which electoral authoritarianism relies upon, affect the ability of actors to create adequate cognitive schemata. The informational environment, in which the regional elites operate, sends them unclear and contradictory signals about the limits of acceptable actions and their possible consequences. In turn, the formal preservation of an institution of elections and parties leads to the formation of identities that narrow the set of available behavioral strategies. The mechanism of mutual learning does not work either: under conditions when the resources available to counter-actors cannot be verified, and the rules of the game change with a governor’s turnover, reliance on the previous experience is fraught with strategic miscalculations.
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Tsvetkova, Nadezhda A., Svetlana V. Kulakova, and Elena A. Volodarskaya. "Prospects for the professional and personal development of the penal system leaders reserve of the Russian Federation as a factor in the prevention of malfeasance." Perspectives of Science and Education 48, no. 6 (December 31, 2020): 384–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.32744/pse.2020.6.30.
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The effectiveness of penitentiary activities, assuming the authoritarianism of the management system, is largely determined by the individual and personal characteristics of unit heads of the penal system, who need to show their managerial abilities as fully as possible, but not every leader has a sufficient amount of such abilities. If he/she does, he/she cannot always demonstrate them to the fullest extent. In this case, there can be serious miscalculations, leading to certain socio-psychological and criminological consequences. Among them, the instability of the socio-psychological climate in a team, provoking a high employee turnover, which does not allow forming the key personnel of a unit, as well as a high risk that subordinate employees, projecting the style, manner of communication and affects of the management, begin to show socially disapproving and even self-destructive forms of behavior, such as various forms of aggression towards oneself and others, neglect of safety requirements at work and in everyday life, unlawful actions against convicts, etc. One of the most important factors in the prevention of these phenomena is the system of work with a personnel reserve for managerial positions. The arsenal of diagnostic tools for the study of 65 employees working in the penal system, who are middle managers in the personnel reserve, included a set of methods: a) analysis of documents; b) expert assessment of the employee’s personality; c) psychological testing, which allows obtaining a generalized psychological profile of a personality according to the estimates of five “traits of an adequate personality”, motivators of socio-psychological activity, the style of behavior self-regulation, levels of legal consciousness and faith in people, as well as self-assessment of professional development opportunities and career prospects. The generalized characteristics of the respondents show that 88% of them meet the requirements for penitentiary activities. The respondents have an average level of emotional intelligence development with a tendency to lower; their style of behavior self-regulation is accentuated due to their relatively poorly developed independence; 95% of respondents have a high and medium level of legal consciousness development; 70% of them are distinguished by their distrust of people; the leading motivator of their socio-psychological activity is success achievement. All surveyed employees see opportunities for their professional development, although about 30% of them have concerns about promotion opportunities in this system. Based on the results obtained, the resources of success and the four most important areas of work with the personnel reserve were identified.
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Fedorov, A. A., E. Yu Ilaltdinova, and S. V. Frolova. "Convention of Generations in the New World of Education." Higher Education in Russia 27, no. 7 (July 31, 2018): 28–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31992/0869-3617-2018-27-7-28-38.
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The article addresses the issues of intergenerational interaction of subjects of educational space in conditions of the modern changing world. The authors propose and substantiate a conventional approach to determine the nature of interaction between a Teacher and a Student. An empirical basis for developing this approach was an analysis of the theories of generations and the age structure of the pedagogical community of the Russian Federation. The study presents statistical data on the characteristics of the age structure of the pedagogical community at the federal, regional and institutional levels. The specifics of the perception by the teachers and students of the role of modern student youth in the life of the university, the difference in value orientations in the changing world of education are indicated. The authors emphasize the significance of the problem posed by the interaction of generations in the educational organization. The fundamental principle of interaction between the Student and the Teacher within the framework of the conventional approach viewed as a new methodological approach is the principle of the convention of generations. This approach is presented in comparison with the existing modern approaches to the organization of interaction between the subjects of educational space (event, subject-subject, environmental) as a new conceptual framework that defines the goals, principles, methods and results of the interaction between all subjects of the educational space. These subjects are considered as representatives of different but equal generations in the context of the space of continuous education of each of them, the result of which is cooperative educational effect achievement. The article dwells on the characteristics of the “convention of generations” as a multi-vector interaction of generations that overcomes the shortcomings of one-way interaction of generations as a transfer of experience and knowledge from older to younger. The one-way interaction strategy forms the so-called “presumption of incompetence” of the younger generation that generates excessive custody that goes to the authoritarianism and does not promote the development of such qualities in the younger generation as independence, responsibility, initiative, creativity.
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Legucka, Agnieszka, and Agata Włodkowska. "The Eastern Partnership as a Contested Neighbourhood: The Role of External Actors – The EU and Russia." Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs, December 28, 2021, 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33067/se.4.2021.2.
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Contestation remains a signifi cant factor in the EU neighbourhood. The aim of this article is to elaborate on the role of external actors – namely the European Union and the Russian Federation – in managing local and regional contestation. The latter is defined as incompatibilities between two or more competing views about how political, economic, social, and territorial order should be established and/or sustained. Competing interests between the EU and Russia concern many issues; the model of political system in the neighbourhood (democracy vs. authoritarianism), the model and direction of the economic integration of these countries (European or Eurasia integration), and the infrastructure and availability of gas and oil (energy disputes). The common neighbourhood, which concerns EU Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine), has become an area of rivalry rather than cooperation between the EU and Russia. The first seeks to stabilise the post-Soviet area, while Russia exploits local destabilisations and conflicts to maintain its influence there.
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Kondratenko, Oleg. "US Policy Towards Ukraine in Conditions of the New World Order." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 9 (2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.09.3.
Full textAbstract:
The US policy towards Ukraine in the post-bipolar period is considered. The United States was one of the first countries to recognize Ukraine as a new subject of international law. It is proved that in the first years of Ukraine’s independence in the American expert circles the idea of its great international importance as a strategic partner was established. The United States paid great attention to the Ukrainian nuclear issue and helped to shape Ukraine’s nuclear-free status, while guaranteeing territorial integrity and security under the Budapest Treaty Memorandum of 1994, along with the Russian Federation. The United States has consistently provided support for Ukrainian democracy, reform, market transformation and national security. The US views Ukraine as an outpost to strengthen its geopolitical influence in the post-Soviet space and in Eastern Europe, as well as a unique alternative to Russian imperial policy. The United States maintained its support for Ukraine during the difficult times of its historical development, marked by a decline in democracy and an increase in authoritarianism. An important step on the part of the United States was the adoption by the Senate of a bill on the Declaration of Freedom in Ukraine of December 11, 2014, which declared full support for the Ukrainian state. Another important gesture from the US was the introduction of anti-Russian sanctions after annexation of the Crimea by Russia and the deployment of hybrid aggression in the Donbass. Since then, the United States has been providing $ 300 million in annual financial assistance to Ukraine, providing defense weapons and training to the Ukrainian military. Recently, the US has been contributing to improving Ukraine’s energy security by supporting the diversification of natural gas and nuclear fuel supplies. The prospect of further strengthening of Ukraine’s energy security should be the expansion of the network of LNG terminals in Eastern Europe. Thanks to the imposed sanctions, the US managed to suspend the construction of the Russian gas pipeline “North Stream-2”, which is aimed at undermining Ukraine’s energy transit status. However, the negative sides of Ukraine-US relations should include pressure on Ukraine by the US to prevent China’s partial privatization of the Motor Sich plant and Ukraine’s involvement in US Presidential election scandal.