Journal articles: 'Authoritarianism – latin america – congresses'

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García, Natalia, Juan Alfonseca Giner de los Ríos, and Tania Mateus Carreño. "NOTES ABOUT THE SCOPE OF THE PRESENT INVESTIGATION ON THE LATIN AMERICAN AUTHORITARIAN STATE AND ITS SCHOOL." Historia y Memoria de la Educación, no. 20 (June 28, 2024): 279–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/hme.20.2024.38021.

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The purpose of this paper is to provide a preliminary overview of the state of research on education as an instrument of domination during the «exceptional» moments assumed by the State throughout the 20th century in Latin America. This is a summary review mainly aimed at recovering part of the knowledge debated in the Ibero-American Congresses on the History of Latin American Education (CIHELA) in the last thirty years. Certainly, the universe of connotations that open up in this call outlined by the concepts «authoritarianism, violence, war, vulnerability and school», forces a limited theoretical-methodological operation and, for instance, affordable. In this sense, this work results from the search, identification, selection and analysis of a broad field of research and reflection on this subject, problems and academic objectives. Following the works presented in the CIHELA, this selection focuses on the transformations of the educational field, in general, and the school, in particular, in periods of restriction or closure of democratic participation. More specifically, it addresses the devices, uses and scope of authoritarian power according to the many variants assumed in each geography and unique history (foreign occupations, military and civil-military dictatorships, etc.).

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Stansifer, Charles L., and Will Fowler. "Authoritarianism in Latin America since Independence." Political Science Quarterly 112, no. 2 (1997): 346. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2657973.

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Gomez, Rafael, and Will Fowler. "Authoritarianism in Latin America since Independence." Hispania 80, no. 3 (September 1997): 504. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/345839.

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Alexander, Robert J., and Will Fowler. "Authoritarianism in Latin America Since Independence." Hispanic American Historical Review 77, no. 3 (August 1997): 542. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2516760.

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Alexander, Robert J. "Authoritarianism in Latin America Since Independence." Hispanic American Historical Review 77, no. 3 (August 1, 1997): 542–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-77.3.542.

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Dabagyan, E. "Latin America: Imperatives of Democracy." World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2010): 82–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-11-82-90.

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One of the important aspects of Latin American countries political development – the issue of a president's tenure – is analyzed in the article. The author presumes that in a number of Latin American states, along with doubtless achievements in democracy consolidation, a trend to administration prolongation has emerged. This, as accentuated in the article, may signify backsliding into authoritarianism, and, therefore, poses a threat to democracy.

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Ortiz-Martínez, Yeimer, Verónica Rotela-Fisch, and Leonel Vega-Useche. "Scientific congresses of medical students in Latin America." Medwave 16, no. 11 (December 20, 2016): e6804-e6804. http://dx.doi.org/10.5867/medwave.2016.11.6804.

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Meléndez-Sánchez, Manuel. "Latin America Erupts: Millennial Authoritarianism in El Salvador." Journal of Democracy 32, no. 3 (2021): 19–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2021.0031.

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Velasco Guachalla, V. Ximena, Calla Hummel, Sam Handlin, and Amy Erica Smith. "Latin America Erupts: When Does Competitive Authoritarianism Take Root?" Journal of Democracy 32, no. 3 (2021): 63–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2021.0034.

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Gasiorowski, Mark J. "Dependency and Cliency in Latin America." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 28, no. 3 (1986): 47–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165707.

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Dependency Theory has become a major paradigm for understanding Latin American politics. Based on the premises that the study of politics must begin with analysis of underlying socio-economic structures, and that these structures cannot be understood without considering a country's role in the world economy, dependency theory provides a cogent analytical framework that has been upheld in numerous empirical studies. The model of politics presented by dependency theorists is a bleak one: because economic dependence polarizes society between a small class of wealthy elites and a large mass of impoverished workers and peasants, politics in dependent societies is reduced, essentially, to class struggle between these highly mismatched forces. Except under unusual circumstances, authoritarianism is the inevitable result.

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Guerra, Maria Pia. "Corporativismo e autoritarismo em perspectiva transnacional: caminhos para a história do direito (Resenha de Authoritarianism and corporatism in Europe and Latin America: crossing borders [New York, Routeledge, 2019], de A. C. Pinto e F. Finchelstein)." História do Direito 1, no. 1 (December 31, 2020): 404. http://dx.doi.org/10.5380/hd.v1i1.78737.

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Azpuru, Dinorah, and Mary Fran T. Malone. "Parenting Attitudes and Public Support for Political Authoritarianism in Latin America." International Journal of Public Opinion Research 31, no. 3 (September 12, 2018): 570–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edy017.

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Abstract Despite nearly three decades of democratic rule throughout the Latin American region, public support for authoritarian norms has persisted. These “pockets of authoritarianism” can bolster support for policies and practices that weaken democratic governance, such as allowing authorities to abuse power. We examine why some Latin Americans endorse nondemocratic governance options by testing the predictive power of a psychological measure of authoritarianism, operationalized as support for particular child-rearing practices. We find that this psychological variable explains support for several nondemocratic governance options in the region: presidential limits on the opposition, iron-fist policies, torture of suspected criminals, and a military coup. Authoritarian parenting attitudes are also correlated with perceptions that political minorities threaten the country and lower support for democracy.

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Mainwaring, Scott. "From Representative Democracy to Participatory Competitive Authoritarianism: Hugo Chávez and Venezuelan Politics." Perspectives on Politics 10, no. 4 (December 2012): 955–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592712002629.

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The study of Latin American politics has always generated great new research questions, and within Latin America, no country's experience has generated more interesting questions than Venezuela since the election of Hugo Chávez in 1998. Contemporary Venezuela raises fascinating questions about the collapse of a highly institutionalized party system and the erosion or breakdown of what had been the third-oldest democracy outside of the advanced industrial democracies. What accounts for these stunning developments? What can we learn from them? These issues go to the core of important developments in Latin American politics, and they are major issues for comparative political scientists beyond Latin America.

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Krause, Krystin. "Authoritarianism, Social Dominance, and Contesting Human Rights in Latin America." Latin American Research Review 55, no. 2 (2020): 254–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.25222/larr.113.

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Eaton, Kent. "Decentralization's Nondemocratic Roots: Authoritarianism and Subnational Reform in Latin America." Latin American Politics and Society 48, no. 1 (2006): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2006.tb00336.x.

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AbstractThis study challenges the common view of authoritarianism as an unambiguously centralizing experience by investigating the subnational reforms that military governments actually introduced in Latin America. It argues that the decision by military authorities to dismiss democratically elected mayors and governors opened a critical juncture for the subsequent development of subnational institutions. Once they centralized political authority, the generals could contemplate changes that expanded the institutional, administrative, and governing capacity of subnational governments. This article shows how cross-national variation in the content and consistency of the generals' economic goals led to quite distinct subnational changes; in each case, these reforms profoundly shaped the democracies that reemerged in the 1980s and 1990s.

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Eaton, Kent. "Decentralization's Nondemocratic Roots: Authoritarianism and Subnational Reform in Latin America." Latin American Politics & Society 48, no. 1 (2006): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lap.2006.0006.

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Mainwaring, Scott. "Revolution and reaction: the diffusion of authoritarianism in Latin America." Democratization 27, no. 4 (August 15, 2019): 690–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2019.1655546.

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de la Torre, Carlos. "Latin American Populist Authoritarian Inclusion." Comparative Political Theory 1, no. 2 (December 30, 2021): 187–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26669773-bja10013.

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Abstract This article discusses how scholars have analyzed left populist governments in Latin America that include the previously excluded on the condition of their loyalty to the leader. It shows how different normative understandings of democracy have allowed the classification of populism as democratizing, a risk to democracy that could lead to competitive authoritarianism, or a sui generis combination of inclusion and authoritarianism. The paper distinguishes inclusion from democratization, and populists seeking power, from populists in governments, and populist regimes. It argues that the notion of polarized populist democracies captures better their autocratic and inclusionary practices. Populists maintain a commitment to elections hence selectively preserving rights to pluralism, free expression, and association. At the same time, they are authoritarian because populist leaders assume that they embody the people and consider that a section of the population represents the people as a whole, and that their mission is to redeem the people.

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Iturralde, Manuel. "Democracies without Citizenship: Crime and Punishment in Latin America." New Criminal Law Review 13, no. 2 (2010): 309–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nclr.2010.13.2.309.

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The aim of this article is to show how, despite the political and economic reforms of the last three decades, which have embraced the ideals of free markets and democracy, social and economic exclusion, as well as authoritarianism, are still the main features of most of Latin American societies. For this reason, they may be considered democracies without citizenship. The article focuses on the impact that these features have had on the configuration of Latin American crime control fields, which in most cases are highly punitive. It also discusses how Latin American crime control fields have contributed in turn to the advancement of such reforms.

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Adelman, Jeremy. "State and Labour in Argentina: The Portworkers of Buenos Aires, 1910–21." Journal of Latin American Studies 25, no. 1 (February 1993): 73–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00000377.

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Latin America's workers perplex historians. Despite chronic political turmoil, revolt and undiluted class conflict, Latin America's mobilised workers have not been the vanguards of social revolution. Rather, variations of authoritarianism, populism and clientilism are said to characterise labour politics more accurately. The absence of independent working-class politics has prompted the search for aetiologies of class-formation in Latin America – the search for the missing ingredient to revolutionary working-class action.

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Durán-Martínez, Angélica. "Presidents, Parties, and Referenda in Latin America." Comparative Political Studies 45, no. 9 (January 24, 2012): 1159–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414011434010.

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Over the past two decades the use of referenda has spread throughout Latin America, and 39 referenda have taken place since 1990. For some observers, referenda can improve accountability, promote participation, and reduce corruption. For others, given the strong tradition of Latin American presidentialism, referenda can be manipulated by populist presidents attempting to bypass unpopular representative institutions such as congresses or to bolster their popularity. This article provides a more nuanced view of referenda, arguing that presidents cannot always manipulate referenda to increase their power. The effect of referenda on executive power varies depending on the scope of the referenda, that is, whether they aim at institutional change or, alternatively, at policy change. Moreover, the agenda-setting process and the role of political parties in referenda campaigns also mediate the effect of referenda on executive power. Although referenda do not necessarily enhance executive power, the risks of presidential manipulation are strong, and thus referenda should be carried out taking sufficient precautions.

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Sondrol, Paul C. "The Emerging New Politics of Liberalizing Paraguay: Sustained Civil-Military Control without Democracy." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 34, no. 2 (1992): 127–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166031.

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The Process of the transition from authoritarianism to more representative forms of government has become a major subject of the scholarship on Latin American politics today (O'Donnell, et al, 1986; Malloy and Seligson, 1987; Stepan, 1989; Diamond et al, 1988-1990; Lowenthal, 1991). Given this interest, as expressed by the growing literature in this area, little attention has been paid to the transition process now going on in Paraguay, which is now emerging from one of Latin America's most long-standing authoritarian regimes.A number of studies testify to the authoritarian nature of Paraguay's government and society. Johnson indicates that Paraguay ranked either 18th or 19th—out of 20 Latin American nations ... in 9 successive surveys of democratic development, carried out at 5-year intervals from 1945 to 1985 (Jonnson> 1988). A longitudinal study of press freedom found that Paraguay was invariably placed in the category of “poor,” or even “none,” between 1945-1975 (Hill and Hurley, 1980). When Palmer applied his 5 indicators of authoritarianism (nonelective rule, coups, primacy of the military, military rule, executive predominance) to the countries of Latin America, Paraguay consistently ranked first in its degree of authoritarianism (Palmer, 1977).

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RICHARDS, GORDON. "Stabilization Crises and the Breakdown of Military Authoritarianism in Latin America." Comparative Political Studies 18, no. 4 (January 1986): 449–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414086018004003.

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Martz, John D. "Electoral Campaigning and Latin American Democratization: The Grancolombian Experience." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 32, no. 1 (1990): 17–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166128.

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Does electoral campaigning in Latin America make a difference, and does it merit the attention of scholars? This was at the core of an extensive bibliographic analysis, published nearly two decades ago, which noted the paucity of literature on the subject, extending throughout the Third World and even including Western Europe (Martz, 1971). However, the rising tide of military authoritarianism dramatically reduced the relevance of the question in the region, and students of Latin American politics turned away, understandably, from concerted attention to campaigns, elections, and parties. Only with the reemergence of democratic regimes in recent years has interest turned back toward older emphases (Martz, 1990). Once again, theoretical developments have been colored by the events of the day, reorienting scholarly attention “from the military overthrow of civilian regimes and Latin American authoritarianism toward the prospects and processes of redemocratization” (Malloy, 1987).

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Blanton, Matthew. "Threat or Godsend? Evangelicals and Democracy in Latin America." Journal of Religion and Demography 9, no. 1-2 (October 14, 2022): 138–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2589742x-bja10015.

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Abstract While Protestant and Evangelical groups started as small minorities in Latin America, they have recently experienced explosive growth and now make up a large proportion of the region’s religious faithful. This unexpected shift led to a spate of scholarship speculating as to how the new Evangelical communities would impact society. Given the perennial concern over the health of democracy in Latin America, much of this work focused on how Evangelicals might differ from Catholics in terms of support for democratic values and civic participation. Some predicted that Evangelicals would be eager supporters of democracy and an active, positive force in the community. Others warned that Evangelicals were too focused on spiritual matters, which would lead to apathy and a passive acceptance of authoritarianism. This paper uses recent survey data from sixteen nations in Latin America to test these theories with the goal of answering the question: are Evangelicals a threat or godsend for democracy in Latin America?

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Crisp, Brian F., and Daniel H. Levine. "Democratizing the Democracy? Crisis and Reform in Venezuela." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 40, no. 2 (1998): 27–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166373.

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Venezuelan politics presents a puzzle to students of Latin America, and to anyone concerned with the comparative analysis of democratization and democracy. As the major countries of Latin America (and the majority of scholars) worked their way from authoritarianism through “transitions”to democracy and hopefully toward democracy’s consolidation, Venezuela moved in the opposite direction. After decades of political stability and social peace, beginning in 1987 Venezuela’s democratic order was shaken by widespread unrest and citizen disaffection, the decay of key parties and state institutions, attempted coups, and the impeachment and removal of the president in 1993.

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Varentsova, O. V. "Three Waves of Populism in Latin America." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(39) (December 28, 2014): 153–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-6-39-153-160.

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Contemporary political regimes in Venezuela and Bolivia led by late Hugo Châvez (now by his successor Nicolas Maduro) and Evo Morales are considered by foreign and Russian scholars as part of the third wave of populism. In the 20th century Latin America already witnessed two waves of populism which coincided with significant political transitions, namely a transition from oligarchy to mass politics accompanied by implementation of import substitution industrialization policies, and a transition from authoritarian rule to democracy during the third wave of democratization which triggered neoliberal reforms inspired by Washington Consensus. This article presents common characteristics of Latin American populist regimes that emerged in different historical periods which help identify the origins as well as distinctive features of Venezuelan and Bolivian political regimes. It is stated that the Châvez and Morales left populist regimes resemble classic populist regimes in that they rely on incendiary anti-establishment discourse. Therefore, left populist regimes are characterized by high levels of polarization as well as weak institutionalization and class or indigenous orientation. Election of left populist leaders may lead to institutional deadlock, uneven playing field and transition to competitive authoritarianism.

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Fossati, Fabio. "Political economies and decision-making processes in Latin America." Revista Euro latinoamericana de Análisis Social y Político (RELASP) 2, no. 3 (March 20, 2022): 117–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.35305/rr.v2i3.12.

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In this article, political economies have been linked to the decision-making processes of Latin American countries, before and after 1989. Conservative and liberal reforms have usually been applied through neo-oligarchic decision-making processes. Social-democrat economic policies have often been implemented with neo-corporatism. When “soft” populism prevailed, partitocrazia was the typical political instrument of lef tist governments, either if they governed or if they were at the opposition. Thus, they usual ly vetoed rightist presidents’ market reforms. The political consequence of “hard” populism has been authoritarianism, like in Venezuela with Chavez and Maduro. In “hybrid” economic policies, combining different models of political economies, there is not a stable decision-making process, and political conflict is usually strong.

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PANIZZA, FRANCISCO. "Beyond ‘Delegative Democracy’: ‘Old Politics’ and ‘New Economics’ in Latin America." Journal of Latin American Studies 32, no. 3 (October 2000): 737–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00005927.

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For around 15 years Latin America has been undergoing an unprecedented conjunction of political and economic change, from authoritarianism to democracy and from a state-centred matrix of economic development towards free-market economies. This article takes up the theme of the links between politics and economic change in contemporary Latin America. More specifically, it examines the relation between ‘old politics’ and ‘new economics’. It has two main purposes: The first is to re-examine some of modernisation theory's assumptions about the relations between political and economic modernisation. The second, more specific to the Latin American debate, is to question some of the dominant views about the nature of democracy in the region, particularly Guillermo O'Donnell's influential ‘delegative democracy’ model.

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Casals, Marcelo. "Against a Continental Threat: Transnational Anti-Communist Networks of the Chilean Right Wing in the 1950s." Journal of Latin American Studies 51, no. 03 (January 31, 2019): 523–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x1800113x.

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AbstractDrawing on minutes, publications, diplomatic documents and the written press, I explore the transnational networks of the Chilean right wing within Latin America in the 1950s, especially around the four Congresses against Soviet Intervention in Latin America held in Mexico City, Rio de Janeiro, Lima and Antigua between 1954 and 1958. I argue that the Chilean right wing's participation in those networks alongside other Latin American like-minded actors was based on both its long local experience in fighting communism and its attachment to Cold War anti-communism. In these transnational spaces, some Chilean right-wingers gained recognition and prestige, as was the case with the conservative leader Sergio Fernández Larraín, largely thanks to his systematic denunciation of supposed Soviet penetration in the Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario (MNR), then the ruling party in Bolivia.

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Tiano, Susan. "Authoritarianism and Political Culture in Argentina and Chile in the Mid-1960S." Latin American Research Review 21, no. 1 (1986): 73–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100021877.

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The rise of authoritarian regimes in Latin America has fueled a long-standing interest in the social bases of democratic and authoritarian political systems. One commonly asserted explanation posits a close relationship between political structure and political culture, holding that authoritarian regimes are likely both to stem from and to perpetuate authoritarian political cultures (Kornhauser 1959; Inkeles 1961; Lip-set 1960, 1981). Some theorists have applied this thesis to Latin American politics, linking, for example, Argentina's frequent experiences with authoritarian governments with the presumed authoritarianism of its citizenry (Fillol 1961; Alexander 1968; Lipset 1960, 1981).

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Agustín, Óscar García. "European Left Populism and Authoritarian Populism." Comparative Political Theory 1, no. 2 (December 30, 2021): 170–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26669773-bja10011.

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Abstract The emergence of left populism, mainly in Southern Europe, in the decade of 2010, questioned the impression that populism in Europe was only right-wing oriented. On the other hand, the expansion of populism as a common denomination favored the perception that all populisms were the same, regardless of ideology: a threat to democracy. It explains why many left parties are reluctant towards being labelled as populist. Besides, left-wing populism connected with the one from Latin America one decade before where the tensions between democratization and authoritarianism have been widely discussed. The European public opinion usually relates the Latin American left populist governments with authoritarianism, associated with the situation in Venezuela first with Hugo Chávez and, especially, now with Nicolás Maduro. For this reason, left populism in Europe was made suspicious of being authoritarian.

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Mota Neto, João Colares da. "Por uma pedagogia decolonial na América Latina: Convergências entre a educação popular e a investigação-ação participativa." education policy analysis archives 26 (July 23, 2018): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.26.3424.

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The article analyzes possibilities of convergence between popular education and participatory action research, taking as a reference the thought of the Brazilian pedagogue Paulo Freire and the Colombian social scientist Orlando Fals Borda. In particular, it examines these convergences in order to identify elements for the constitution of a decolonial pedagogy in Latin America. It is a research inserted in the field of the comparative history of Latin American social thought, using as primary sources several works of Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda. The article defends the argument that the convergence between popular education and participatory action research is one of the most fruitful, creative and instigating intellectual contributions ever produced in Latin America, capable of pointing to a decolonial pedagogy that confronts intellectual colonialism, Pedagogical traditionalism and the authoritarianism of modern-colonial science.

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de la Torre, Carlos. "Populism Revived:Donald Trump and the Latin American Leftist Populists." Americas 75, no. 4 (October 2018): 733–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2018.39.

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The twenty-first century could well become known as the populist century. No longer confined to Latin America or to the margins of European politics, populism has spread to Africa, Asia, and, with Donald Trump's election, to the cradle of liberal democracy. Even though it is uncertain what impact Trump's populism will have on American democracy, it is worth learning from Latin America, where populists have been in power from the 1930s and 1940s to the present. Even as Latin American populists like Juan Perón and Hugo Chávez included the poor and the nonwhite in the political community, they moved toward authoritarianism by undermining democracy from within. Are the foundations of American democracy and the institutions of civil society strong enough to resist US president Donald Trump's right-wing populism?

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Oleksandrovych Skrypniuk, Oleksandr, Oleksandr Vasylovych Skrypniuk, Oksana Vasylivna Burlak, Nina Oleksandrivna Doroshchuk, and Olena Viktorivna Popova. "Legal Aspects of the authoritarian regime in Latin America." Cuestiones Políticas 41, no. 78 (August 28, 2023): 708–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.4178.48.

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The purpose of the article was to study the legal aspects of the authoritarian regime in some Latin American countries. The research methodology included the use of general and special scientific methods of knowledge, such as: dialectic, historical-legal, formal-logical, hermeneutics, generalization and comparison. It should be pointed out that the results of the research identified four Latin American countries with authoritarian regimes (El Salvador, Cuba, Nicaragua and Venezuela). The legal aspects of the authoritarian regime of each selected country were considered. In addition, different areas of analysis were covered and characterized in the course of the work: (government, protection of human rights, freedom of expression, legislation and prisoners’ rights). It was concluded that each of these countries has common legal aspects of authoritarianism, including the concentration of power in the hands of the president or government, control of the judiciary and legislature, within the framework of dynamics of corruption and systematic violations of human rights.

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Liaropoulos, Andrew N. "Digital Authoritarianism “Made in China”." National security and the future 23, no. 1 (February 3, 2022): 123–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.37458/nstf.23.1.7.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has magnified the use of digital technologies in the name of public health and safety and vividly illustrated how societies, even democratic ones, can tolerate the expansion of executive power and accept restrictions on liberties. In China, the pandemic justified the use of such technologies and policies to a further extent, but also served as a proof by the government, that its model of digital control succeeded in handling the coronavirus crisis. This paper reviews the Chinese model of digital authoritarianism and highlights its implications for democracy and civil liberties, since China is aiming to export its model around the globe. It manifests the rationale and techniques of this model, but also China’s position on internet governance and techno-nationalism. China is leading the way on AI and surveillance technology and is exporting its model abroad, via the Digital Silk Road, the technology component of the Belt and Road Initiative. The exportation of the digital authoritarianism model is targeting mainly states in East Asia, Africa and Latin America, but its implications are global, if digital surveillance and social credit systems become the new normal.

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Liebertz, Scott. "Political Elites, Crime, and Trust in the Police in Latin America." International Criminal Justice Review 30, no. 2 (December 28, 2017): 175–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1057567717747012.

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This article examines the effect of crime on support for criminal justice systems in Latin America. Scholars empirically demonstrate a strong negative effect of crime on support for institutions and satisfaction with democracy. Others provide thick descriptions of the prevalence of creeping authoritarianism in response to crime—the infamous “mano dura” or “iron fist.” I test the effectiveness of elite political messaging across different countries. In other words, do politicians that promote “iron-fist” policies reassure their intended audience and shore up support for the police and the criminal justice system? Analyzing survey data from the Latin American Public Opinion Project and Wiesehomeier and Benoit’s expert survey of Latin American political party platforms, I find that elite political opinion about insecurity conditions the effect of crime victimization and fear of crime on mass support for the police and the justice system as well as on perceptions of police and justice system effectiveness. When political elites emphasize mano dura (“iron fist”) solutions, fearful citizens and victims are less critical of the police and the justice system in general.

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Nunn, Frederick M. "The South American Military and (Re)Democratization: Professional Thought and Self-Perception." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 37, no. 2 (1995): 1–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166270.

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If a medal were to be struck in commemoration of Latin America's successful survival of the 20th century, la cava might bear a representation of democracy and el sello that of authoritarianism. These alternatives have characterized all attempts to arrive at political consensus for the past hundred years and more.The current version of the region's perpetual dichotomous nature has been called (re)democratization. In South America it has replaced professional militarism, the most recent representation of authoritarianism, and threatens to affect traditional democratic practices in countries spared the military incursions of the 1964-1989 quarter-century. To the north, (re)democratization challenges both traditional authoritarianism and Marxism-Leninism.(Re)democratization is a transitional process in which the polity shifts from one with minimal partisan and popular participation back to one based on (ever more maximized) pluralistic participation, usually characterized by meaningful elections, separation of state powers, constitutional order, rule of law, respect for human rights, and civilian regulation of armed force.

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Alexander, Jeffrey Ch, and Carlo Tognato. "Civil sphere and democracy in Latin America." Sociology: Theory, Methods, Marketing, stmm 2020 (1) (March 16, 2020): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/sociology2020.01.023.

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The purpose of the article is to demonstrate that the civil spheres of Latin America remain in force, even when under threat, and to expand the method of theorizing democracy, understanding it not only as a state form, but also as a way of life. Moreover, the task of the authors goes beyond the purely application of the theory of the civil sphere in order to emphasize the relevance not only in practice, but also in the theory of democratic culture and institutions of Latin America. This task requires decolonizing the arrogant attitude of North theorists towards democratic processes outside the United States and Europe. The peculiarities of civil spheres in Latin America are emphasized. It is argued that over the course of the nineteenth century the non-civil institutions and value spheres that surrounded civil spheres deeply compromised them. The problems of development that pockmarked Latin America — lagging economies, racial and ethnic and class stratification, religious strife — were invariably filtered through the cultural aspirations and institutional patterns of civil spheres. The appeal of the theory of the civil sphere to the experience of Latin America reveals the ambitious nature of civil society and democracy on new and stronger foundations. Civil spheres had extended significantly as citizens confronted uncomfortable facts, collectively searched for solutions, and envisioned new courses of collective action. However when populism and authoritarianism advance, civil understandings of legitimacy come under pressure from alternative, anti-democratic conceptions of motives, social relations, and political institutions. In these times, a fine-grained understanding of the competitive dynamics between civil, non-civil, and anti-civil becomes particularly critical. Such a vision is constructively applied not only to the realities of Latin America, but also in a wider global context. The authors argue that in order to understand the realities and the limits of populism and polarization, civil sphere scholars need to dive straight into the everyday life of civil communities, setting the civil sphere theory (CST) in a more ethnographic, “anthropological” mode.

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Martínez Lillo, Pedro, and Javier Arcos. "The Problems of Democratic Governance in Latin America." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 1 (March 2024): 180–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2024.1.16.

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Introduction. The article presents the contemporary problems facing governance in Latin America. The paper demonstrates that the fissures that weaken institutional and democratic stability in the region respond to a set of aspects subordinate to the crisis of expectations regarding the permanent promise of economic development. Methods and materials. The research problem was based on Leonardo Morlino’s theory of democratic unanchoring. We indicate that the objective of the work is to show five explanatory variables of the erosion of democracy, based on the historian’s classic documentary methodology. Analysis. Fundamentally, it shows 1) the high level of disaffection and discomfort with the political classes; 2) the risk of a new wave of populism and authoritarianism; 3) the implications of poor economic performance post-pandemic; 4) the repercussions of high rates of insecurity, violence, and organized crime; and 5) the problems in achieving regional integration and relevant global participation. Results. The picture of the Latin American situation raises critical knots in its democratic governance, which deserve to be reviewed in depth in order to recognize relevant lines of action for researchers, decision-makers, and public policy managers. The answer to the problems of democratic governance in Latin America can be found in the thesis of political, economic, and social delegitimization in the processes of lack of efficiency in the administration of the democratic regime in the last fifty years, beyond the factors of historical inheritance or global conjuncture. Authors’ contributions. Pedro Martínez Lillo determined the basic concept of the article as well as formulated and analyzed the main results of the study; Javier Castro Arcos prepared the structural composition of the study and analyzed the methodological foundations of the study.

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Borges, Fabian A. "Debating Trade: The Legislative Politics of Free Trade Agreements in Latin America." Government and Opposition 54, no. 2 (October 25, 2017): 336–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2017.28.

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Stereotypes of Latin American legislatures as either rubber stamps or obstructionist obscure important cross-national differences. This article argues that the ability and willingness of legislatures to serve as counterweights to presidents are functions of their capabilities, electoral rules and the president’s powers. These arguments are assessed by comparing the legislative debates of free trade agreements with the US and accompanying legislation in Chile, Costa Rica and Peru. The cases reveal that legislatures with strong capabilities behave proactively, proposing their own policies that challenge the executive’s. If they challenge the president, congresses with weaker capabilities do so primarily through obstruction. Further, electoral rules shape the way legislators go about challenging the executive. Whereas legislators elected under personal vote systems take their cues from constituents, those elected under party-vote systems follow the party line. Worryingly, however, even a capable and motivated legislature may be sidelined by a powerful executive.

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Glazov, Alexandr. "The Comintern Concept of Fascism in Relation to the Socio-Political Situation in Latin America in the Interwar Period, 1920—1930s." ISTORIYA 13, no. 5 (115) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840021593-1.

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The author tried to reconstruct the Comintern's view on fascism in Latin America during the period between the VI and VII congresses of the Comintern, when the anti-fascist struggle had not yet become a key activity of the international organization of the communist movement (until August 23, 1939). The author analyzed the speeches of the Cominternists, the top leadership members and high-ranking functionaries, at three forums of communist parties in the Latin America (the June 1929 conference in Buenos Aires, the October conferences of 1930 and 1934 in Moscow). During those conferences the official position of the “headquarters of the world revolution” on the problem of fascism in Latin America was broadcasted. The article shows that the leadership of the Communist International did not see fascist regimes among the existing Latin American governments in terms of their class essence, since the fascist dictatorship was considered in Moscow exclusively as the most rigid form of bourgeoisie government, a class that had yet to come to real power and begin to play a leading role in the economic and political life of Latin American countries. The term “fascisization” in relation to the socio-political situation in the Latin American region was mainly used by the Comintern to characterize the process of borrowing by local repressive and / or authoritarian regimes of fascist methods to dominate and suppress mass movements against semi-feudal remnants and imperialist expansion.

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Huggins, Martha. "Uncivil Movements: The Armed Right Wing and Democracy in Latin America By Leigh A. Payne. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000. 328p. $42.50." American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (March 2002): 245–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402414335.

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Leigh Payne greatly enriches our knowledge of Latin American transitions from authoritarianism to democracy. The Armed Right Wing focuses on the role of violent right-wing groups and government responses to them in three Latin American countries, with application elsewhere. Explaining that uncivil social movements “use political violence … to promote exclusionary objectives … as a deliberate strategy to eliminate, intimidate, and silence political adversaries” (p. 1), Payne contrasts these movements with “civil” social movements. They employ rule-breaking (and violence) to “expand [rather than curtail] citizen rights and freedoms” (p. 1).

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Gibson, Edward L. "Politics of the Periphery: An Introduction to Subnational Authoritarianism and Democratization in Latin America." Journal of Politics in Latin America 2, no. 2 (August 2010): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x1000200201.

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ACLE-KREYSING, ANDREA. "Shattered Dreams of Anti-Fascist Unity: German Speaking Exiles in Mexico, Argentina and Bolivia, 1937–1945." Contemporary European History 25, no. 4 (October 14, 2016): 667–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000436.

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Between the late 1930s and early 1940s Mexico City and Buenos Aires became the centres of activity for the two most relevant anti-fascist organisations of German-speaking exiles in Latin America: the communist-inspired Free German Movement (Bewegung Freies Deutschland;BFD) and the social-democratic oriented The Other Germany (Das Andere Deutschland;DAD). Both organisations envisaged the creation of an anti-fascist front within Latin America, one which would allow for greater unity of action, and thus carried out extensive congresses at Mexico City and Montevideo in 1943. Due to crucial ideological and tactical differences, this dream of anti-fascist unity led to a power struggle between BFD and DAD, well illustrated in the impact it had on Bolivia. This article seeks a new perspective on how, thanks to the establishment of transnational networks, a continental debate on the meaning and methods of anti-fascism then took place, while also shedding light on the influence the Latin American context had in shaping the exiles’ plans for a new Germany.

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Zylberberg, Jacques. "Des acteurs étatiques : Léviathan en Amérique." Études internationales 17, no. 2 (April 12, 2005): 249–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702004ar.

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This paper deals with the internal dynamics of the Latin American States. Having identified the demographic changes - urbanization, rejuvenating process, widespread education — the author introduces the social changes which have caused the spreading to the masses, to social segmentation and individualization. This is followed by a study of the ideologies which relate the social orientations of the individuals or segmented groups with the overall representations which value authoritarianism, populism, nationalism and state socialism. The analysis of authoritarian ideologies, of social individualism, and of the fragmentized political rivalries validates the internal hypothesis according to which the state actors of Latin America operate with considerable autonomy on the international scène as compared to the other actors.

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Paolantonio, Santiago, and Beatriz García. "The Carte du Ciel and the Latin American Observatories." Proceedings of the International Astronomical Union 13, S349 (December 2018): 494–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743921319000668.

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Abstract2017 marked the 130th anniversary of the start of the Carte du Ciel project, an ambitious proposal by the Paris Observatory to map the entire sky using photographiy, which required the joint work of numerous observatories in the world. For this endeavour, an impressive organization was designed that included congresses, commissions and publications, which lasted through many years. The Carte du Ciel finally became one of the immediate antecedents of the International Astronomical Union, which in 2019 celebrates its first century. In Latin America, the observatories of Santiago de Chile, La Plata and Rio de Janeiro, the Argentine National Observatory and the Tacubaya Observatory, in Mexico, were involved in the project. In this presentation, we present part of the history of the failures and successes of one of the most important collaborative astronomical projects on the planet.

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Kulumzhanova, Aitzhan, and Aigerim Ospanova. "The LATIN AMERICA AND CENTRAL ASIA IN THE CONTEXT OF GLOBAL POLITICAL TENSIONS: POPULISM AND POLARIZATION." Central Asia's Affairs 86, no. 2 (June 15, 2022): 22–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.52536/2788-5909.2022-2.02.

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The article analyzes the genesis of political regimes in Latin America and Central Asia, the Latin-American polarization during the period of waves of populism and its impact to Central Asian countries. In the twentieth century, the countries acutely experienced two waves of populism, which coincided with the historical periods of political transitions of the change of power, namely, the transition from oligarchy to mass politics, from authoritarian regimes to democracy, which subsequently created the solid ground for neoliberal reforms. The article notes the left-populist regimes and their anti-elitist orientation, and also analyzes that weak institutionalization, class orientation and a high level of polarization of left-wing populism after the consequences of COVID-19 will finally lead to an institutional crisis, a violation and lose of the balances and a straight shift to competitive authoritarianism in the future.

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Weyland, Kurt. "Limits of US Influence: The Promotion of Regime Change in Latin America." Journal of Politics in Latin America 10, no. 3 (December 2018): 135–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x1801000305.

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Scholars often assume that as a global superpower, the United States has had great influence and impact on political regime developments in the world. This article critically examines these claims, focusing on Latin America; by investigating the region most directly dominated by the US, it employs a most-likely-case design. The experiences of countries such as Brazil, Chile, Haiti, Nicaragua, and Venezuela show that US influence has been fairly limited for many years and has diminished over time. The Northern superpower has been less involved and has had less impact on regime developments than often postulated, as the analysis of the coups in Brazil in 1964 and Chile in 1973 demonstrates. Moreover, nations to which the US has maintained close, comprehensive linkages, such as Venezuela, have slid into “competitive authoritarianism” while a country such as Haiti, over which the US holds great leverage, has failed to establish a functioning democracy. Thus, even in its direct sphere of interest, the most powerful nation in the contemporary world seems to be limited in its capacity to promote or prevent political regime change.

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Richards, Gordon. "The Rise and Decline of Military Authoritarianism in Latin America: The Role of Stabilization Policy." SAIS Review 5, no. 2 (1985): 155–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sais.1985.0074.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Authoritarianism – latin america – congresses'

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