Academic literature on the topic 'Authoritarianism – congresses'
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Journal articles on the topic "Authoritarianism – congresses"
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Manion, Melanie. "Authoritarian Parochialism: Local Congressional Representation in China." China Quarterly 218 (May 9, 2014): 311–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741014000319.
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AbstractThis article draws on evidence from loosely structured interviews and data from original surveys of 5,130 delegates in township, county and municipal congresses to argue that congressional representation unfolds as authoritarian parochialism in China. It makes three new arguments. First, popularly elected local congresses that once only mechanically stood in for the Chinese mass public, through demographically descriptive and politically symbolic representation, now work as substantively representative institutions. Chinese local congressmen and women view themselves and act as “delegates,” not Burkean trustees or Leninist party agents. Second, this congressional representation is not commonly expressed in the quintessentially legislative activities familiar in other regime types. Rather, it is an extra-legislative variant of pork-barrel politics: parochial activity by delegates to deliver targeted public goods to the geographic constituency. Third, this authoritarian parochialism is due to institutional arrangements and regime priorities, some common to single-party dictatorships and some distinct to Chinese authoritarianism.
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García, Natalia, Juan Alfonseca Giner de los Ríos, and Tania Mateus Carreño. "NOTES ABOUT THE SCOPE OF THE PRESENT INVESTIGATION ON THE LATIN AMERICAN AUTHORITARIAN STATE AND ITS SCHOOL." Historia y Memoria de la Educación, no. 20 (June 28, 2024): 279–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/hme.20.2024.38021.
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The purpose of this paper is to provide a preliminary overview of the state of research on education as an instrument of domination during the «exceptional» moments assumed by the State throughout the 20th century in Latin America. This is a summary review mainly aimed at recovering part of the knowledge debated in the Ibero-American Congresses on the History of Latin American Education (CIHELA) in the last thirty years. Certainly, the universe of connotations that open up in this call outlined by the concepts «authoritarianism, violence, war, vulnerability and school», forces a limited theoretical-methodological operation and, for instance, affordable. In this sense, this work results from the search, identification, selection and analysis of a broad field of research and reflection on this subject, problems and academic objectives. Following the works presented in the CIHELA, this selection focuses on the transformations of the educational field, in general, and the school, in particular, in periods of restriction or closure of democratic participation. More specifically, it addresses the devices, uses and scope of authoritarian power according to the many variants assumed in each geography and unique history (foreign occupations, military and civil-military dictatorships, etc.).
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YOU, XIAOHONG. "The history of Russia’s 1993 Constitution goes back." Legal Science in China and Russia, no. 4 (September 16, 2021): 52–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/2587-9723.2021.4.052-058.
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The research on Russia’s 1993 Constitution by the Chinese constitutional circles mainlyfocuses on constitutional norms and constitutional systems, with rare historical attention. In order tohave a complete and profound understanding of the current Constitution of Russia, it is not enough tofocus solely on the constitutional system, but also to know “where the 1993 Constitution came from”. Russia’s current constitution, which was adopted and entered into force in 1993, was enacted at a special historical time. At that time, Russia’s economic situation was unstable, and a new political order was in the process of forming. During this period, the revision of the 1978 Constitution and the enactment of a new Constitution were carried out simultaneously. According to the amended 1978 Constitution, there are elected presidents and elected people’s congresses, and the government is accountable to both the people’s congresses and the president. This form of regime organization is different from the typical form of political organization in other countries of the world. To some extent, there are two power centers in Russia: the president and parliament.The President and the Parliament were deeply divided on economic policy. As times goes on, the political disputes between the two become more and more intense, affecting not only the revision of the old constitution, but also the formulation of the new constitution. Both the president and parliament want a new constitution that strengthens their position and power. In April 1992, the Sixth People’s Congress adopted the basic provisions of the new draft constitution. However, the President proposed amendments to the Constitutional Council, which is responsible for formulating the draft constitution. In the draft constitution later published by the Constitutional Council, the Powers of the President were expanded. The Parliament was very dissatisfi ed with this. In determining the schedule of the Seventh People’s Congress, only the agenda of the old Constitution had been amended and the draft new Constitution had not been discussed.In December 1992, the Seventh People’s Congress was held and the Parliament weakened the President’s powers by amending the old Constitution. The president believes that the people’s congress attacks the policies of the president and the government, and that the authoritarianism of legislative power is also dangerous. The president proposed holding a referendum in Russia to resolve the power struggle between the president and parliament. After the victory of the President in a general referendum held on 25 April 1993, the President’s side published the draft constitution of the Presidential version and convened a "constitutional assembly". At this point, the parliamentary side also submitted its own draft constitution. In July 1993, the Constitutional Assembly produced a compromise version of the draft constitution, however, did not settle the power struggle between the President and parliament. In September 1993, with the promulgation of Presidential Decree No. 1400, the confl ict between the two sides quickly intensifi ed and eventually turned into an armed confl ict. On 12 December 1993, a draft constitution was adopted by a referendum in Russia, which was formally adopted in 1993.Despite the irreconcilable differences between the President and the Parliament during the 1993 constitution- making process, there are also some commonality in the draft constitutions of the two sides, namely, the recognition and adherence to the concepts of "rule of law" and "civil society". The process of formulating the 1993 Constitution is tortuous, but it may be understood if it is analyzed and examined in such a grand historical context as the transformation of Russian society
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Truex, Rory. "Consultative Authoritarianism and Its Limits." Comparative Political Studies 50, no. 3 (July 10, 2016): 329–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414014534196.
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Consultative authoritarianism challenges existing conceptions of nondemocratic governance. Citizen participation channels are designed to improve policymaking and increase feelings of regime responsiveness, but how successful are these limited reforms in stemming pressure for broader change? The article develops a new theoretical lens to explain how common citizens perceive the introduction of partially liberalizing reforms and tests the implications using an original survey experiment of Chinese netizens. Respondents randomly exposed to the National People’s Congress’ (NPC) new online participation portals show greater satisfaction with the regime and feelings of government responsiveness, but these effects are limited to less educated, politically excluded citizens.
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Paglis Marques Plácido, Caio, and Carlos Artur Gallo. "“A volta dos que não foram”: Quem são e o que veicularam em suas candidaturas os “parlamilitares” eleitos em 2018?" Brasiliana: Journal for Brazilian Studies 10, no. 2 (2022): 330–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.25160/bjbs/10.2.18.
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The present paper has as its central theme the profile and contents or parliamentarians election contents by members of the brazilian Armed Forces and Public Security Agencies elected in 2018. During the 2018 election process, it was possible to identify, at least, 26 congressmen who linked their patents to their nominations and ballot names. After data collection, it was possible to draw a profile of these 26 congressmen regarding the party, gender, ethnicity, occupation and other relevant characteristics. It was also possible to identify, by analyzing the posts on the social networks Facebook and YouTubeof these parliamentarians of the electoral period, two types of content instrumentalized in the campaigns -the programmatic content andideological content. The analysis made it possible to contribute to the debate of the “new” right in the Political Science and to conclude that these candidatures are related to the legacies of authoritarianism in Brazil.
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Filippov, Vasily. "Walter Gropius, history of the IV CIAM Congress, the Charter of Athens and some of its results." Innovative Project 9, no. 15 (June 5, 2024): 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17673/ip.2024.9.15.2.
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The history of the emergence of the idea of multi-story housing construction is described, starting with the project of the experimental settlement of Spandau-Haselhorst by Walter Gropius and the subsequent report of Gropius to the third CIAM congress. The conditions under which the IV CIAM Congress met are shown - the world economic crisis, the strengthening of authoritarianism in the world, the absence of German, American and Soviet architects, as well as opponents of Le Corbusier in other delegations. The history of the IV Congress and the appearance, ten years after it, of two versions of the Athens Charter are described. The differences between José Luis Sert's version and Le Corbusier's version are presented, as well as some results of its implementation. The implementation of ideas, both different from the Athens Charter and its followers, in Great Britain and the place that the construction of multi-storey housing eventually took in the country is described. An example of construction regulation in Germany is given, which makes the construction of multi-story housing economically unprofitable.
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Kwieciński, Zbigniew. "Pedagogiczne emergencje w 1993 roku. Cienie przeszłości czy szanse teraźniejszości?" Studia Edukacyjne, no. 48 (April 15, 2018): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/se.2018.48.6.
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ThThe 25th anniversary of the Department of Educational Studies is an inspiration for the author to return to the pedagogical events of 1993. The article by Mikołaj Kozakiewicz published this year contains warnings that the chances of Polish education after a major educational change after 1989 (democracy, pluralism, europeization) are lost, and anticipates their reversal. centralism, authoritarianism, ideological monism, the closing of Poland to Europe are coming back. These anxieties also appeared at the First National Pedagogical Congress in Rembertów in 1993, although the prevailing concern was whether pedagogy as science kept up with the great changes. At the same time, a new formation and a generation of academic pedagogues emerged at this Congress, undertaking new challenges of this time. Unfortunately, sociologists and intercultural psychologists studies have shown that the chances of great change have been educationally wasted, which is manifested in the low culture of everyday life of Poles and in the persistence of Polish perennial, negative social stereotypes. The author, however, finds and presents reasons for the pedagogy of possibilities, supporting the development of people to autonomy and humanity.e 25th anniversary of the Department of Educational Studies is an inspiration for the author to return to the pedagogical events of 1993. The article by Mikołaj Kozakiewicz published this year contains warnings that the chances of Polish education after a major educational change after 1989 (democracy, pluralism, europeization) are lost, and anticipates their reversal. centralism, authoritarianism, ideological monism, the closing of Poland to Europe are coming back. These anxieties also appeared at the First National Pedagogical Congress in Rembertów in 1993, although the prevailing concern was whether pedagogy as science kept up with the great changes. At the same time, a new formation and a generation of academic pedagogues emerged at this Congress, undertaking new challenges of this time. Unfortunately, sociologists and intercultural psychologists studies have shown that the chances of great change have been educationally wasted, which is manifested in the low culture of everyday life of Poles and in the persistence of Polish perennial, negative social stereotypes. The author, however, finds and presents reasons for the pedagogy of possibilities, supporting the development of people to autonomy and humanity.
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O'Neil, Patrick H. "Revolution from Within: Institutional Analysis, Transitions from Authoritarianism, and the Case of Hungary." World Politics 48, no. 4 (July 1996): 579–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.1996.0017.
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The Hungarian transition from socialism stands out from other examples of political change in the region, in that the ruling Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party (MSZMP) suffered an erosion of political power generated largely from within the party itself. The study shows how the Communist Party, after its destruction in the revolution of 1956, sought to institutionalize its rule through a course of limited liberalization and the broad co-optation of the populace. This policy helped create a tacit social compact with society, particularly in co-opting younger intellectuals who identified with the goals of reform socialism. However, the party eventually marginalized this group, creating an internal party opposition that supported socialism but opposed the MSZMP. Consequently, when the limits of Hungarian reform socialism became evident in the mid-1980s, rank-and-file intellectuals within the party began to mobilize against the party hierarchy, seeking to transform the MSZMP into a democratic socialist party. These “reform circles,” drawing their strength primarily from the countryside, spread to all parts of the party and helped undermine central party power and expand the political space for opposition groups to organize. Eventually, the reform circles were able to force an early party congress in which the MSZMP was transformed into a Western-style socialist party prior to open elections in 1990.The case is significant in that it indicates that the forms of transition in Eastern Europe were not simply the specific outcome of elite interaction. Rather, they were shaped in large part by the patterns of socialist institutionalization found in each country. Therefore, studies of political transition can be enriched with an explicit focus on the institutional characteristics of each case, linking the forms of transitions and their posttransition legacies to the institutional matrix from which they emerged. In short, the study argues that the way in which an autocratic order perpetuates itself affects the manner in which that system declines and the shape of the new system that takes its place.
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Iqbal, Kashif. "Politics in Balochistan Nationalists, AIML, British and Congress, 1929-1947." Journal of History and Social Sciences 13, no. 2 (December 31, 2022): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.46422/jhss.v13i2.195.
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Politically, the region of Balochistan has always remained under the volatile situation. Scholars have different opinions regarding the political conditioning of Balochistan. The paper finds what type of political struggle was followed by the political authoritarians of Balochistan that brought political instability in Balochistan. In this regard, the main political actors have been dealt with. Such as the first and foremost was Khan of Kalat along with other nationalist leaders. On the other hand, there would be a discussion on the role and politics of the Muslim League. Apart from these two political actors, there would be a debate on the politics of Congress and the British in Balochistan. It has been tried to make the picture clear that political misery in Balochistan was brought by the main political elite of Balochistan.
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Bosiacki, Adam. "Pomiędzy państwem prawnym a autorytaryzmem. Z polskich rozważań nad poszukiwaniem optymalnego ustroju państwa po odzyskaniu niepodległości w III Rzeczypospolitej." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 38, no. 4 (September 8, 2017): 97–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.38.4.7.
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BETWEEN THE RULE OF LAW AND AUTHORITARIANISM.POLISH CONSIDERATIONS ON SEEKING THE OPTIMAL STATE SYSTEM AFTER REGAINING INDEPENDENCE IN THE THIRD REPUBLIC The article presents an analysis of selected considerations of Polish political discussions about the shortcomings of the parliamentary system and their antidote in the form of an authoritarian system. The point of departure is an analysis of the idea of a legal state Rechtsstaat, well known in Congress Kingdom even before Poland regained its independence in 1918. It is also worthwhile to research the attempt of the integration the head of state into the parliamentary system, which was successfully applied between 1918 and 1922 when the Head of State institution was personalized by Józef Pilsudski. The analysis of the authoritarian thinking of Piłsudskis movement between 1926–1939 did not turn out as it had been declared, the sanation of state, and ideologically — also experienced — numerous social failures. Piłsudski’s legacy is present to some extent in contemporary Poland, with few exceptions e.g. the concept of the common good, but one cannot speak of the legacy of authoritarianism. The idea of authoritarianism, however, remains less or more attractive as the solution to the social pains of the Third Republic. As between 1918–1922 in Poland, it has now been possible to incorporate the president’s powers into the parliamentary system, where the head of state is not a purely decorative body to a certain extent as a moderator of the empire. The list of constitutional values is also important. The underserved party system before the war and now is undoubtedly a negative political tendency, although such a system is not a developed state legal system. Paradoxically, however, it fosters anti-authoritarian tendencies.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Authoritarianism – congresses"
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Almén, Oscar. "Authoritarianism constrained : the role of local people's congresses in China /." Göteborg : Göteborg university, departement of peace and development research, 2005. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40058545s.
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Baloch, Bilal Ali. "Crisis, credibility, and corruption : how ideas and institutions shape government behaviour in India." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a017adea-7dc4-45a2-9246-4df6adcabb9b.
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Anti-corruption movements play a vital role in democratic development. From the American Gilded Age to global demonstrations in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, these movements seek to combat malfeasance in government and improve accountability. While this collective action remains a constant, how government elites perceive and respond to such agitation, varies. My dissertation tackles this puzzle head-on: Why do some democratic governments respond more tolerantly than others to anti-corruption movements? To answer this research question, I examine variation across time in two cases within the worldâs largest democracy: India. I compare the Congress Party government's suppressive response to the Jayaprakash Narayan movement in 1975, and the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance governmentâs tolerant response to the India Against Corruption movement in 2012. For developing democracies such as India, comparativist scholarship gives primacy to external, material interests â such as votes and rents â as proximately shaping government behavior. Although these logics explain elite decision-making around elections and the predictability of pork barrel politics, they fall short in explaining government conduct during credibility crises, such as when facing nationwide anti-corruption movements. In such instances of high political uncertainty, I argue, it is the absence or presence of an ideological checks and balance mechanism among decision-making elites in government that shapes suppression or tolerance respectively. This mechanism is produced from the interaction between structure (multi-party coalition) and agency (divergent cognitive frames in positions of authority). In this dissertation, elites analyze the anti-corruption movement and form policy prescriptions based on their frames around social and economic development as well as their concepts of the nation. My research consists of over 110 individual interviews with state elites, including the Prime Minister, cabinet ministers, party leaders, and senior bureaucrats among other officials for the contemporary case; and a broad compilation of private letters, diplomatic cables and reports, and speeches collected from three national archives for the historical study. To my knowledge this is the first data-driven study of Indian politics that precisely demonstrates how ideology acts as a constraint on government behavior in a credibility crisis. On a broader level, my findings contribute to the recently renewed debate in political science as to why democracies sometimes behave illiberally.
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Qian, Jing. "Corporatist legislature: authoritarianism, representation and Local People's Congress in Zhejiang." Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/3364.
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In this thesis, the author analyzes the role of Local People‘s Congresses (LPCs) in China in shaping state-society relations in a decentralized authoritarian regime. Classical theories of corporatism are applied in order to examine the political functions of the LPC, a local representative and legislative mechanism. The author further proposes expanding the application of corporatist theory to encompass elected representative assemblies. In his analysis, the author explores how the state penetrates into and controls the LPC, and how, at the same time, the local legislature unequally incorporates various social groups into public affairs. He compares and contrasts biased strategies adopted by the state via the LPCs concerning different social sectors, under a dichotomy of inclusionary and exclusionary corporatism, based on which he further suggests a tentative typology of liberal/corporatist/communist legislature to enrich theories of comparative legislative studies. The author‘s analysis is based on field research conducted in 2009, as well as on his previous internships and attendances in the Provincial People‘s Congress in Zhejiang Province, China. This thesis extends the scope of research on the legislative institution in China to the field of state-society relations and contributes to comparative legislative studies in the perspective of corporatism.Graduate
Books on the topic "Authoritarianism – congresses"
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Poland) Warsaw East European Conference (4th 2007 Warsaw. Democracy vs. authoritarianism. Warsaw: Studium Europy Wschodniej UW, 2007.
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South Asian Free Media Conference (7th 2007 Bangladesh). Democracy and authoritarianism in South Asia. Lahore: South Asian Free Media Association, 2009.
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1966-, Fowler Will, ed. Authoritarianism in Latin America since independence. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 1996.
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Almén, Oscar. Authoritarianism constrained: The role of local people's congresses in China. [Göteborg]: Göteborg University, 2005.
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Association française de science politique. Congrès. Démocraties et autoritarismes: Fragmentation et hybridation des régimes. Paris: Karthala, 2009.
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Riccardo, Scartezzini, Germani Luis, and Gritti R, eds. I Limiti della democrazia: Autoritarismo e democrazia nella società moderna. Napoli: Liguori, 1985.
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frakcija, Europos Parlamento Socialistų. Diktatūriniai ir autoritariniai režimai Vidurio ir Rytų Europoje XX amžiaus pirmojoje pusėje: Ar išmoktos istorijos pamokos? : tarptautinė konferencija, Lietuvos Respublikos Seimo Konstitucijos salė, Gedimino pr. 53, Vilnius, 2007 m. vasario 8 d. Vilnius: Danielius, 2007.
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Lazzarino Del Grosso, Anna Maria., ed. Democrazia e monocrazia in Europa nella prima metà del Novecento. Firenze: Centro editoriale toscano, 1992.
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1929-, Strada Vittorio, ed. Totalitarismo e totalitarismi. Venezia: Marsilio, 2003.
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M, De Angelis, Bracalini Romano 1936-, Messori Enrico, and Associazione pomeriggi navigare, eds. Autorità e democrazia: Atti del convegno nazionale organizzato dall'Associazione pomeriggi navigare con il patrocinio dell'I.R.R.S.A.E. dell'Emilia-Romagna e con l'appoggio della rivista "Giurisprudenza pugliese," Rio Saliceto (Teatro Montanari), 21 settembre 1996. Modena: Mucchi, 1997.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Authoritarianism – congresses"
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Chacko, Priya. "Indira Gandhi, the “Long 1970s,” and the Cold War." In India and the Cold War, 178–96. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469651163.003.0009.
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This chapter focuses on Indira Gandhi’s turn to populism and authoritarianism from the late 1960s and 1970s. It is argued that populism and authoritarianism had a long-term impact on Indian politics and political economy by creating the conditions that facilitated the emergence of long-term processes of political fragmentation – due to the decline of the Congress Party and the rise of various social forces and political formations – and economic reform. The chapter first shows how Cold War interventionism played a key role in Indira Gandhi’s shift toward agrarian populist policies and authoritarianism. It then details the ways in which the outcomes of populism and authoritarianism laid the path for the turn to pro-business and pro-market policies as well as political fragmentation and democratic deepening. Hence, the chapter makes the case for seeing the 1970s as a critical juncture in Indian history which laid the foundations for the major economic and political changes India has recently experienced. Within this period, the Cold War context was a crucial factor in the decisions and choices made by the Indian leadership.
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Özgen, Nurettin, and Saitcan Güngördü. "Fascism and geography as ideology of authoritarianism." In 1st Istanbul International Geography Congress Proceedings Book, 923–32. Istanbul University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.26650/pb/ps12.2019.002.086.
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Jaffrelot, Christophe, and Pratinav Anil. "Mrs Gandhi’s Personalisation of Power, 1966–1975." In India's First Dictatorship, 275–312. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197577820.003.0008.
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This chapter focuses on the internal factors that led to the declaration of the Emergency. It primarily explores Mrs Gandhi’s authoritarian personality and the deinstitutionalisation of the Congress Party. The power structure within the Congress, especially after Mrs Gandhi split the party in 1969, meant that checks and balances ceased to exist. This factionalism enabled her to impose her authoritarian tendencies on the government as safeguards were dismantled. The chapter further explores the relation between authoritarianism and populism. It uses the political situation in India from the late 1960s to the early 1970s as an illustration. Mrs Gandhi, like other populist leaders, was convinced that she was the people of India. This idea was epitomised by D. K. Barooah’s slogan: ‘Indira is India and India is Indira.’
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Wells, Allen. "Latin America’s Representative in the U.S. Congress." In Latin America's Democratic Crusade, 402–41. Yale University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300264401.003.0014.
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Between 1952 and 1961, ten Latin American dictators either stepped down voluntarily or were driven from power. With despots falling by the wayside, progressives on both sides of the border had reason to believe that democracy was finally on the march. Representative Charles Porter’s meteoric rise from obscurity could not have happened without the assistance of the region’s reformers. This chapter explores Porter’s ascendancy, his embrace of the reformist agenda, and the limitations of the liberal critique of U.S. foreign policy. To be sure, this new generation of liberal politicians never once questioned the Cold War binary. As a result, they remained vulnerable to attacks from both the right and the left. But with dictators falling by the wayside, progressives on both sides of the border had reason to believe that democracy was finally on the march. Porter’s emergence occurred at a pivotal moment, just as Venezuela and Colombia were transitioning from authoritarianism to democratic rule. A closer examination of such “pacted” democracies illustrates why civilian rule was so tenuous in mid-twentieth-century Latin America.
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Hasan, Zoya. "Opposition Interrupted." In Ideology and Organization in Indian Politics, 151–80. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192863416.003.0007.
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Abstract This chapter delineates the political implications of BJP’s victory in 2019 for opposition politics and the reinforcement of the right-wing trajectory that India had embarked upon in 2014. The BJP’s top leadership interpreted the verdict as a signal for a complete change in direction and a mandate to establish a Hindu state. The principal consequence of this shift was the acceleration of authoritarianism and communalism that paved the way for the institution of a communal regime in the Centre. These shifts have been strengthened by growing polarization, curbs on dissent, institutional erosion, media control, and growing concentration of economic power, all of which have created an unequal playing field for the opposition. This has profound consequences for India’s democracy and the future of the Congress, which is the principal concern of this chapter.
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McAdams, Dan P. "Us." In The Strange Case of Donald J. Trump, 185–209. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197507445.003.0010.
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The chapter us considers the many implications and ramifications of authoritarianism in the presidency of Donald J. Trump. The authoritarian leader pits the good us against the bad “them,” and he promulgates a doctrine that aims to defend against the them while purging all dissent within the “us.” The chapter discusses the origins of the concept of the authoritarian personality, and it examines instances of authoritarian leadership in “illiberal” democracies today, as in Poland and Hungary. Coming back to the United States, the chapter examines Trump’s authoritarian dynamic from many different perspectives, including race relations and the emergence of the alt-right in American society, the changing demographics of the United States, Trump’s appeal to evangelical white Christians, and the president’s assault on Congress, the courts, the institutions of American law enforcement, the government bureaucracy, and the press.
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Butigan, Vjekoslav. "The Political Ethos of the Civil Society." In The Paideia Archive: Twentieth World Congress of Philosophy, 32–36. Philosophy Documentation Center, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/wcp20-paideia199841731.
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Totalitarian political systems in the socialist countries of Eastern Europe destroyed and repressed the civil society that used to exist in them. The authoritarian and totalitarian ethos was formed under a powerful influence of ideologies of the communist parties and politocracy in these countries so that the political ethos of politicians dominated the political ethos of the citizen. The breakdown of the real socialism and its unsuccessful attempts to complete accelerated liberal modernization of these societies caused turbulence of social values in addition to the general moral chaos. The moral crisis has deepened; anomie increased as well as the society’s inclination to commit crime. This makes difficult the creation of the cultural matrix of the civil society and its moral values. The liberation and development of the political ethos of the civil society as an element of the democratic political culture require structural and mental changes in these societies. They imply abandoning the value matrices of the traditional and political societies based upon collectivism, tribalism, authoritarianism, egalitarianism, ethnocentrism, etatisme and mythologization of the past. They require the use of the citizens’ active potential as well as that of their associations, their readiness for political commitment, self-initiative, respect of the general interest and a courageous defense of freedom and social justice.
Conference papers on the topic "Authoritarianism – congresses"
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Kao, Feng-Hsia, Min-Ping Huang, and Bor-Shiuan Cheng. "Why Employee Turnover? The influence of Chinese Management and Organizational Justice." In International Association of Cross Cultural Psychology Congress. International Association for Cross-Cultural Psychology, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4087/zbhy9656.
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Employee turnover is an important topic in organizational behavior research. Understanding how to address turnover in Chinese organizations is also a practice problem. The aim of this paper is to explore the impact of paternalistic leadership (authoritarianism, benevolence, and morality) on employee turnover and examine the moderating effect of organizational justice (distributive justice, interactional justice, and procedural justice). Data were collected from 207 supervisor and subordinate dyads of 51 stores in a Chinese food and beverage company. Paternalistic leadership and organizational justice were initially collected from subordinates. After six months, employee turnover was collected from supervisors. The results indicate that benevolent and moral leadership were both negatively related to employee turnover. Authoritarianism failed to predict employee turnover. Furthermore, the relationship between authoritarianism and employee turnover is moderated by distributive justice and procedural justice. Finally, the theoretical and practical implications of these findings are discussed.
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Despotashvili, Medea. "Determinants of Social Prejudice and Factors Influencing Perception of Immigrant Groups in Georgia." In International Association of Cross Cultural Psychology Congress. International Association for Cross-Cultural Psychology, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4087/ybfo9388.
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Outgroup perception and prejudice as well as researched social cognition processes, still provide new perspectives of analysis. Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) and Right Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) constructs are proved to moderate prejudice formation. Our research aimed to look at these processes in specifically Georgian context. We duplicated experimental procedure offered by Duckitt and Sibley (2009), to look at the relationship between prejudice formation and RWA / SDO in different experimental conditions. Our data enabled to analyze this relationship in terms of overall social processes, where challenges facing particular groups of people (like generation in our case) can make certain qualities of outgroup more prominent in prejudice formation.
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Kapitanski, Alexander. "THE INFLUENCE OF THE COACH LEADERSHIP STYLE AND MOTIVATIONAL CLIMATE ON THE PERCEPTION OF SUPPORT FOR AUTONOMOUS BEHAVIOR." In INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC CONGRESS “APPLIED SPORTS SCIENCES”. Scientific Publishing House NSA Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37393/icass2022/67.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACT This report presents the results of a study which aims to reveal the influence of the leadership style of the coach and the motivational climate in the sports team on the perceived support for autonomous behavior. The leadership style of the coach is seen as a multidimensional construct including: training and instruction, democracy and authoritarianism in decision making, social support and positive feedback. The motivational climate is related to the focus on mastery, improvement and performance. The need for autonomous behavior is one of the three universal psychological needs that ensure psychological growth and development (Deci, Ryan, 2017). The following methodologies have been used in the research realization: Leadership Scale for Sports (Chelladurai, Saleh, 1980); Perceived Motivational Climate in Sport Questionnaire 2 (Newton, Duda, Yin, 2000); The Sports Climate Questionnaire (SDT, Sports Climate Questionnaire, n.d.). The personal attitude of the coach (β = .44), social support (β = .26), democratic style (β = .15) and mastery-oriented motivational climate (β = .13) have a significant influence on the perception of support for autonomous behavior. The results present the subjective assessment of sportsmen for the importance of each of the dimensions of coaching behavior and the perceived motivational climate on the perceived support for autonomous behavior.