Relevant bibliographies by topics / Authoritarian durability

Academic literature on the topic 'Authoritarian durability'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Authoritarian durability"

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Lachapelle, Jean, Steven Levitsky, Lucan A. Way, and Adam E. Casey. "Social Revolution and Authoritarian Durability." World Politics 72, no. 4 (September 3, 2020): 557–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887120000106.

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ABSTRACTThis article explores the causes of authoritarian durability. Why do some authoritarian regimes survive for decades, often despite severe crises, while others collapse quickly, even absent significant challenges? Based on an analysis of all authoritarian regimes between 1900 and 2015, the authors argue that regimes founded in violent social revolution are especially durable. Revolutionary regimes, such as those in Russia, China, Cuba, and Vietnam, endured for more than half a century in the face of strong external pressure, poor economic performance, and large-scale policy failures. The authors develop and test a theory that accounts for such durability using a novel data set of revolutionary regimes since 1900. The authors contend that autocracies that emerge out of violent social revolution tend to confront extraordinary military threats, which lead to the development of cohesive ruling parties and powerful and loyal security apparatuses, as well as to the destruction of alternative power centers. These characteristics account for revolutionary regimes’ unusual longevity.
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Lachapelle, Jean, Steven Levitsky, Lucan A. Way, and Adam E. Casey. "Social Revolution and Authoritarian Durability—ERRATUM." World Politics 73, no. 3 (July 2021): 592. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887121000071.

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Whiting, Susan H. "Authoritarian “Rule of Law” and Regime Legitimacy." Comparative Political Studies 50, no. 14 (January 23, 2017): 1907–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414016688008.

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A prominent hypothesis to explain the durability of authoritarian regimes focuses on the official adoption of law and legal institutions. The present study offers a novel empirical approach to test the relationship between legal construction and regime legitimation, drawing on a quasi-experiment and original panel survey in rural China. Using difference-in-difference, subgroup, and two-stage least squares analyses, it finds that the Chinese state’s project of legal construction powerfully shapes the legal consciousness of ordinary rural citizens and that state-constructed legal consciousness enhances regime legitimacy. The study also presents qualitative evidence to identify the causal mechanism linking state-constructed legal consciousness and regime legitimacy: the expansion of local institutions like state-run legal-aid centers in rural communities. The study contributes to the institutional focus in debates about authoritarian durability by providing evidence at the intersection of state and society.
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Heurlin, Christopher. "Authoritarian Aid and Regime Durability: Soviet Aid to the Developing World and Donor–Recipient Institutional Complementarity and Capacity." International Studies Quarterly 64, no. 4 (September 1, 2020): 968–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa064.

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Abstract How does authoritarian aid influence the durability of dictatorships? Western aid is thought to facilitate authoritarian durability because it can provide patronage. Authoritarian aid, by contrast, has received far less attention. This article examines both Soviet economic and military assistance, developing a theory of donor–recipient institutional complementarity to explain the impact of Soviet aid during the Cold War. The argument is developed through case studies of Vietnam and Ghana and a cross-national statistical analysis of Soviet economic aid and military assistance to developing countries from 1955 to 1991. Soviet economic aid was tied to the purchase of Soviet industrial equipment. When recipient states shared the Soviet Union's centrally planned economy, economic aid strengthened state infrastructural power by (1) enhancing fiscal capacity and (2) cultivating the dependency of the population on the state. Aid flows helped consolidate and maintain authoritarian institutions, promoting authoritarian durability. By contrast, while Soviet economic aid to noncommunist regimes provided some opportunities for patronage through employment in SOEs, the lack of institutional complementarity in planning institutions and overall lack of capacity of these institutions caused Soviet aid to contribute to inflation and fiscal crises. Economic problems, in turn, increased the vulnerability of noncommunist regimes to military coups, particularly when ideological splits emerged between pro-Soviet rulers and pro-Western militaries that undermined elite cohesion. The institutional subordination of the military to communist parties insulated communist regimes from the risk of coups.
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Pietsch, Juliet. "Authoritarian Durability: Public Opinion towards Democracy in Southeast Asia." Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties 25, no. 1 (July 4, 2014): 31–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2014.933836.

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Handlin, Samuel. "Mass Organization and the Durability of Competitive Authoritarian Regimes." Comparative Political Studies 49, no. 9 (March 6, 2016): 1238–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414016628186.

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Levitsky, Steven R., and Lucan A. Way. "Beyond Patronage: Violent Struggle, Ruling Party Cohesion, and Authoritarian Durability." Perspectives on Politics 10, no. 4 (December 2012): 869–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592712002861.

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We explore the sources of durability of party-based authoritarian regimes in the face of crisis. Recent scholarship on authoritarianism suggests that ruling parties enhance elite cohesion—and consequently, regime durability—by providing institutionalized access the spoils of power. We argue, by contrast, that while elite access to power and spoils may ensure elite cooperation during normal times, it often fails to do so during crises. Instead, the identities, norms, and organizational structures forged during periods of sustained, violent, and ideologically-driven conflict are a critical source of cohesion—and durability—in party-based authoritarian regimes. Origins in violent conflict raise the cost of defection and provide leaders with additional (non-material) resources that can be critical to maintaining unity and discipline, even when a crisis threatens the party's hold on power. Hence, where ruling parties combine mechanisms of patronage distribution with the strong identities, solidarity ties, and discipline generated by violent origins, regimes should be most durable.We apply this argument to four party-based competitive authoritarian regimes in post-Cold War Africa: Kenya, Mozambique, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. In each of these cases, an established single- or dominant-party regime faced heightened international pressure, economic crisis, and a strong opposition challenge after 1990. Yet whereas ruling parties in Kenya and Zambia were organized almost exclusively around patronage, those in Mozambique and Zimbabwe were liberation parties that came to power via violent struggle. This difference is critical to explaining diverging post-Cold War regime outcomes: whereas ruling parties in Zambia and Kenya imploded and eventually lost power in these face of crises, those in Mozambique and Zimbabwe remained intact and regimes survived.
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Golosov, Grigorii V. "Authoritarian Party Systems: Patterns of Emergence, Sustainability and Survival." Comparative Sociology 12, no. 5 (2013): 617–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341274.

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Abstract This article compares competitive authoritarian, one-party authoritarian, and democratic party systems on three parameters: likelihood to emerge, sustainability and durability. By applying a variety of statistical techniques to a comprehensive dataset on post-World War II elections, this study shows that under competitive authoritarianism, elections are less likely to be party-structured than in democracies, and that competitive authoritarian party systems are markedly less sustainable and durable than systems in the other categories, especially in democracies. These findings are in accordance with the theory according to which competitive authoritarian institutions are epiphenomena, reflecting the distribution of power in the polity but not shaping it. Their emergence and survival are consequences rather than causes of the stability and success of contemporary autocracies.
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Casey, Adam E. "The Durability of Client Regimes." World Politics 72, no. 3 (June 10, 2020): 411–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887120000039.

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ABSTRACTConventional wisdom holds that great power patrons prop up client dictatorships. But this is generally assumed rather than systematically analyzed. This article provides the first comprehensive analysis of the relationship between foreign sponsorship and authoritarian regime survival, using an original data set of all autocratic client regimes in the postwar period. The results demonstrate that patronage from Western powers—the United States, France, and the United Kingdom—is not associated with client regime survival. Rather, it’s only Soviet sponsorship that reduced the risk of regime collapse. The author explains this variation by considering the effects of foreign sponsorship on the likelihood of military coups d’état. He argues that the Soviet Union directly aided its clients by imposing a series of highly effective coup prevention strategies. By contrast, the US and its allies didn’t provide such aid, leaving regimes vulnerable to military overthrow.
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Scoggins, Suzanne E. "Rethinking Authoritarian Resilience and the Coercive Apparatus." Comparative Politics 53, no. 2 (January 1, 2021): 309–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041521x15895755803929.

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A state's coercive apparatus can be strong in some ways and weak in others. Using interview data from security personnel in China, this study expands current conceptualizations of authoritarian durability and coercive capacity to consider a wide range of security activities. While protest response in China is centrally controlled and strong, other types of crime control are decentralized and systematically inadequate in ways that compromise the state's coercive power and may ultimately feed back into protest. Considering security activities beyond protest control exposes cracks in China's authoritarian system of control—an area where it is typically perceived to thrive—and calls into question our understanding of regime resilience as well as our current approach to assessing the role coercive capacity plays in authoritarian resilience elsewhere.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Authoritarian durability"

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Perkins, Andrea M. "Mubarak’s Machine: The Durability of the Authoritarian Regime in Egypt." Scholar Commons, 2010. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/1737.

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The Egyptian authoritarian regime is a mammoth machine created and headed by President Hosni Mubarak as an instrument for the exercise of his own power. His ability to influence every facet of the character of Egypt lies in his previous career experience, the involvement in politics of his immediate family, his commitment to unpopular but lucrative foreign policies, and the bureaucratic obstacle course he created for opposition entities to navigate. Through persistent efforts to prepare himself for national leadership prior to gaining power, then to consolidate his power in the institutions of Egypt, Mubarak has built a state organization with a solid legal basis for suppression of opposition. Using an extensive system of patronage, Mubarak maintains elite support for his continued control of the state. Sustained adherence to the 1979 Egypt-Israel peace treaty brings Egypt significant foreign aid that compensates for some of its economic shortfalls, and affords Mubarak the opportunity to serve as a regional partner in advancing the Middle East Peace Process, reinforcing Mubarak's fitness to rule on the international stage. The maintenance of a pervasive and fiercely loyal security apparatus also gives Mubarak the ability to disrupt any internal opposition activity before it can fully mobilize a call for change. The manner in which Mubarak crafted a democratic facade to cover his authoritarian regime is an artful nod to the Third Wave of democratization; he recognized that to remain in power in the 21st century, Egypt must be perceived as democratic in nature by the international community. That election irregularities, policy barriers to political participation, and single-party control of the legislature prevent the creation of a truly representative government is an important but difficult to prove fact that Mubarak's facade democratic motions are designed to disguise. It is prudent to consider how Mubarak's exit from Egyptian politics will affect the authoritarian system he has built and managed since 1981. The likely accession of his son, Gamal, will keep most power guarantors in place, but the globalizing forces of this century will require a fresh approach to managing domestic, international, and global relations.
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Slater, Dan. "Ordering power contentious politics, state-building, and authoritarian durability in Southeast Asia /." 2005. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/82370725.html.

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Books on the topic "Authoritarian durability"

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Rich Dorman, Sara. The Politics of Durability (1987–1997). Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190634889.003.0004.

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The chapter argues that this was a period in which the authoritarian nature of the state was developed and expanded, rather than one of "democratization" or liberalization (as it is often described). It begins by examining how economic challenges led strategies and rhetorics of "nation-building" to become more extreme and exclusive between 1987 and 1997. It then assesses how society responded to these changes. Focusing on the press, elections, opposition parties, unions, churches, students and NGOs, the chapter explores tentative moves to build political coalitions, against a backdrop of political scandals and crises. The chapter focuses on how state institutions generated new legislative control – elections and the judiciary are explored in some detail, alongside the security apparatus and militarization of existing bodies. The final section of the chapter explores how apparent "liberalization" was used as a strategy of divide and rule to weaken and fragment societal groups such as trade unions, academics, students and NGOs.
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Levitsky, Steven, and Lucan A. Way. Durable Authoritarianism. Edited by Orfeo Fioretos, Tulia G. Falleti, and Adam Sheingate. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199662814.013.12.

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Recent studies of authoritarian durability highlight the role of institutions, particularly ruling parties. Yet party-based regimes vary markedly in their durability. Efforts to explain this variation have led scholars to examine the historical roots of strong authoritarian institutions. Drawing on recent historical institutionalist research, this chapter argues that robust authoritarian institutions frequently emerge out of periods of violent conflict. The chapter identifies two paths to durable authoritarianism: (1) arevolutionarypath, in which disciplined liberation parties build (and penetrate) their own coercive apparatus and destroy the social and institutional bases for future opposition; and (2) acounter-revolutionarypath, in which elites threatened by radical insurgencies agree to “protection pacts” that endow emerging autocrats with the authority and resources to build powerful party and coercive structures. The chapter also examines mechanisms of authoritarian reproduction, arguing that a challenge for historical institutionalism lies in identifying the conditions under which founding legacies end.
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Weiss, Meredith L. The Roots of Resilience. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501750045.001.0001.

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This book examines governance from the ground up in the world's two most enduring electoral authoritarian or “hybrid” regimes—Singapore and Malaysia—where politically liberal and authoritarian features are blended to evade substantive democracy. Although skewed elections, curbed civil liberties, and a dose of coercion help sustain these regimes, selectively structured state policies and patronage, partisan machines that effectively stand in for local governments, and diligently sustained clientelist relations between politicians and constituents are equally important. While key attributes of these regimes differ, affecting the scope, character, and balance among national parties and policies, local machines, and personalized linkages—and notwithstanding a momentous change of government in Malaysia in 2018—the similarity in the overall patterns in these countries confirms the salience of these dimensions. As the book shows, taken together, these attributes accustom citizens to the system in place, making meaningful change in how electoral mobilization and policymaking happen all the harder to change. This authoritarian acculturation is key to the durability of both regimes, but, given weaker party competition and party–civil society links, is stronger in Singapore than Malaysia. High levels of authoritarian acculturation, amplifying the political payoffs of what parties and politicians actually provide their constituents, explain why electoral turnover alone is insufficient for real regime change in either state.
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Gueorguiev, Dimitar D. Retrofitting Leninism. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197555668.001.0001.

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Retrofitting Leninism explores the relationship between political inclusion and political control through the lens of participatory governance in the People’s Republic of China. In this book, Dimitar Gueorguiev explores and substantiates three key points. First, public participation is a prerequisite for effective administration, irrespective of how a regime is constituted. Second, a regime’s ability to solicit, process, and recast public input into policy outputs is central to its political durability. Third, technological advances in communication make it easier for authoritarian regimes, particularly those with Leninist foundations, to correspond with the public and thus undercut calls for genuine democratic progress—an endogenous process of regime maintenance the author calls retrofitting. Using archival data, media reports, and original opinion polls, Gueorguiev shows how public inputs are incorporated into the marketing and implementation of top-down policy outputs. To unpack the interface between inputs and outputs, he focuses on proposal-making and government priorities in local Chinese legislatures. Finally, to evaluate the downstream impact, Gueorguiev estimates the effect of open policymaking on sub-national regulation and government approval. The findings suggest that public engagement contributes to both policy stability and positive public perceptions of policy. Though instrumental, the book also underscores that inclusive authoritarianism depends on the voluntary participation of Chinese citizens, which is far from guaranteed.
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Book chapters on the topic "Authoritarian durability"

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Young, Sokphea. "Political Durability and Protests." In Strategies of Authoritarian Survival and Dissensus in Southeast Asia, 1–31. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-33-6112-6_1.

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Young, Sokphea. "The Dynamics of Political Durability of Cambodia’s Ruling Regime." In Strategies of Authoritarian Survival and Dissensus in Southeast Asia, 33–68. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-33-6112-6_2.

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Kendall-Taylor, Andrea, Natasha Lindstaedt, and Erica Frantz. "6. The Durability of Autocracy." In Democracies and Authoritarian Regimes, 101–21. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198820819.003.0006.

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Authoritarian constituents and their role in stability 102 Authoritarian survival strategies 107 Other sources of authoritarian durability 114 Conclusion 120 Key Questions 121 Further Reading 121 Many authoritarian regimes in power today have been around for decades. The People’s Action Party, for example, has controlled Singapore since its independence in 1965. The Chinese Communist Party has been in power for even longer, approaching nearly seven decades of rule. And the monarchy in Oman has governed for more than two hundred years. Of course, not all authoritarian regimes have this staying power. Cambodia’s Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge ruled for only four years. Similarly, the Turkish military’s reign in the 1980s lasted just three years. This variation in longevity raises the question: what makes some authoritarian regimes more durable than others?...
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"­ 7­ Developments­in­Cambodian­democracy:­democratic­ consolidation or authoritarian durability?" In Democracy in Eastern Asia, 154–74. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203795088-17.

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"The Revolutionary Origins of Chinese Authoritarian Durability." In Revolution and Dictatorship, 85–116. Princeton University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv2drhcnf.6.

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"3. The Revolutionary Origins of Chinese Authoritarian Durability." In Revolution and Dictatorship, 85–116. Princeton University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780691223575-004.

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"Agricultural Rents, Landholding Inequality, and Authoritarian Regime Durability." In Food and Power, 116–46. Cambridge University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108568951.006.

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Xu, Feng, and Qian Liu. "China: Community Policing, High-Tech Surveillance, and Authoritarian Durability." In Covid-19 in Asia, 27–42. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197553831.003.0002.

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This chapter discusses China’s emergency responses to the Covid-19 pandemic. China’s emergency responses reflected a mixture of mass mobilization of political, economic, and social resources, as in war times. However, China’s initial mishandling of the Covid-19 outbreak, primarily at local levels, damaged the world’s trust. China sought world leadership through global propaganda campaigns and “mask diplomacy.” The chapter then investigates China’s legal and social prevention and control mechanisms, most notably community policing and surveillance technology. It also considers serious challenges that emerged in the early stages of the pandemic. China faced numerous challenges to its governance and state capacities, in resuming its economy, getting people employed, and ensuring people’s livelihood in an international context where the US–China relationship is fraught with tension.
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Weiss, Meredith L. "Parties, Machines, and Personalities." In The Roots of Resilience, 1–23. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501750045.003.0001.

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This chapter examines governance from the ground up in the world's two most enduring electoral authoritarian or “hybrid” regimes that blend politically liberal and authoritarian features to evade substantive democracy. It talks about skewed elections, curbed civil liberties, and a dose of coercion that help sustain Singapore and Malaysia's regimes. Selectively structured state policies and patronage partisan machines that effectively stand in for local governments and diligently sustained clientelist relations between politicians and constituents are also explained with importance. The chapter points out the different key attributes of Singapore's and Malaysia's regimes that affect the scope, character, and balance among national parties and policies, local machines, and personalized linkages. It discusses authoritarian acculturation as key to both regimes' durability, although weaker party competition and party–civil society links render Singapore's authoritarian acculturation stronger than Malaysia's.
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"Agricultural Policy and Authoritarian Regime Durability in Germany, 1878-1890." In Food and Power, 147–76. Cambridge University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108568951.007.

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Conference papers on the topic "Authoritarian durability"

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Didero, Rachele, and Giovanni Maria Conti. "CAPABLE: Engineering, textile, and fashion Collaboration, for citizens' Awareness and Privacy Protection." In 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1001536.

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Many private companies and public bodies in authoritarian and democratic states have joined facial recognition technology, used for various purposes. This situation is due to the general absence of a specific regulation that monitors its use. There is no consensus in society regarding the ethics of this technology. Furthermore, there are many doubts concerning the long-term ethical sustainability of facial recognition and its compliance with the law. A problem that emerges from the use of this technology is its obscurity. We do not know who is responsible for the decision automatically made; we do not know how the data is used by those who collect it, how long this data is kept, who can have access to it, to whom it is sent, and how this is used to create a profile. In addition, facial recognition systems are powered by numerous images collected from the Internet and social media without users' permission: it is, therefore, impossible to trace the origin of the data. Consequently, any citizen could be classified, most likely discriminated against, and become the victim of an algorithm. The boundary between security and control is decidedly blurred: many cameras do not respect the privacy of individuals and often harm human rights when they are used to discriminate, accuse, power, and manipulate people. From this discussion on privacy and human rights, it was born first the desire to create awareness, in particular regarding these technologies and the possible issues linked to them. Secondly, it was born the will to create a product that would be the spokesperson for these concerns and allow citizens to protect themselves. On this basis, a collaboration between fashion, engineering, and textile has developed to produce fabric and then garments, which confuse facial recognition systems in real-time. The technological innovation aims to create a system capable of generating adversarial knitted patches that can confuse the systems that capture biometric data. By integrating an adversarial algorithm into their jacquard motifs, the garments prevent the wearers from being identified, preserving their privacy. The adversarial textile is made with computerized knitting machines. Compared to a printed image, knitwear acquires texture, durability, wearability, and practicability. Furthermore, a knitted fabric allows modifying the single yarn material based on the results and performance we want to obtain. These fabrics have been tested on Yolo, the fastest and most advanced algorithm for real-time object recognition. The project was born in New York in 2019; the first experiments with computerized knitting machines were carried out at the Politecnico di Milano in January 2020. The textile was developed in the workshops of the Shenkar College of Tel Aviv. On February 8, 2021, the patent of the industrial process to produce the adversarial knitted textile was filed, with the patronage of the Politecnico di Milano. Today, the research on this fabric and these thematics has carried on within a Ph.D. that combines human-centric design and engineering.
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