Academic literature on the topic 'Austria – Politics and government – 1918-1938'
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Journal articles on the topic "Austria – Politics and government – 1918-1938"
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Pavlovic, Vojislav. "France and the Serbian government's Yugoslav project." Balcanica, no. 37 (2006): 171–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0637171p.
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The French government and statesmen had never considered the creation of a unified South-Slav state as an objective of the Great War. Officially acquainted with the project through the Nis Declaration in December 1914 they remained silent on the issue, as it involved both the dissolution of the Dual Monarchy and, following the Treaty of London in May 1915, an open conflict with Italy. In neither case, then, did French diplomacy deem it useful to trigger such a shift in the balance of power in Europe just to grant the wishes of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. Naturally, in the spring of 1918 the dismantlement of Austria-Hungary was envisaged, but with the view to weakening the adversary camp, while the destiny of the Yugoslav provinces remained undecided. Moreover, war imperatives required extreme caution in relation to Italian intransigency. The Italian veto weighed heavily on French politics, to the extent that even the actual realization of the Yugoslav project, proclamation of a unified state on 1 December 1918 in Belgrade, took place without a consent or implicit support on the part of the French government.
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Golovlev, Alexander. "Political Control, Administrative Simplicity, or Economies of Scale? Four Cases of the Reunification of Nationalized Theatres in Russia, Germany, Austria, and France (1918–45)." New Theatre Quarterly 38, no. 2 (April 20, 2022): 107–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x22000021.
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In 1917–18, the new republican governments of Russia, Germany, and Austria nationalized their former court property. A monarchic-turned-national heritage of prestigious opera and dramatic theatres weighed heavily on national and regional budgets, prompting first attempts to create centralized forms of theatre governance. In a second wave of theatre reorganization in the mid-1930s, the Soviet government created ‘union theatres’ under a Committee for Arts Affairs; the German and Austrian theatres underwent the Nazi Gleichschaltung (1933–35 and 1938); and France, a ‘democratic outlier’, opted for nationalizing the Opéra and Opéra-Comique under the Réunion des théâtres lyriques nationaux. These conglomerates have so far been little studied as historically specific forms of theatre management, particularly from a comparative, trans-regime perspective. What balance can be struck between economic, political, and ‘artistic’ costs and benefits? How does ‘Baumol’s law’ of decreasing theatre profitability apply to these very different politico-economic systems, as well as to war economies? Dictatorships reveal an economic seduction power, while this essay argues for confirming a long-term ‘great European convergence’ of state-centred theatre management, internal structure, and accountability, both in peace and war. Here, the stated goals and short-term contingencies yielded to trends originating from the logic of theatre production itself, and the compromises that the state, theatre professionals, and the public accepted in exchange for the capital of prestige. Alexander Golovlev (PhD, European University Institute in Florence, 2017) is a senior research fellow at the HSE Institute for Advanced Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies at the University of Moscow. His recent publications include, for New Theatre Quarterly, ‘Theatre Policies of Soviet Stalinism and Italian Fascism Compared, 1920–1940s’ (2019), and ‘Balancing the Books and Staging Operas under Duress: Bolshoi Theatre Management, Wartime Economy, and State Sponsorship in 1941–1945’, Russian History XLVII, No. 4 (2020).
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Bondarchuk, Yaroslav. "DIPLOMATIC PRACTICES OF VIACHESLAV LYPYNSKYI IN THE ASSESSMENTS OF HISTORIANS." Naukovì zapiski Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu "Ostrozʹka akademìâ". Serìâ Ìstoričnì nauki 1, no. 32 (April 28, 2021): 85–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.25264/2409-6806-2021-32-85-89.
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In recent years, researchers are increasingly focused on the Viacheslav Lypynskyi (Ukrainian politician, theorist of Ukrainian conservatism) : from practical political actions to a detailed study of theoretical reflections. They interested in various vectors of Lipin studies. It should be noted that V. Lypynskyi became sufficiently studied in recent years as the head of the Ukrainian Embassy in the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Scientists, on the work of which drawn attention in the relevant topic: Igor Ducks, Igor Girich, Tatyana Ostashko, Irina Interim and others. This article is aimed at summing a certain result in the long run of scientists. The article is trying to collect, analyze, explore and outline certain results in the historiographic study of the place of V. Lypynskyi in the international politics of the Ukrainian state. The main submers are considered, which researchers studied in the context of the activities of V. Lypynskyi as ambassador during their work from 1918 to 1919. The topics of scientific research were especially studied: Embassy staff (appointment, the appointment of those who are responsible for certain sectors and criticism of personnel by opponents, both from among the government and the social democratic forces); The struggle for territorial encroachments and at the same time ratification of Beresia Agreement (peace treaty between the Ukrainian People’s Republic on the one hand and German, Austria-Hungarian, Ottoman Empires and the Bulgarian kingdom of the other side). The strong Polish diaspora prevented the joining of the Kholm region and part of the smashes in the Ukrainian state. Also, the activity that puts themselves the goal of helping the prisoners of war in concentration camps and citizens of Ukraine, which were in Austria – Hungary); Lypynskyi’s care from the post of Representative of Ukraine in Vienna (comes to power in Kiev in November 1918, the directory of UNR and the inability to find a common language with new government structures). As a result of scientific research, we conclude that this topic is sufficiently studied. Most scientific works used during the writing of the article are combined into a positive assessment of the role of V. Lipinsky as ambassador.
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Kucheruk, Oleksandr. "The Establishment of National States and Formation of the State Border between the Ukrainian National Republic And the Republic Of Lithuania in 1918The Establishment of National States and Formation of the State Border between the Ukrainian National Republic And the Republic Of Lithuania in 1918." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 91–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-5.
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The article deals with the establishment of national states and formation of the state border between the Ukrainian National Republic and the Republic of Lithuania. In late 1917, a need to end the war and conclude a peace treaty was obvious, which resulted in the first negotiations between representatives of the Bolshevik government and Germany, joined by Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria and Turkey. The Ukrainian National Republic also got a chance to become an actor of European politics and participated in the peace negotiations in Brest-Lytovsk. The system of the Brest-Lytovsk peace treaties legalized the separation between Russia and its national entities, recognized the independence of the Ukrainian National Republic as well as Lithuania and Latvia. The details of the negotiations remain unknown, but in the context of the establishment of relations with great powers and new nation-states, the Ukrainian-Lithuanian contacts were not in the foreground, although remained relevant. In the summer of 1918, Lithuania was preparing to become a full-fledged monarchy and the final establishment of state borders was postponed. In October 1918, the Ministry of Military Affairs of the Ukrainian State established a commission dealing with the issue of the border line between Ukraine and Lithuania. However, the plans were not meant to be realized due to the revolution in Germany, the anti-Hetman uprising in Ukraine, the restoration of the republic, the next wave of the Russian aggression against the newly formed states and the Polish invasion against Ukraine and Lithuania. Consequently, the western territories of the Ukrainian National Republic as well as the Lithuanian capital Vilnius with the Vilnius Region came under the control of Poland. Thus, the delineated Ukrainian-Lithuanian border remained on paper and on new maps of Europe. Keywords: Ukrainian-Lithuanian border, monarchy, revolution, peace negotiations in Brest-Lytovsk.
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Bukowczyk, Piotr. "Polityka wyznaniowa w myśli austriackiej Partii Chrześcijańsko-Społecznej w latach 1918−1934." Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne 21 (March 14, 2017): 35–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1643-0328.21.3.
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Religious policy in the thought of the Austrian Christian Social Party 1918−1934In the paper I present the vision of a relation between the state and religious denominations and the status of atheists and free-thinkers delineated in the political thought of the Christian Social Party Christlichsoziale Partei, active in Austria-Hungary and the First Republic of Austria, Christian-democratic, after 1931 influenced by Italian fascism and inclining towards authoritarianism. I infer it from its propaganda materials books, brochures, press articles, leaflets, posters and legislation enacted under its governmentI also show the impact of the social, cultural and political context on the postulates of the Christian Social Party with regard to religious policy.
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Czerwińska-Schupp, Ewa. "Faszyzm austriacki (1934–1938) – założenia filozoficzno-ideowe, ustrojowe i praktyka polityczna." Filozofia Publiczna i Edukacja Demokratyczna 1, no. 2 (July 31, 2018): 87–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/fped.2012.1.2.5.
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The purpose of this article consists in presentation of Austrian fascism (austrofascism) embodied in the Federal State of Austria 1934–1938. The State represented an important episode in the history of European authoritarianism. In the following paper I address four issues: (1) philosophical, ideological, and doctrinal justification of Austrian fascism, (2) legal and constitutional principles of the regime of Engelbert Dollfuß and Kurt Schuschnigg, (3) relationship between the formal structure of Federal State and the socio-political reality. Finally, (4) I try to answer two interrelated questions concerning the nature of the austrofascist dictatorship and the legitimacy of considering austrofascism as a system of government in the context of phenomenon of fascism.
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Lindström, Fredrik. "Ernest von Koerber and the Austrian State Idea: A Reinterpretation of the Koerber Plan (1900–1904)." Austrian History Yearbook 35 (January 2004): 143–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006723780002097x.
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In comparison with most of his predecessors and successors as imperial Austrian minister president, Ernest von Koerber (1850–1919) has attracted a special sort of scholarly interest. In the rare instances when scholars have investigated Austrian governments during the era of the Dual Monarchy (1867–1918), these governments have been approached in the direct context of this system and era. Koerber's five-year-long government (1900–1904) has instead been studied in the considerably wider frame of reference of the modernization of Europe in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries. There are, in fact, qualities in Koerber's political program, often referred to as the “Koerber Plan,” that seem to merit such attention. When compared to most Austrian governments of the late Habsburg Empire, Koerber's minister presidency was extraordinarily active. In the eyes of both contemporaries and later observers, the large-scale investment program (mainly in railroads and canal construction) represented the essence of Koerber's modernization project. But he also carried out a widely noted liberalization of state control in society, elements of which included ending the policing of political meetings and practically canceling censorship of newspapers. His background as a civil servant also shaped his policies, especially his very active modernization and effectivization program for the state bureaucracy.
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Kozińska-Witt, Hanna. "The Union of Polish Cities in the Second Polish Republic, 1918–1939: Discourses of Local Government in a Divided Land." Contemporary European History 11, no. 4 (October 28, 2002): 549–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777302004034.
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The new Polish state was founded more than 100 years after Poland's partition by Prussia, Russia and Austria. The partitioned Polish lands had been included one way or another in the administrative structure of the ocupying powers, and the individuals who became active in urban issues in the new state were socialised by associations established by the partitioners. Poland became not only a arena for a meeting of Prussian, Russian and Austrian imaginations about local government but also a place with a great variety of municipal praxises as well. The author analyses different meanings of local government with special attention to those employed by municipal officers from Warsaw and Cracow within the Union of Polish Cities. There were strong regional cleavages in the Union, but the political development of the Polish state strengthened centralisation and the Union itself remained united.
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Feinberg, Melissa. "Democracy and Its Limits: Gender and Rights in the Czech Lands, 1918–1938." Nationalities Papers 30, no. 4 (December 2002): 553–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2002.10540507.
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On 28 October 1918, a group of Czech nationalists stood on the steps of the Obecni Dům (Municipal House) in Prague and proclaimed their independence from the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, allying themselves with the new state of Czechoslovakia. Their declaration marked the beginning of a new era in the Czech lands, one in which Czechs, as the majority nation, hoped to redefine the terms of political discourse. The new Czechoslovak Republic, its Czech supporters declared, would be the antithesis of the Habsburg regime. In the place of a multinational Monarchy, they would erect a democratic nation-state. The second half of this political vision was complicated by the fact that the new Czechoslovakia actually contained many ethnic groups, but Czechs still tended to imagine their new Republic as the political expression of the Czech nation. At the same time, this “Czech-centered” politics also emphasized the democratic basis of the new country. Czechoslovakia, Czech leaders said, would be a state governed by its people and dedicated to protecting their rights and freedoms as individuals. A political culture that rested on both ethnic nationalism and democratic values obviously contained some internal tensions: the need to protect the interests of one specific nation and the duty to protect the individual rights of all citizens could rub uncomfortably against each other. Yet, at that moment in 1918, most Czechs failed to register this potential for ideological conflict, instead seeing an essential link between democratic politics and the good of the Czech nation. For many Czechs, democracy itself was a need of the nation, a political structure crucial to Czech national self-realization. This idea came from one prominent conception of Czech nationhood that had captured the public imagination in the fall of 1918. According to this strain of Czech national ideology, the Czech nation had a sort of democratic character. This meant that only an egalitarian, democratic government would suit a “Czech” state. So, paradoxically, a universal language of rights and freedoms was the key to building a truly national Czechoslovak Republic. It was with a state that emphasized equality and personal freedom that the Czechs would fulfill their national destiny.
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Lochhead, Ian. "The Politics of Empire and the Architecture of Identity: Public Architecture in New Zealand 1900-1918." Architectural History Aotearoa 1 (December 5, 2004): 33–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/aha.v1i0.7893.
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During the period from 1900 to 1918 new governmental buildings were constructed throughout New Zealand as part of a campaign to provide accommodation for government departments. Post offices, court houses and departmental buildings appeared in provincial towns as well as in major cities, almost all products of the government's architectural office, led by John Campbell. The exuberant Imperial Baroque style adopted for these buildings reflects a new national confidence but also follows closely the precedent of British public building of the period. Auckland's former Chief Post Office (1908-11) for example, is closely modelled on Sir Henry Tanner's Central Post Office in London (1907).
The extent and consistency of the Government's building programme was intended to promote a sense of national unity although its dependence on British models seems to confirm Hurst Seager's argument that New Zealand had yet to develop a distinctive architectural style. The use of the Imperial Baroque style, culminating in Campbell's design for Parliament Buildings of 1911, reflected New Zealand's strong sense of identification with the British Empire, also expressed through the contributions of its politicians at Imperial Conferences from 1897 to 1911. Unlike their counterparts from Canada and Australia, New Zealand politicians argued for stronger imperial bonds as a way of ensuring greater influence over imperial policies. This paper will argue that in fact, New Zealand public architecture of the period 1900-18 reflects a clear sense of national identity but one that is defined in terms of Britishness and conceived within the larger framework of the security provided by imperial solidarity.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Austria – Politics and government – 1918-1938"
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Peniston-Bird, C. M. "The debate on Austrian national identity in the First Republic (1918-1938)." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2817.
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This thesis examines the debate over Austrian national identity in the interwar period (1918-1938), and deconstructs key components of national identity. These components include economic, historical, linguistic and certain cultural factors, the concept of a nation's mission, and the "national individual". The final area examined is tourism. It is postulated that tourism permits exploration of the bonds between humans and the environment which they inhabit, and has significant implications for national cohesion. Sources include contemporary and historical texts on the concept of nationhood and related areas; political, social and cultural histories pertaining to the First Republic; and primary source materials including parliamentary and cabinet minutes; the League of Nations' economic reports on Austria; newspapers, particularly those of pressure groups; individual monographs (of economists, teachers, politicians, theorists); as well as cultural output (literature, poetry, cinema, art, and satire). The two sides of the debate can be grouped into arguments pertaining to Austria's relationship to Germany, and arguments placing Austria into a wider European context. The roles of internal cohesion and the influence of the outside world on national identity are addressed. It is shown that the contribution of this period to the development of Austrian national identity has been underestimated: that the foundations for an independent Austria were laid in these years. The concept of national identity is explored and elucidated.
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Hauser, Allen Nolan. "Patterns in creativity : an examination of Viennese culture and politics at the turn of the century." PDXScholar, 1988. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3818.
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This examination explores the Viennese cultural milieu at the turn of the century in an effort to show the commonality of backgrounds and interests among those who created the culture during that period. In this the study aims at illustrating the similarities among those artists, intellectuals, and politicians in spite of the fact that their ideas helped lay the basis for the breakdown in integration of twentieth century culture which was illustrated by Carl E. Schorske in his Fin-De-Siecle Vienna: Politics and Culture. All this is in pursuance of the overall issue of the origin of the ideas which have dominated this century, an issue dealt with only tangentially in this study.
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Popple, Jeff. "'The Bolshevik element must be stamped out' : returned soldiers and Queensland politics, 1918-1925." Master's thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/113874.
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The First World War was not a unifying experience for
Australian society. The demands and traumas produced by the
war played on and exacerbated long existing tensions and
divisions in Australian society. The descent from a facade of
near unanimity of purpose at the beginning of the war to the
open and bitter racial, religious and class confrontations at
its end is now well documented. Marilyn Lake and Raymond
Evans have provided accounts of the impact of the war upon the
homefront in Tasmania and Queensland between 1914 and 1918,
while L.L. Robson in his excellent study has charted the
decline of unity by focussing on responses to one issue,
enlistment.(2) Other historians have also provided sweeping
accounts or narrow specialist studies which chronicle the
degree of disunity and social conflict during the war
years.(3) Heated industrial disputes, falling wages and rising prices and two emotive conscription referenda all
helped to aggravate and extend the societal divisions caused
by religious suspicions, racial persecution and class conflict
over the inequality of wartime sacrifices. These divisions
were deepened by two overseas events; Britain’s brutal
suppression of the Irish Easter rebellion, and the Bolshevik
revolution in Russia. As a result of the trauma of war
Australian society in 1918 was a cauldron of turmoil into
which one more divisive ingredient was yet to be added, the
returned soldier.
Books on the topic "Austria – Politics and government – 1918-1938"
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Jewish politics in Vienna, 1918-1938. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991.
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Black Vienna: The radical right in the red city, 1918-1938. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2014.
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Benziger, Marguerite M. Austria Nazified: Years of terror, 1938-1955. Albany, N.Y: Society of the Sacred Heart, 1985.
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The first Austrian Republic, 1918-1938: A study based on British and Austrian documents. Aldershot, Hants, England: Gower, 1986.
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Kenneth, Segar, and Warren John 1935-, eds. Austria in the thirties: Culture and politics. Riverside, Calif: Ariadne Press, 1991.
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Malina, Peter. Die gezeichnete Republik: Österreich, 1918-1938, in Karikaturen. [Wien]: Edition S, 1988.
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Kindermann, Gottfried Karl. Hitler's defeat in Austria, 1933-1934: Europe's first containment of Nazi expansionism. Boulder, Colo: Westview Press, 1988.
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Die Volkswehr 1918-1920 und die Gründung der Republik. Wien: Verlagsbuchh. Stöhr, 1993.
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Buszko, Józef. Polacy w parlamencie wiedeńskim 1848-1918. Warszawa: Wydawn. Sejmowe, 1996.
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Florian, Freund, and Osterreichischer Fonds fur Versohnung, Frieden und Zusammenarbeit., eds. Forced labor in Austria 1938-1945. Vienna: Austrian Reconciliation Fund, 2005.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Austria – Politics and government – 1918-1938"
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Feichtinger, Johannes. "‘ Staatsnation ’, ‘ Kulturnation ’, ‘ Nationalstaat ’: The Role of National Politics in the Advancement of Science and Scholarship in Austria from 1848 to 1938." In The Nationalization of Scientific Knowledge in the Habsburg Empire, 1848–1918, 57–82. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137264978_3.
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Boyer, John W. "The Revolution of 1918‒1919." In Austria 1867–1955, 585–657. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198221296.003.0008.
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Abstract This chapter describes the course of the Revolution in Austria that resulted in the creation of the Republic and the Constitution of 1920. The loss of the Habsburg Court as a site of monarchical legitimacy and of the Empire as a system of meaning and self-identity left German-speaking Austrians in a dreadful dilemma. No longer citizens of a great multinational empire, they were compelled to search for new structures of civic community and new modes for the exercise of legitimate power. In contrast to Germany, where the army, the “Junkers,” and “militarism” shared in the objectification of guilt, the Habsburg dynasty and its subservient bureaucracy in Austria became the most convenient scapegoat for war-guilt acrimony. This chapter describes the jockeying for power that defined the early weeks and months of the Revolution, and fatefully, how the Czech occupation of the German-speaking parts of Bohemia and Moravia eliminated those electoral constituencies from voting in the national elections for the Constituent Assembly called for February 1919. The loss of the Sudeten territories—the former heartland of German Nationalist politics in the old Empire—meant that “small” republican Austria would become exclusively defined by the Alpine lands and Vienna, and, in turn, that the control of the new Republic would rest in the hands of a coalition government made up of the Christian Socials and Social Democrats. Both of these ideological parties were then forced to collaborate in writing a new constitution for the Republic, the first draft of which was prepared by Hans Kelsen. Once the constitution was approved in 1920, the revolutionary Coalition collapsed and the Social Democrats, now led by Otto Bauer, abandoned Karl Renner’s hope for ongoing cooperation with the Catholics and went into what became a permanent minority opposition for the rest of the First Republic.
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Boyer, John W. "Two Decades of Constitutional Upheaval, 1895‒1914." In Austria 1867–1955, 298–412. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198221296.003.0005.
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Abstract This chapter takes the book’s narrative down to 1914 on the eve of the war. It provides a comprehensive overview of the course of state-level politics from the Badeni government in 1896 down to the ministry led by Karl Stürgkh in 1914. The book shows how the ongoing crisis in Bohemia and Moravia became one chronic axis of conflict that destabilized the Empire, but that this was counterposed to two new social and political movements emerging in Vienna—Christian Socialism and Social Democracy—which had an entirely different, non-ethnic logic. The institution of universal suffrage in 1907, which was meant to try to ameliorate the bitter ethnic conflicts in Bohemia and Moravia, also gave huge impetus to expansion of the Viennese mass ideological parties as well. By 1907 the two largest parties in the Austrian parliament (Reichsrat) were the Christian Socials and Social Democrats, neither of which had existed in the 1880s. The result was that, upon the collapse of the Empire in 1918, these two ideological movements—the Catholics and the Socialists—were ready to take possession of the new republican state. The chapter concludes by reviewing the plans that Archduke Franz Ferdinand had developed for his accession to the throne and suggests that the perennial debate about the longer-term possible survival of the Habsburg Empire in the twentieth century which has much preoccupied recent scholarship has to hinge on how historians evaluate Franz Ferdinand’s capacity for effective administrative leadership.
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Boyer, John W. "The Reconstruction of a Republican Political System, 1945‒1955." In Austria 1867–1955, 861–961. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198221296.003.0011.
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Abstract This final chapter describes the work of Austrian leaders after 1945 to revive the Republic of 1920 under the pressures of the Soviet occupation and the onset of the Cold War in Central and Eastern Europe. The “new” Austria of 1945 came to be governed under the aegis of a restored liberal constitution—the Constitution of 1920, as revised in 1929—and under a second set of constitution-like “liberal” institutions, namely, the Allied Control Council operating under its Control Agreements of 1945 and 1946 as a parallel instrument of power. For Karl Renner, Adolf Schärf, and other Socialists, April 1945 was a chance to restart a history of equity and justice that had ended badly in March 1933 and February 1934. For Leopold Figl and the Catholics, in contrast, April 1945 was a chance to salvage their traditional cultural values and to defend pre-1938 industrial and commercial structures without acknowledging any shame about 1934. Even so, the moderate Catholics and right-wing Socialists joined in a hyper-partisan but effective coalition government that endured until 1966. Citing the Moscow Declaration of 1943 leaders of both the Socialists and the Catholics argued that Austria had been occupied by an external power in March 1938 against its will, and this act of aggression gave the new state of 1945 the status of an official victim under international law. This “victim” thesis (Opferthese) eliminated the need or duty to pay restitution or make reparations, since Austria as a sovereign state after 1945 was not itself either to blame for or to be held legally accountable for the criminal acts committed by the Nazi regime on its territories between 1938 and 1945. Slowly, as the renewed Republic succeeded and gained public credibility and legitimacy, the idea of an Austrian nation emerged, and by the 1960s and 1970s public opinion polls began to show a clear trend of popular confidence in the conception of an unambiguous Austrian national identity. With the massive influx of US development funds under the Marshall Plan, the Red–Black coalition government managed to push forward negotiations for a State Treaty, signed in May 1955 and ending the foreign occupation.
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"Middle-class Governmental Party and Secular Arm of the Catholic Church: The Christian Socials in Austria." In Political Catholicism in Europe 1918-1945, 148–66. Routledge, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203642467-15.
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Hsia, Ke-Chin. "Conclusion." In Victims' State, 226–38. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197582374.003.0009.
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Abstract The first part of the conclusion provides an overview of the emergence and developments of Austrian war victim welfare from the introduction of universal military service in 1868 to the mid-1920s, and looks at their long-term relevance for the post-1945 welfare legislation and programs. The second part of the conclusion discusses why the immediate post-1918 reform dynamics in welfare politics petered out after 1921. Participatory legislation and democratic institution-building led to two unintended consequences: the routinization and bureaucratization of welfare politics, and the fragmentation of the war victim movement. Adding the changed political constellations and the new government priorities of fiscal discipline, the momentum of grassroots war victim movement could not be sustained. Organized war victims turned to milieu-based political parties as their advocates and lost their relative political autonomy. But their precedent of welfare state-expansion and interest group-based stabilization would be repeated after 1945.
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Bou, Jean. "The Government That Could Not Say No and Australia’s Military Effort, 1914–1918." In Manpower and the Armies of the British Empire in the Two World Wars, 11–27. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501755835.003.0002.
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This chapter outlines the raising and expansion of the Australian Imperial Force (AIF) and some of the policy choices that accompanied the process. It describes how the government's ardent commitment to the empire and the war led to several systemic problems and divisive politics. It also examines how the AIF was created, how and when it was expanded, and how these steps combined with poor decision-making caused problems in administration, training, command, and finding enough men. The chapter refers to the mixed bag of military forces inherited from six separate Australian colonies by the new Commonwealth of Australia in March 1901. It considers the link between the 1914–1916 decisions to expand the force and the government's unsuccessful efforts in 1916 and 1917 to introduce conscription for overseas service via plebiscite.
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Stambolija, Nebojša. "VLADE JUGOSLOVENSKE KRALJEVINE 1918-1945: HRONOLOŠKA PODELA I STATISTIČKA ANALIZA." In Jugoslavija – između ujedinjenja i razlaza: Institucije jugoslovenske države kao ogledalo srpsko-hrvatskih odnosa 1918–1991. Knjiga 2, 95–110. Institut za savremenu istoriju; Hrvatski institut za povijest, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/2022.2664.sta.95-110.
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Until March 7, 1945, when a unified government was formed consisting of representatives of the National Committee for the Liberation of Yugoslavia and the last Government of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, a total of 47 executive power cabinets were formed, of which 7 functioned from emigration during the period when the country was occupied in World War II. Political life in this period was marked by various conflicts, primarily over the way the state was organized. The only authority that had uninterrupted continuity in this period, although in certain periods it was not supported by the parliament, was the government. Governments changed very often, on average every six and a half months, and several cabinets did not even last two months. The first government of Nikola Uzunović lasted the shortest, only seven days, and the second cabinet of Milan Stojadinović lasted the longest, 1,018 days. A total of 18 persons held the office of prime minister. We have divided the time interval taken for the analysis of ministerial cabinets into six periods, which have certain specificities and deserve to be considered separately. Out of 18 prime ministers, only two were not Orthodox (Anton Korošec and Ivan Šubašić). Fifteen of them were born on the territory of the former Kingdom of Serbia. Only Dragiša Cvetković did not have a higher education, and as many as eight had doctorates. By profession, exactly half were lawyers. Three were high school professors, two were generals, one was an engineer, a journalist, a priest and a publicist. Out of 47 cabinets, 20 were headed by representatives of the People’s Radical Party. A total of 239 persons held the office of minister. The dominance of the ministers of the Orthodox religion was clear, but many of them were from the ex-Austro-Hungary. From the analysis, we also see that they were in a large majority with higher education. However, the frequent changing of the cabinet, which was caused by political crises, was one of the reasons why a very small number of them left a significant mark and had a stronger impact with their work in their department.
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Čapo, Hrvoje. "SVETOZAR PRIBIĆEVIĆ KAO MINISTAR UNUTARNJIH POSLOVA U PRVE TRI VLADE KRALJEVSTVA SRBA, HRVATA I SLOVENACA (20. PROSINCA 1918. – 19. VELJAČE 1920.)." In Jugoslavija – između ujedinjenja i razlaza: Institucije jugoslovenske države kao ogledalo srpsko-hrvatskih odnosa 1918–1991. Knjiga 2, 9–30. Institut za savremenu istoriju; Hrvatski institut za povijest, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/2022.2664.cap.9-30.
Full textAbstract:
Svetozar Pribićević was the first Minister of the Interior of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes for an uninterrupted duration, from December 20, 1918 to February 19, 1920. Around half of this period he was a minister while Stojan Protić was at the head of the government, and around half while the prime minister was his party partner Ljubomir Davidović. Although he came to the head of the Ministry of Interior with the support of the People’s Radical Party (Narodna radikalna stranka, NRS), within a few months there was a disagreement between them based on the differences in the view of the internal administration in the country. Pribićević passionately advocated state centralism and Yugoslav unitarism, which only partly agreed with the radical point of view. His dogmatized application of the unitary state and regime assumed only the supporters of his coalition political party, the future Yugoslav Democratic Party (Jugoslavenska demokratska stranka, JDS). Any opposition to this kind of state organization was labeled as anti-state, in the Croatian case as separatist, and the response of his regime included the violence of the repressive apparatus and the suppression of all oppositional expression. During his mandate in the Ministry of Interior, Pribićević established the structure of its activities, including the activities of the Department for public security, which was immediately recognized as the political police. He paid special attention to the former Austro-Hungarian territories, especially Croatia and Slavonia. He installed his supporters, Ivan Paleček and later Tomislav Tomljenović, to the postitions of Croatian Ban, who then appointed officials at lower levels according to his ideological expectations. In the area of Banat, Bačka and Baranja, he established the State Secret Police whose task was to monitor the non-Serb population, which was also suspected of being an anti-state element. This practice of monitoring society was maintained throughout the entire duration of monarchist Yugoslavia. During this period, Pribićević made 2,353 personnel decisions that related to 1,538 people, most of whom were promoted from the existing administrative systems. The largest number of decisions related to the territory of Serbia and Southern Serbia, i.e. Macedonia, Kosovo and Metohy. These decisions also had a direct impact on his coalition relationship with the NRS, which accused Pribićević of favoring democratic sympathizers, to the detriment of radical members. The exceptional influence of the democratic current on personnel decisions implemented by Pribićević in the Ministry of Interior supports the conclusion that there could be no question of the alleged division of responsibility between him and Marko Trifković, whereby Pribićević was in charge only of the former Austro-Hungarian territories.
Conference papers on the topic "Austria – Politics and government – 1918-1938"
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Pilipović, Milan. "USTAVNO UREĐENjE KRALjEVINE SHS PREMA VIDOVDANSKOM USTAVU IZ 1921. GODINE SA POSEBNIM OSVRTOM NA POLOŽAJ BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE." In 100 GODINA OD VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA. Faculty of law, University of Kragujevac, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/zbvu21.145p.
Full textAbstract:
After the First World War and the defeat of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, on December 1, 1918, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was created, which was constitutionalized on June 28, 1921, with the adoption of the first constitution (Vidovdan Constitution). The Kingdom of SCS also included Bosnia and Herzegovina, which before, as well as at the time of the creation of the first common state, did not have its own independent constitutional and legal system in the organizational and institutional sense. In this paper, in the analysis of the constitutional system of the first common state, the emphasis is on the organization of state power and state system. The first part of the paper will deal with the analysis of the organization of state power, identification of the principles of parliamentarism, and will point out the deviations of practice in relation to the official principles and principles built into the Vidovdan Constitution, which were established before its adoption, during the state provisional. Phenomena of deviations from the principles of parliamentarism, embodied in the activities of the government, and especially the king, arose and were visible from 1918 to 1921, and were present throughout the legislative period of the Vidovdan Constitution. Establishing a unitary state system, the Vidovdan Constitution foresaw the existence of various forms of self-government in which there were not only self-governing bodies, but also state administrative bodies. Following these provisions, we will shed light on the position of BiH in the common state. This issue must be viewed through the prism of the goals of political representatives and individual non-Serb parties from the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina and their role in the process of adopting the first constitution of the common state. The support of the political representatives of Bosnia and Herzegovina was directly reflected in the provisions in the Vidovdan Constitution which refer to the state system, ie to the legal position of BiH, which is determined in the Constitution by the so-called тurkish paragraph.