Academic literature on the topic 'Austria; political history; before 1848'
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Journal articles on the topic "Austria; political history; before 1848"
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Luft, David S. "Austrian Intellectual History before the Liberal Era: Grillparzer, Stifter, and Bolzano." Austrian History Yearbook 41 (April 2010): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006723780999004x.
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In 1960, Robert A. Kann pointed out in A Study in Austrian Intellectual History: From Late Baroque to Romanticism that “[h]istorians of the future will still have to meet the challenging task of writing the comprehensive German-Austrian intellectual history.” The value of the project Kann called for is generally acknowledged, but there is no clear agreement in the field about what a survey of German-Austrian intellectual history should look like. In 2007, I argued in an article for The Austrian History Yearbook that the scope of Austrian intellectual history still needs to be circumscribed and characterized adequately—geographically, linguistically, and comparatively. Rather than concentrating on Vienna or extending the field to the whole of the Habsburg monarchy, including Hungary and Galicia, I proposed that we concentrate our approach to this question on the historic core of the Austrian state: the Austrian and Bohemian Crownlands, a unity from at least 1749 to 1918. This was the region where state-building, centralization, and reform were most coherently pursued in the century after 1749, when the German language was dominant in education and public life. I contrasted this view to the disembodied approach to the German intellectual life of the entire Habsburg monarchy, which relies on conventions that were developed for dynastic and diplomatic history, conventions that also work quite well for economic history or even for cultural history, neither of which is so directly dependent on language. The region I have in mind is the southeastern part of the German Confederation that was included in the Frankfurt Parliament in 1848 but excluded from Bismarck's Germany in 1866. The very existence of this region, let alone its long and rich history since the Middle Ages, often gets lost in political narratives of German nationalism and the Habsburg monarchy (Figure 1).
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Šedivý, Miroslav. "Metternich and the Suez Canal: Informal Diplomacy in the Interests of Central Europe." Central European History 55, no. 3 (September 2022): 372–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938921001412.
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AbstractKlemens von Metternich played an important role as leader of the Austrian bureaucrats and diplomats in supporting construction of the Suez Canal. He participated in many ways, often informal ones, which before 1848 resulted from his political circumspection and afterward from the fact that he was just a private individual. His so-to-speak informal diplomacy is interesting not only because it discloses the high level of interest he and other Austrian dignitaries paid to the issue but also because it reveals how accessible Metternich was to those involved in the project regardless of nationality, political leanings, and religion. Metternich's interest in the Suez Canal brought him into contact with Europeans as well as Ottomans, conservatives as well as liberals, and even Saint-Simonians: in other words, all who wished to cooperate for the benefit of central Europe and beyond.
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Bonnell, Andrew G. "Transnational Socialists? German Social Democrats in Australia before 1914." Itinerario 37, no. 1 (April 2013): 101–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000284.
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Emigration from the German states was a mass phenomenon in the “long” nineteenth century. Much of this migration was of course labour migration, and German workers were very much on the move during the nineteenth century: in addition to the traditional Wanderschaft (travels) of journeymen, the century saw increasing internal migration within and between German-speaking lands, migration from rural areas to cities, and the participation of working people in emigration to destinations outside Europe. Over five million Germans left the German states from 1820 to 1914, with a large majority choosing the United States as their destination, especially in the earliest waves of migration. By comparison with the mass migration to North America, the flow of German migrants to the British colonies in Australia (which federated to form a single Commonwealth in 1901) was a relative trickle, but the numbers were still significant in the Australian context, with Germans counted as the second-largest national group among European settlers after the “British-born” (which included the Irish) in the nineteenth century, albeit a long way behind the British. After the influx of Old Lutheran religious dissidents from Prussia to South Australia in the late 1830s, there was a wave of German emigrants in the 1840s and 1850s, driven by the “push” factor of agrarian and economic crisis in the German states in the 1840s followed by the attraction of the Australian gold rushes and other opportunities, such as land-ownership incentives. While the majority of German settlers were economic migrants, this latter period also saw the arrival in the Australian colonies of a few “Forty-Eighters,” radicals and liberals who had been active in the political upheavals of 1848–9, some of whom became active in politics and the press in Australia. The 1891 census counted over 45,000 German-born residents in the Australian colonies.
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Fedorova, Oleksandra A., Svitlana M. Lutsak, and Iryna Y. Mykytyn. "The Hutsul Springtime of Nations by Kajetan Abgarowicz: the discourse of the borderland as a state of culture awareness." Rusin, no. 67 (2022): 269–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/67/15.
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This literary study of the Carpathian manifestation of The Springtime of Nations (1848-1849) is based of the short story “At the Hunting Campfire” from the collection “Rusini” [The Rusins] by Kajetan Abgarowicz (Abgar-Soltan), a Polish writer of Armenian descent of the late 19th - early 20th century. The imagological reflection of public sentiments of the 19th century is analysed through the lens of the discourse of the borderland as a state of culture awareness: the Polish (“ours” from the perspective of the Polish author) and “theirs” (i.e. Hutsul). The authors determine the Carpathian society before The Springtime of Nations as cultural borderlands of the Polish, Hutsul, German, Jewish, and Gypsy ethnic groups coexisted in daily life, with their fundamental values unchanged. They argue that the Hutsul community unconditionally accepted the imperative the Austrian highlanders, the model of neighborhood with the Poles, and trusting relations with the gypsies, but infernally mythologized of the Germans in the person of the local officer and his entourage. The focus is placed on the peculiarities of the Hutsul reception of news about the uprising against the Habsburgs outside the Carpathians and the development of the revolutionary events of the local “strange spring” in the contezt of the confrontation between the highlanders and the local authorities during the Carpathian stay of the Hungarian army, which rebelled against the Austrian emperor. The impact of revolutionary events on the HutsuL community is analyzed within their cultural identity awareness as of representatives of a separate ethnic group with its own history of resistance in in the context of opryshoks, an unusual, non-Polish cultural landscape, axiology, and ontology. In his “At the Hunting Campfire”, Kajetan Abgarowicz creates a literary version of the The Springtime of Nations in the Carpathians, with a new Look on the dialogue in the relationship between “our” and “their” cultural universes.
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Sondhaus, Lawrence. "Schwarzenberg, Austria, and the German Question, 1848–1851." International History Review 13, no. 1 (March 1991): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1991.9640570.
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Austensen, Roy A. "Metternich, Austria, and the German Question, 1848–1851." International History Review 13, no. 1 (March 1991): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1991.9640571.
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Bowman, William D. "Religious Associations and the Formation of Political Catholicism in Vienna, 1848 to the 1870s." Austrian History Yearbook 27 (January 1996): 65–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800005828.
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One of theironies of the Revolution of 1848 in Austria is that one of the most attacked institutions, the Roman Catholic Church, was able to draw the most benefit from the revolutionary upheaval. By the time Cardinal-Archbishop Eduard Milde returned to his palace in the Wollzeile from his safe mountain retreat, the dreadedKatzenmusik(mock serenading) had died down and it was clear that real social reform, not to speak of social revolution, was dead as well. Along the way, however, Catholic agitators, including Catholic priests, had learned how to use the revolution to further their own purposes.
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Aliprantis, Christos. "Transnational Policing after the 1848–1849 Revolutions: The Habsburg Empire in the Mediterranean." European History Quarterly 50, no. 3 (July 2020): 412–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691420932489.
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This article investigates the policing measures of the Habsburg Empire against the exiled defeated revolutionaries in the Mediterranean after the 1848–1849 revolutions. The examination of this counter-revolutionary policy reveals the pioneering role Austria played in international policing. It shows, in particular, that Vienna invested more heavily in policing in the Mediterranean after 1848 than it did in other regions, such as Western Europe, due to the multitude of ‘Forty-Eighters’ settled there and the alleged inadequacy of the local polities (e.g., the Ottoman Empire, Greece) to satisfactorily deal with the refugee question themselves. The article explains that Austria made use of a wide array of both official and unofficial techniques to contain these allegedly dangerous political dissidents. These methods ranged from official police collaboration with Greece and the Ottoman Empire to more subtle regional information exchanges with Naples and Russia. However, they also included purely unilateral methods exercised by the Austrian consuls, Austrian Lloyd sailors and ship captains, and ad hoc recruited secret agents to monitor the émigrés at large. Overall, the article argues that Austrian policymakers in the aftermath of 1848 invented new policing formulas and reshaped different pre-existing institutions (e.g., consuls, Austrian Lloyd), channelling them against their opponents in exile. Therefore, apart from surveying early modes of international policing, this study also adds to the discussion about Austrian (and European) state-building and, furthermore, to the more specific discussion of how European states dealt with political dissidents abroad in the nineteenth century.
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Šedivý, Miroslav. "The Path to the Austro-Sardinian War: The Post-Napoleonic States System and the End of Peace in Europe in 1848." European History Quarterly 49, no. 3 (July 2019): 367–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691419853481.
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The aim of this article is to explain the long-term process leading to the decision of Sardinian King Charles Albert to wage war against Austria in March 1848. Moving beyond the normal stress on Italian national consciousness, the article focuses more on the King’s attitude towards the conduct of European powers in Italian affairs and attempts to prove that repeated illegal and aggressive actions of the European powers after 1830 destroyed the King’s faith in the fairness of the political-legal system established at the Congress of Vienna in 1815, leading also to his loss of faith in the strength of law and increasing his belief in the power of armed force in international relations. All this significantly contributed to his final decision to start a war of conquest against Austria, which he regarded as weak and thus no longer respected, much like his attitude towards the existing political-legal order in general.
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Stimmer, Gernot. "The History of Austrian Students Between Academic Status and Socio-Political Activity 1848-1938." CIAN-Revista de Historia de las Universidades 25, no. 1 (June 7, 2022): 85–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/cian.2022.6994.
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The development of a scholarly and objective historiography of students in the Habsburg monarchy and the First Austrian Republic only began at the end of the twentieth century. Several factors explain why it was only after gaining a certain temporal and emotional distance that historians were able to write a more scientifically objective history of universities and students. It was not until the middle of the 19th century that students, who were strictly controlled by the state and the Catholic Church until 1859, were able to emerge as an independent group of actors. The multitude of associations founded according to the ideal model of the German fraternities were subject to a highly ideological polarisation process. This also extends to the professoriate of the university, which was belatedly established as an autonomous institution. Therefore, the history and humanities departments in particular became the forerunners of a nationalist antisemitic ideology rather than rationally scientific critical instances. The politics of exclusion continued uninterruptedly into the First Republic and ultimately led to the loss of university autonomy and the students’ right of free association after Austria became part of the National Socialist German Reich in 1938.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Austria; political history; before 1848"
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Marshall, Alex. "Die uralte moderne Lösung : nation, space and modernity in Austro-German Zionism before 1917." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:bfafc7d6-4f9c-4a0e-823f-d087d0dae43e.
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Zionism represents a turning point in the rise of the nation-state to its present near-ubiquity, a national movement which did not construct an identity concurrently with its embrace of nationalism, but reconstructed a diaspora to fit it. I explore how early Political Zionists, particularly Theodor Herzl, perceived both the push and pull of nationalism, and why they were drawn to adopt an ideology and political structure whose basic principles, I argue, were intrinsically hostile to Jews. I begin by examining the socialist Moses Hess as a forerunner and microcosm of later Zionism, arguing his work is underpinned by anxiety about social heterogeneity. The second chapter focuses on portrayals of diaspora, its contradictions and the ambivalence they caused towards less assimilated Jews, nonetheless used as models for national identity. I continue by investigating the countries Herzl looked to as partners on the world stage and models of nationhood, arguing his vision of nationhood was far broader than that of most nationalists and involved a recognised role among other nations. The fourth chapter concerns understandings of 'homeland' and the relationship between people and territory, concluding Zionism's effect is achieved, not just by inhabiting Palestine, but by public desire and effort to do so. I devote my final chapter to concepts of modernity, its perception as both paradoxical and inescapable, and how national historical narratives arrange history into a rational, linear structure. While Zionists left many presumptions of nationalism and modernity unchallenged, most importantly that both nation and state transcend political divides, my conclusion stresses those presumptions they accepted, those aspects they saw as inescapable, and those they pragmatically performed belief in, to achieve Gentile acceptance of Jewish nationhood. I surmise that it was this sense of inevitability, along with the difficulties of diaspora, which gave Jews reason to make displays of accepting the nation-state.
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Bussenius, Daniel. "Der Mythos der Revolution nach dem Sieg des nationalen Mythos." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät I, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/16650.
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Am Ende des Ersten Weltkriegs lebte in Deutschösterreich und im Deutschen Reich mit dem Zerfall der Habsburgermonarchie und den Revolutionen im November 1918 die Erinnerung an die 48er-Revolution wieder auf. Die Revolutionserinnerung wurde insbesondere von den deutsch-österreichischen Sozialdemokraten zur Legitimierung der Forderung nach dem Anschluss an das Deutsche Reich herangezogen. Da die Vollziehung des Anschlusses jedoch am Einspruch der westlichen Siegermächte scheiterte, konnte im Deutschen Reich eine mit der Anschlussforderung eng verknüpfte Geschichtspolitik mit der 48er-Revolution von Sozialdemokraten und Demokraten wenig zur Legitimierung der Weimarer Republik beitragen (während die Anschlussforderung in Deutschösterreich gerade darauf zielte, die Eigenstaatlichkeit aufzuheben). Vielmehr wurde die Kritik am reichsdeutschen Rat der Volksbeauftragten, in Reaktion auf die deutschösterreichische Anschlusserklärung vom 12. November 1918 den Anschluss nicht vollzogen zu haben, zu einem politischen Allgemeinplatz. Träger der Geschichtspolitik mit der 48er-Revolution blieben in beiden Republiken ganz überwiegend die Arbeiterparteien, wobei im Reich Sozialdemokraten und Kommunisten dabei völlig entgegengesetzte Ziele verfolgten. Auch einen geschichtspolitischen Konsens zwischen reichsdeutschen Sozialdemokraten und Demokraten gab es nicht, wie sich schon in der Abstimmung über die Flaggenfrage am 3. Juli 1919 zeigte.At the end of World War I, as the Habsburg Monarchy fell apart, the memory of the revolution of 1848 was revived in German-Austria and the German Empire by the new revolutions of November 1918. The revolution of 1848 was drawn on particularly by the German-Austrian social democrats to legitimize their demand to unite German-Austria with the German Empire (the so-called “Anschluss”). When the victorious Western powers prevented the realization of the Anschluss, the attempts by social democrats and democrats in the German Empire to use the memory of the revolution of 1848 to legitimize the new Weimar Republic had only little success because they were closely related to the demand for the Anschluss of Austria (whereas in Austria of course the demand for the “Anschluss” aimed at ending the existence of German-Austria as an independent state). Rather, it became common place in the Weimar Republic to criticize the “Rat der Volksbeauftragten” (the revolutionary government of 1918-1919) for not having realized the Anschluss in response to its declaration by the German-Austrian provisional national assembly on November 12, 1918. The workers’ parties were first and foremost those who continued to keep the memory of the revolution of 1848 in both republics alive. However, in doing so, social democrats and communists in the German Empire persued opposing political objectives. Moreover, there was neither a consensus between social democrats and democrats in the Weimar Republic in regards to the memory of the revolution of 1848. This lack of agreement was already apparent in the decision of the national assembly concerning the flag of the new republic on July 3, 1919.
Books on the topic "Austria; political history; before 1848"
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István, Deák. Beyond nationalism: A social and political history of the Habsburg officer corps, 1848-1918. New York: Oxford University Press, 1990.
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Beyond nationalism: A social and political history of the Habsburg officer corps, 1848-1918. New York: Oxford University Press, 1992.
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Political Radicalism in Late Imperial Vienna: Origins of the Christian Social Movement, 1848-1897. University Of Chicago Press, 1995.
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Josef Graf Sedlnitzky als Präsident der Polizei- und Zensurhofstelle in Wien (1817-1848): Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Staatspolizei in der Habsburgermonarchie. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2010.
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1968-, Bucur Maria, and Wingfield Nancy M, eds. Staging the past: The politics of commemoration in Habsburg Central Europe, 1848 to the present. West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press, 2001.
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Wingfield, Nancy Meriwether, and Maria Bucur. Staging the Past: The Politics of Commemoration in Habsburg Central Europe, 1848 to the Present (Central European Studies) (Central European Studies). Purdue University Press, 2001.
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Stiles, William Henry. Austria in 1848-49: A History of the Late Political Movements in Vienna, Milan, Venice and Prague; With a Full Account of the Revolution in Hungary [&c.]. Franklin Classics, 2018.
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Stiles, William Henry. Austria In 1848-49: A History of the Late Political Movements in Vienna, Milan, Venice and Prague; with a Full Account of the Revolution in Hungary [&C. ]. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2018.
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Stiles, William Henry. Austria in 1848-49: A History of the Late Political Movements in Vienna, Milan, Venice and Prague; With a Full Account of the Revolution in Hungary [&c.]. Franklin Classics Trade Press, 2018.
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Austria In 1848-49: A History of the Late Political Movements in Vienna, Milan, Venice and Prague; with a Full Account of the Revolution in Hungary [&C. ]. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2022.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Austria; political history; before 1848"
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Diaz-Andreu, Margarita. "Archaeology and the 1820 Liberal Revolution: The Past in the Independence of Greece and Latin American Nations." In A World History of Nineteenth-Century Archaeology. Oxford University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199217175.003.0010.
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Nationalism did not end with Napoleon’s downfall, despite the intention of those who outplayed him in 1815. Events evolved in such a way that there would be no way back. The changes in administration, legislation, and institutionalization established in many European countries, and by extension in their colonies, during the Napoleonic period brought efficiency to the state apparatus and statesmen could not afford to return to the old structures. Initially, however, the coalition of countries that defeated the French general set about reconstructing the political structures that had reigned in the period before the French Revolution. In a series of congresses starting in Vienna, the most powerful states in Europe—Russia, Prussia, and Austria, later joined by Britain and post-Napoleonic France—set about reinstating absolutist monarchies as the only acceptable political system. They also agreed to a series of alliances resulting in the domination of the monarchical system in European politics for at least three decades. These powers joined forces to fight all three consecutive liberal revolutions that raged across Europe and the Americas, in 1820, 1830, and 1848, each saturated with nationalist ideals. The events which provide the focus for this chapter belong to the first of those revolutions, that of 1820 (see also Chapter 11), and resulted in the creation of several new countries: Greece and the new Latin American states. In all, nationalism was at the rhetorical basis of the claims for independence. The past, accordingly, played an important role in the formation of the historical imagination which was crucial to the demand for self-determination. The antiquities appropriated by the Greek and by Latin American countries were still in line with those which had been favoured during the French Revolution: those of the Great Civilizations. However, in revolutionary France this type of archaeology had resulted in an association with symbols and material culture whose provenance was to a very limited extent in their own territory (Chapter 11) or was not on French soil but in distant countries such as Italy, Greece, and the Ottoman Empire (Chapter 3).
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Sheehan, James J. "The Growth Of Participatory Politics, 1830-1848." In German History 1770-1866, 588–653. Oxford University PressOxford, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198204329.003.0011.
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Abstract IN HIS introductory essay to the first edition of the Staatslexikon (1834), Theodor Welcker described the contemporary period as a distinctively ‘political era’. Never before, he argued, had the ambitions of individuals and nations taken such a manifestly political form, never had the clash of parties so dominated people’s thought and action. Welcker was surely correct. During the 1830s and 1840s Germans’ interest in public affairs steadily increased. Political news, diluted but not destroyed by the censors, found its way into the daily Press; theories and opinions on political matters were expressed in lexicons and lecture halls, periodicals and public meetings. The social, literary, and scholarly institutions that sustained the public sphere extended their reach, diversified their functions, and deepened their social base. ‘All of human reality’, Julius Froebel believed, ‘is subsumed under the unity of politics’. Politics even threatened to permeate the private space of Biedermeier sociability: as one hostess complained in the 1830s, ‘The affliction of political conversation was no longer to be excluded from the drawing room’.
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Sheehan, James J. "The Growth Of Participatory Politics, 1830-1848." In German History 1770-1866, 588–654. Oxford University PressOxford, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198221203.003.0011.
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Abstract IN HIS introductory essay to the first edition of. the Staatslexikon (1834), Theodor Welcker described the contemporary period as a distinctively ‘political era’. Never before, he argued, had the ambitions of individuals and nations taken such a manifestly political form, never had the clash of parties so dominated people’s thought and action. Welcker was surely correct. During the 1830s and 1840s Germans’ interest in public affairs steadily increased. Political news, diluted but not destroyed by the censors, found its way into the daily Press; theories and opinions on political matters were expressed in lexicons and lecture halls, periodicals and public meetings. The social, literary, and scholarly institutions that sustained the public sphere extended their reach, diversified their functions, and deepened their social base. ‘All of human reality’, Julius Froebel believed, ‘is subsumed under the unity of politics’. Politics even threatened to permeate the private space of Biedermeier sociability: as one hostess complained in the 1830s, ‘The affliction of political conversation was no longer to be excluded from the drawing room’. The growth of participatory politics in the German states was part of the historical process set in motion by the great revolution¬ary upheavals of the late eighteenth century and furthered by the social, economic, and cultural developments we have considered in the preceding chapters. More and more Germans felt themselves to be part of this process, which brought to some the hope of emancipation and progress, to others the fear of chaos and destruction. But in addition to the grand drama of revolutionary change being played out on the European stage, everyday considerations also drew Germans towards public affairs.
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Boyer, John W. "Late Imperial Society and Culture." In Austria 1867–1955, 413–85. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198221296.003.0006.
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Abstract This topical chapter breaks the chronological narrative of the book into two parts—from 1867 to 1914 and from 1914 to 1955/83. The chapter focuses on the unique institutional, cultural, and intellectual role that the imperial capital city of Vienna played in the wider milieu of modern Austrian history. It begins with a comparative study of the role of the aristocratic and Jewish communities in the city before 1914. The book challenges the classic account of Carl Schorske on fin-de-siècle Vienna, arguing that Schorske’s model of a weakened Liberalism flailing about in search of a lost world of Enlightenment rationality and aspiring to emulate the Viennese high aristocracy had some plausibility up to 1890, for it was certainly the case that many bourgeois parvenus coveted imperial honors in the decades after 1848, but his argument is not compelling for the last two decades of the Monarchy. As with the aristocracy and the Jewish community, the nascent movements for women’s citizenship rights and institutions of scientific research and new journalistic informational networks gave the capital city a particularly fortuitous base for creativity before 1918 and, as a result of the creation of a large public intelligentsia, helped to foster what William Johnston has called a new “Bildungsethik” among educated elites across the Empire. The ravages of the 1930s and early 1940s in turn subjected these human capital resources in Vienna to levels of nearly irremediable destruction.
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Urbanitsch, Peter. "Verfassung und Verwaltung. Landesfürst und Stände, Politiker und Beamte." In Niederösterreich im 19. Jahrhundert, Band 1: Herrschaft und Wirtschaft. Eine Regionalgeschichte sozialer Macht, 139–74. NÖ Institut für Landeskunde, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52035/noil.2021.19jh01.08.
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Constitution and Administration. The Territorial Prince and Estates, Politicians and Officials. This chapter focuses on the bipolar political life in Lower Austria in the course of the long 19th century. Beginning with the constitutional realities before the revolution of 1848, it examines the constitutional developments after 1848 and 1861, and also offers a brief description of the various administrative organizational structures and their efforts and achievements. Prior to 1848, the aulic offices sought to minimize the political role of the estates and thus the participation of sections of the populace. Yet according to the constitutional settlement of 1861, some elements of the population hitherto not involved in politics were given the opportunity for self-determined activities. The “autonomous” administration of the land became a substantial part of public administration, being quite successful in supplying all kinds of services. Owing to a blurred assignment of remits between the “autonomous” administration of the land and that run by the central state government, this “dual-track” public administration diminished the effectiveness of its activities and became a nuisance for the public at large
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Aleksiun, Natalia. "The Making of Professional Polish Jewish Historians." In Conscious History, 63–108. Liverpool University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781906764890.003.0002.
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This chapter studies the academic agenda of professional Jewish historians who received their training before 1918, in the imperial context of Austria–Hungary, at the universities of Lwów, Kraków, and Vienna, and the social and political contexts in which they were active. It shows that Polish Jewish historiography emerged as a field of interest among the Polish intelligentsia and the enlightened Jewish elite throughout partitioned Polish lands in the early to mid-nineteenth century. This new cohort boasted professional university training and saw themselves as part of the guild. In the early works of Schorr, Schiper, and Bałaban in the first decade of the twentieth century, a more substantial and critical scholarship on the history of the Jews of Poland emerged. The chapter then argues that their understanding of Polish Jewish history was shaped by their immersion in Polish historical writing and by their responses to political developments in Galicia, such as the emergence of the Jewish national movement and the increasingly complex position of the Jewish community in the region in relation to the Polish and Ukrainian national narratives.
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Schaefer, Richard. "Historical Introduction." In Oxford History of Modern German Theology, Volume 1: 1781-1848, 381–401. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198845768.003.0020.
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Abstract This chapter explores those political coordinates that would have been significant for theologians in German-speaking central Europe between 1815 and 1830. It seeks to chart the horizon against which theologians would have understood their work as having distinctly political implications. It begins by enumerating some of the relevant political continuities that straddled the watershed year of 1815. More specifically, it looks at how the restoration agenda was always already enmeshed in reformist political dynamics that included: the constitutional question, debates over the status of Jews, and the challenges that stemmed from the forced ‘mediatization’ of smaller states into larger ones. It then assesses the Congress of Vienna and the Holy Alliance in connection with various trans-confessional revival movements spreading across central Europe. It argues that the Congress was an epoch-defining ‘event’, one that helped shape, not only the course of the talks, but the much more profound sense that this was a unitary moment of history. The chapter examines the creation of the German Confederation, before surveying the political ‘crises’ that emerged during 1815–30. It explores reactions to the Reformation Tercentenary and the Wartburg festival of 1817, and it looks at the reaction to the murder of the author August von Kotzebue in 1819. The most immediate result was the promulgation of the Carlsbad Decrees throughout the German Confederation mandating strict censorship and a policing of the university. But the larger effect was to galvanize the now defining chasm separating progressive and reactionary politics.
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Wieacker, Franz, Tony Weir, and Reinhard Zimmermann. "From Scholarly Positivism to Textual Positivism." In A History Of Private Law In Europe, 363–70. Oxford University PressOxford, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198258612.003.0024.
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Abstract German legal scholarship in the nineteenth century was dominated by pri vate law. This was because the doctrine of the ius commune had to take the place of the pan-German civil code whose birth had been thwarted by the Restoration and the historical school.’ Even Prussia and, to a lesser extent, Austria, the homelands of the older natural law codes, had been colonized by Pandectism. Eventually, however, the German state and nation would have to have a code. Criminal codes were brought into force by several states in Germany during the century, and as late as 1863 Saxony enacted a civil code, while other states produced drafts. The liberal unification movement continued to work on pan German codification even after its political defeat in 1848. The positivism of enactments began to take the place of the positivism of scholarship. The nation was hardly aware of this signal triumph of government over science, of politics over culture, although it was the first time since the Reception that state legislation throughout Germany proceeded without regard to scholarly development of law. In its place came the idea that statutes were the voice of the ‘people’s will’, though in the constitutional state it was not speaking directly nor, given the restrictive forces of tradition and authority, very freely.
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Körner, Axel. "A Model Republic? The United States in the Italian Revolutions of 1848." In America in Italy. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691164854.003.0004.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter examines how protagonists of the Italian revolutions of 1848, including Giuseppe Montanelli and Carlo Cattaneo, engaged with American political institutions by looking at the cases of Lombardy, Tuscany, and Sicily. Before discussing the role played by the United States of America in Italian political thought of 1848, the chapter considers Italian experience of the revolutions of 1820–1821 and 1830–1831, both of which marked a watershed for the peninsula's national movement. It shows that Italian revolutionaries addressed the United States with very different emphasis, illustrating how references to the United States could serve very different ideological purposes. With respect to Tuscany's long history of engagement with the United States, there were far fewer references to American political institutions than for instance in Sicily, where the revolutionaries adopted a monarchical constitution. The chapter also analyzes Cattaneo's involvement in the Revolution in Lombardy and his understanding of American democracy.
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Ansell, Joseph P. "The Early Years." In Arthur Szyk, 5–27. Liverpool University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781874774945.003.0002.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter traces the early years of Arthur Szyk's life, from his birth to the early nineteenth century, before World War II began. He was born in Łódź, an industrial city in the Russian-dominated portion of Poland, in 1894. At the time Poland was not an intact, independent nation; it had been partitioned among Russia, Prussia, and Austria more than a century earlier. It was within this backdrop that the young Szyk began cultivating an interest in art. He also began to develop a passionate interest in history, both world history and the history of his people. More importantly, even at this very early age, Szyk saw the power of art within the political arena. The chapter tracks his early career in the arts during the early 1900s, and how he began to apply politics to his creative work as tensions between Poland and Russia reached their breaking point.