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Journal articles on the topic 'Australian welfare state regimes'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 4 February 2022

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1

STEBBING, ADAM, and BEN SPIES-BUTCHER. "Universal Welfare by ‘Other Means’? Social Tax Expenditures and the Australian Dual Welfare State." Journal of Social Policy 39, no. 4 (April 23, 2010): 585–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279410000267.

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AbstractInternational debates about the comparative institutional structures of welfare states have focused on social expenditure and the inclusiveness of social policy. However, these debates have not accounted for the significant rise of fiscal welfare and, in particular, social tax expenditures (STEs) in our understanding of welfare regimes. The growth of STEs has been particularly significant in Australia. While there has been recognition that STEs contribute to a second tier of welfare provision in some policy domains, there has been no systematic attempt to account for them within the institutional structure of the Australian welfare state. In this article, we chart the rise of STEs, the reasons for their growth in the Australian political economy and conceive of them as forming a second institutional layer of a dual welfare state. We conclude by suggesting that this analysis has broader implications for other, particularly liberal, welfare regimes.

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2

MAHMUD RICE, JAMES, ROBERT E. GOODIN, and ANTTI PARPO. "The Temporal Welfare State: A Crossnational Comparison." Journal of Public Policy 26, no. 3 (October 30, 2006): 195–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x06000523.

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Welfare states contribute to people's well-being in many different ways. Bringing all these contributions under a common metric is tricky. Here we propose doing so through the notion of temporal autonomy: the freedom to spend one's time as one pleases, outside the necessities of everyday life. Using income and time use surveys from five countries (the USA, Australia, Germany, France, and Sweden) that represent the principal types of welfare and gender regimes, we propose ways of operationalising the time that is strictly necessary for people to spend in paid labour, unpaid household labour, and personal care. The time people have at their disposal after taking into account what is strictly necessary in these three arenas – which we christen discretionary time – represents people's temporal autonomy. We measure the impact on this of government taxes, transfers, and childcare subsidies in these five countries. In so doing, we calibrate the contributions of the different welfare and gender regimes that exist in these countries, in ways that correspond to the lived reality of people's daily lives.

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3

Wallace, John, and Bob Pease. "Neoliberalism and Australian social work: Accommodation or resistance?" Journal of Social Work 11, no. 2 (April 2011): 132–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468017310387318.

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• Summary: Since the mid-1970s the Australian welfare state has faced a continuing crisis of resourcing and legitimation. Social work as a central entity within the welfare state has been challenged in terms of to its value base and relevance. As with much of the Western world, this challenge has been heightened with the rise of neoliberalism, which has pervaded most aspects of Australian society. Neoliberalism has consequently had a profound effect upon Australian social workers. The challenges to the Australian welfare state and social work are from without and within, by neoliberal ideas and its practices. • Findings: While neoliberalism’s relationship to social work as a broad theme is explored in the literature, the complexity of marketization and inclusive aspects have not been considered in any detail in relation to social work. The evidence in the Australian context is even slimmer, and as a consequence the particularity of the Australian welfare state and its relationship to neoliberalism, and the consequences for Australian social work, remains largely untested. Furthermore, while there are some indications of the day to day impact on social work in the context of a post-welfare state regime, little work has been conducted on the capacity of neoliberalism to infiltrate social work through its new institutions of the social and thus become embedded in social work. • Application: This article lays the foundations for a research project to examine the extent to which neoliberalism has become embedded in Australian social work and how social workers and social work educators are responding to these hegemonic influences. What are the ways in which social workers have become complicit in neoliberalism? Is Australian social work part of the neoliberal project to the point where neoliberalism has become part of its understandings and everyday activity? It is hoped that through this research, a more sophisticated understanding of the impact of neoliberalism on social work will contribute to the revitalization of critical social work in Australia and forms of resistance to the neoliberal project.

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4

Dee, Mike. "Welfare Surveillance, Income Management and New Paternalism in Australia." Surveillance & Society 11, no. 3 (December 1, 2013): 272–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v11i3.4540.

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This article discusses the situation of income support claimants in Australia, constructed as faulty citizens and flawed welfare subjects. Many are on the receiving end of complex, multi-layered forms of surveillance aimed at securing socially responsible and compliant behaviours. In Australia, as in other Western countries, neoliberal economic regimes with their harsh and often repressive treatment of welfare recipients operate in tandem with a burgeoning and costly arsenal of CCTV and other surveillance and governance assemblages. Through a program of ‘Income Management’, initially targeting (mainly) Indigenous welfare recipients in Australia’s Northern Territory, the BasicsCard (administered by Centrelink, on behalf of the Australian Federal Government’s Department of Human Services) is one example of this welfare surveillance. The scheme operates by ‘quarantining’ a percentage of a claimant’s welfare entitlements to be spent by way of the BasicsCard on ‘approved’ items only. The BasicsCard scheme raises significant questions about whether it is possible to encourage people to take responsibility for themselves if they no longer have real control over the most important aspects of their lives. Some Indigenous communities have resisted the BasicsCard, criticising it because the imposition of income management leads to a loss of trust, dignity, and individual agency. Further, income management of individuals by the welfare state contradicts the purported aim that they become less ‘welfare dependent’ and more ‘self-reliant’. In highlighting issues around compulsory income management this paper makes a contribution to the largely under discussed area of income management and the growth of welfare surveillance, with its propensity for function creep, garnering large volumes of data on users approved (and declined) purchasing decisions, complete with dates, amounts, times and locations.

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5

Trein, Philipp. "Bossing or Protecting? The Integration of Social Regulation into the Welfare State." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 691, no. 1 (September 2020): 104–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716220953758.

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This article is an empirical analysis of how social regulation is integrated into the welfare state. I compare health, migration, and unemployment policy reforms in Australia, Austria, Canada, Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Sweden, Switzerland, the UK, and the United States from 1980 to 2014. Results show that the timing of reform events is similar among countries for health and unemployment policy but differs among countries for migration policy. For migration and unemployment policy, the integration of regulation and welfare is more likely to entail conditionality compared to health policy. In other words, in these two policy fields, it is more common that claimants receive financial support upon compliance with social regulations. Liberal or Continental European welfare regimes are especially inclined to integration. I conclude that integrating regulation and welfare entails a double goal: “bossing” citizens by making them take up available jobs while expelling migrants and refugees for minor offenses; and protecting citizens from risks, such as noncommunicable diseases.

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6

Schwartz, Herman. "Small States in Big Trouble: State Reorganization in Australia, Denmark, New Zealand, and Sweden in the 1980s." World Politics 46, no. 4 (July 1994): 527–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2950717.

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In Australia, Denmark, New Zealand, and Sweden in the 1980s, coalitions of politicians, fiscal bureaucrats, and capital and labor in sectors exposed to international competition allied to transform the largest single nontradables sector in their society: the state, particularly the welfare state. They exposed state personnel and agencies to market pressures and competition to reduce the cost of welfare and other state services. The impetus for change came from rising foreign public and private debt. Rising public debt levels and expensive welfare states interacted to create a tax wedge between employers' wage costs and workers' received wages. This undercut international competitiveness, worsening current account deficits and leading to more foreign debt accumulation. Two factors explain variation in the degree of reorganization in each country: differences in their electoral and constitutional regimes; and the willingness of left parties to risk splitting their core constituencies. Introduction of market pressures is an effort to go beyond the liberalization of the economy common in industrial countries during the 1980s, and both to institutionalize limits to welfare spending and to change the nature of statesociety relations, away from corporatist forms of interest intermediation. In short, not just less state, but a different state.

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7

Natalier, Kristin, Kay Cook, and Hayley McKenzie. "Single Mothers’ Post-Separation Provisioning: Child Support and the Governance of Gender." Sociology 53, no. 3 (December 10, 2018): 554–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038518813847.

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This article uses single mothers’ pursuit of child support (child maintenance) to examine how the state governs gender through post-separation financial responsibilities. We draw on interview data to detail how the Australian welfare state compels single mothers’ child support provisioning through claims work and the associated strategies of managing information, emotions and government workers. Despite their sustained efforts, provisioning afforded single mothers’ limited financial benefits. We argue that this outcome reflected a gendered policy and implementation regime that normalised masculine financial discretion and simultaneously compelled single mothers’ provisioning and failed to accord it legitimacy. Provisioning did, however, benefit the welfare state, which appropriated single mothers’ time and knowledge to claim and perform key functions. We conclude that the necessity and challenges of child support provisioning were not indicative of a failing child support programme but rather reflected its role in the reproduction of gendered power, responsibilities and rewards in post-separation parenting.

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8

Taylor-Gooby, Peter. "Welfare State Regimes and Welfare Citizenship." Journal of European Social Policy 1, no. 2 (May 1991): 93–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095892879100100202.

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9

Philion, Stephen. "Chinese welfare state regimes." Journal of Contemporary Asia 28, no. 4 (January 1998): 518–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472339880000281.

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10

Ham, Seung-Hwan, Wang Jun Kim, Jung Deok Kim, Kyung-Eun Yang, and Kyoung-Jun Choi. "Welfare state regimes and educational welfare policies." Multicultural Education Studies 7, no. 3 (September 30, 2014): 135–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.14328/mes.2014.09.30.135.

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11

Pritchard, David. "Protest Events, Welfare Generosity, and Welfare State Regimes." Contention 7, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cont.2019.070203.

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This article examines data from the Cross-National Time-Series Data Archive and the Comparative Welfare Entitlements Dataset on protest events, levels of welfare generosity (the extent to which welfare protection is provided by non-market actors), and welfare state regimes in 18 advanced industrialized countries across the period 1971–2002. Using a direct measure of protest events in terms of frequency of riots, demonstrations, general strikes, political assassinations, and attempted revolutions, the article finds that there is a significant relationship between welfare generosity, welfare state regimes, and protest events. The findings demonstrate that more extensive welfare arrangements—conceptualized through the use of empirical data—not only ameliorate social disadvantages and thus legitimate market economies and capital accumulation, but also bring about stability and social order.

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12

Kammer, Andreas, Judith Niehues, and Andreas Peichl. "Welfare regimes and welfare state outcomes in Europe." Journal of European Social Policy 22, no. 5 (December 2012): 455–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928712456572.

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13

Thériault, Luc, Jon Eivind Kolberg, and Luc Theriault. "The Study of Welfare State Regimes." Canadian Journal of Sociology / Cahiers canadiens de sociologie 17, no. 3 (1992): 360. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3341336.

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14

Christopher, K. "Welfare state regimes and mothers' poverty." Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society 9, no. 1 (March 1, 2002): 60–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sp/9.1.60.

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15

Josifidis, Kosta, and Novica Supic. "Welfare state: Convergence: Downward versus upward." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 130 (2010): 21–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1030021j.

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The aim of this paper is to contribute, in the theoretical and empirical sense, to better understanding the challenges of the EU welfare regimes and how particular regimes react on them. Despite significant differences among the EU welfare regimes, it is real to expect that they will converge because of the common challenges confronting them. In this paper, using the model of sigma and beta convergence, we are trying to predict the possible direction of convergence in the sense that Europe will go toward to more or less generosity or in other words it will converge downward or upward. The downward convergence means the strengthen competition among existing welfare regimes, in order to maintain and/or attract capital, that could reduce the social spending generosity. On the other hand, the upward convergence above involves the strengthening of coordination among existing welfare regimes according to the values of solidarity and social justice, which characterise not only the most developed EU countries but also the supranational European social model. .

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16

Stephens, John D. "Review Essay : Welfare State and Employment Regimes." Acta Sociologica 37, no. 2 (April 1994): 207–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000169939403700205.

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17

Møller, Marie Østergaard, and Helena Olofsdotter Stensöta. "Welfare State Regimes and Caseworkers’ Problem Explanation." Administration & Society 51, no. 9 (March 27, 2017): 1425–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095399717700224.

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In frontline bureaucracy research, the dominant view holds that frontline workers resist managerial pressure to “blame the poor” by bending the rules based on moral considerations, a practice labeled “citizen agency.” We suggest that frontline responses to managerial pressure are filtered through welfare state regime type. Based on in-depth study of caseworker reasoning in Sweden and Denmark, we find a “structural problem explanation” that sees reasons for clients seeking support as rooted in the structures of society—not in the individual client. We find and present two narratives hitherto not problematized in frontline bureaucracy research: the “statesperson” and the “professional.”

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18

Mosher, James S. "Education state, welfare capitalism regimes, and politics." Comparative European Politics 13, no. 2 (June 24, 2013): 240–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/cep.2013.19.

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19

Strid, Sofia, Anne Laure Humbert, Jeff Hearn, and Dag Balkmar. "States of violence: Exploring welfare state regimes as violence regimes by developing a violence regimes index." Journal of European Social Policy 31, no. 3 (April 15, 2021): 321–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09589287211002370.

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The aim of the article is to examine if and how the welfare state regime typology translates into a violence regime typology in a European context. It builds on the concept of violence regimes (Strid et al. 2017; Hearn et al. 2020) to empirically examine whether the production of interpersonal violence constitutes distinct regimes, and how these correspond (or not) with welfare regimes, gender regimes, and with other comparative metrics on violence, gender equality and feminist mobilisation and transnational actors. Its main contribution is to operationalise the concept of violence regimes, thereby moving from theory to a first empirical measurement. By first constructing a new composite measure of violence, a Violence Regimes Index, based on secondary administrative and survey data covering the then 28 EU member states, countries are clustered along two axes of violence: ‘deadly’ violence and ‘damaging’ gender-based violence. This serves to examine if, and how, the production of gendered violence in different states constitutes distinct regimes, analogous to welfare state regimes, as well as to enable future research and further comparisons and contrasts, specifically related to violence and the welfare state. By providing an empirical measurement of violence regimes in the EU, the article then contributes further to the debates on welfare, welfare regimes, and violence. It specifically contributes with discussions on the extent to which there are different violence regimes, comparable to welfare regimes, and with discussions on the relevance of moving from thinking about violence as an institution within other inequality regimes, to thinking about violence as a macro-regime, a way of governing and ruling in its own right. The article concludes that the exclusion of violence from mainstream social theory and research has produced results that may not be valid, and offers an alternative classification using the concept of violence regimes, thereby demonstrating the usefulness of the concept.

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20

Watts, Rob. "Warfare and the Australian welfare state." Journal of Australian Studies 23, no. 60 (January 1999): 84–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443059909387452.

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21

JOSIFIDIS, Kosta, John B. HALL, Novica SUPIC, and Emilija BEKER PUCAR. "THE EUROPEAN WELFARE STATE REGIMES: QUESTIONING THE TYPOLOGY DURING THE CRISIS." Technological and Economic Development of Economy 21, no. 4 (November 26, 2015): 577–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/20294913.2015.1055612.

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This paper examines the nature of changes within the EU–15 welfare states affected by the 2008 crisis. We try to answer the question of whether the differences that exist among different welfare state regimes, according to prevailing welfare state typologies, lead to different responses to the consequences of the crisis. Welfare state regimes are the result of different institutional perceptions of social risks hence it is realistic to expect specific responses to the effects of crisis among different welfare state regimes, and similar responses among the countries that belong to the same welfare state regimes. In order to recognize convergent vs. divergent processes, we perform a comparative analysis of the dynamics of the key welfare state determinants of the EU–15 countries, grouping according to welfare state regimes, in the pre-crisis and crisis periods. The results indicate that institutional rigidity and inherent inertia has remained a key factor of convergent welfare state processes in countries that belong to the Social Democratic and Corporatist welfare state regimes. Deviations from such a course are the most evident in the Mediterranean welfare state regimes, especially in Greece and Portugal where austerity measures have been formulated under the strong influence of the Troika.

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22

Pankratz, Curt J. "Welfare state regimes and the evolution of liberalism." Journal of International and Comparative Social Policy 30, no. 3 (October 2014): 217–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21699763.2014.951383.

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This paper argues that the concept of the liberal welfare state within welfare state regimes discourse fails to account for some important aspects of the historical development of liberalism. It is argued that two key aspects of liberalism have been neglected. First, that liberalism essentially arose in opposition to ascribed status, seeking to replace it with a form of “achieved” status. Second, that a major stream of historical liberalism sought to equalize individual opportunity by suggesting that the state should provide some basic social and economic supports to individuals in need. This paper uses OECD health data to identify welfare state clusters based on the measurement of welfare (rather than neo)liberalism. The emerging cluster model is then compared with other welfare state regime typologies with regard to its ability to predict important social and political outcomes. The paper concludes that the emerging “welfare-liberal” typology may be a better predictor of certain social and political outcomes than other regimes configurations, indicating the usefulness of considering alternative aspects of liberalism when examining welfare state regimes.

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23

Jessop, Bob. "SOCIAL POLICY, STATE, AND ‘SOCIETY’." SER Social 15, no. 33 (March 8, 2014): 262–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.26512/ser_social.v15i33.13047.

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This contribution explores the relations among social policy, the state and ‘society’ in the light of recent changes in capitalist social formations, including the increasing integration of the world market and the increasing significance of ‘world society’ as the ultimate horizon of communication, calculation, and policy deliberations. It builds on my earlier work on welfare state restructuring but updates it in four ways. First, it provides stronger foundations for analyses of welfare regimes in the nature of capitalism, looking beyond a general critique of the capitalist mode of production to consider specific configurations of capitalist social formations and their insertion into the world market. Second, it extends my earlier work beyond the economies of Atlantic Fordism and their crises to include export-oriented economies and developmental states and the differential implications for welfare regimes of knowledge-based economies and finance-dominated regimes as potential bases of post-Fordist accumulation. Third, especially in relation to finance-dominated accumulation, it considers the problematic status of the welfare state and/or social policy in neoliberal regimes that are strongly inserted into a competitive world market. And, fourth, it addresses the status of ‘global social policy’ as a response to the integration of the world market and the emergence of ‘world society’. The contribution ends with some general conclusions about the study of welfare regimes.

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24

Bannink, Duco, and Marcel Hoogenboom. "Hidden change: disaggregation of welfare state regimes for greater insight into welfare state change." Journal of European Social Policy 17, no. 1 (February 2007): 19–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928707071877.

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25

Castles, Francis G. "A Farewell to Australia's Welfare State." International Journal of Health Services 31, no. 3 (July 2001): 537–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/e6w8-3hyy-ehj5-7vfk.

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For much of the postwar period, the Australian welfare state has been misunderstood by overseas social policy commentators. The lack of generosity of welfare payments has been substantially compensated for by a system of wage regulation that has prevented waged poverty and delivered a reduced disparity of incomes. The strong emphasis on means-testing of benefits has not had the stigmatizing effects of benefit selectivity elsewhere, since Australian means tests are designed to exclude the well-off rather than focus benefits exclusively on the very poor and Australian means-testing has been nondiscretionary in character. Policy changes in the 1980s and 1990s, and most particularly under the present Liberal Coalition government, have undermined these distinctive aspects of welfare Australian-style, and it is no longer possible to defend the Australian welfare state from its critics.

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26

Wincott, Daniel. "Reassessing the Social Foundations of Welfare (State) Regimes." New Political Economy 6, no. 3 (November 2001): 409–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13563460120091405.

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27

Bambra, Clare. "Defamilisation and welfare state regimes: a cluster analysis." International Journal of Social Welfare 16, no. 4 (February 26, 2007): 326–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2397.2007.00486.x.

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28

Hamnett, Chris. "Social Polarisation, Economic Restructuring and Welfare State Regimes." Urban Studies 33, no. 8 (October 1996): 1407–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0042098966727.

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29

Baldock, Cora Vellekoop. "THE FAMILY AND THE AUSTRALIAN WELFARE STATE." Australian Journal of Social Issues 29, no. 2 (May 1994): 105–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1839-4655.1994.tb00938.x.

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30

Choi, Young Jun. "End of the Era of Productivist Welfare Capitalism? Diverging Welfare Regimes in East Asia." Asian Journal of Social Science 40, no. 3 (2012): 275–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853112x650827.

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Abstract The purpose of this paper is to examine the nature of recent transformations in East Asian welfare regimes, applying a ‘real-typical’ perspective, based on the ‘productivist welfare capitalism’ thesis of Ian Holliday (2000). Unlike Western welfare-state regimes in which the politics of austerity has dominated, the politics of welfare expansion has been noticeable in East Asian welfare regimes. This paper will analyse whether these changes have fundamentally dismantled the productivist feature where social policy is subordinate to economic objectives. While the trajectories are different depending on different political institutional contexts, this study shows that there are two strong signs that these states are moving out of their productivist nature and also that they are in the process of establishing their own welfare states. Japan seems to still be a productivist welfare-state regime struggling to accommodate rapid socio-economic changes, whereas Korea is a welfare state regime with strong liberal characteristics via modern welfare politics. Since the needs for social policy expansion in China correspond to economic and political needs, the productivist feature has been significantly weakened. However, this study argues that these transitory welfare regimes are in critical stages of formulating their new welfare regimes and that welfare politics based on contingent events could affect the future trajectories of these regimes.

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31

Boreham, Paul, Richard Hall, and Martin Leet. "Labour and Citizenship: The Development of Welfare State Regimes." Journal of Public Policy 16, no. 2 (May 1996): 203–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00007364.

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ABSTRACTThis paper is concerned with the political determinants of the significantly different rates of welfare expenditure which characterise advanced capitalist countries. The research concentrates on the connections between the organization and mobilization of a key political actor pursing social wage benefits – the labour movement – and different levels across nations of welfare provision, including expenditure on health, social security consumption expenditure and social security transfers. The paper uses disaggregated, pooled time series data on welfare provision in 15 OECD countries, 1974–1988, to test the association between more comprehensive welfare state regimes and state structures that facilitate the intervention of organized labour movements in the policy process.

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32

Lee, Yih-Jiunn, and Yeun-wen Ku. "East Asian Welfare Regimes: Testing the Hypothesis of the Developmental Welfare State." Social Policy & Administration 41, no. 2 (April 2007): 197–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9515.2007.00547.x.

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33

Abdul Karim, Syahirah, Terje A. Eikemo, and Clare Bambra. "Welfare state regimes and population health: Integrating the East Asian welfare states." Health Policy 94, no. 1 (January 2010): 45–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.healthpol.2009.08.003.

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34

KOCH, MAX, and MARTIN FRITZ. "Building the Eco-social State: Do Welfare Regimes Matter?" Journal of Social Policy 43, no. 4 (June 16, 2014): 679–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004727941400035x.

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AbstractAuthors such as Dryzek, Gough and Meadowcroft have indicated that social-democratic welfare states could be in a better position to deal with development of the ‘green’ or ‘eco’ state, and the intersection of social and environmental policies, than conservative or liberal welfare regimes (synergy hypothesis). However, this hypothesis has as yet not been examined in comparative empirical research. Based on comparative empirical data from EUROSTAT, the World Bank, the OECD, the Global Footprint Network and the International Social Survey Programme, we are carrying out two research operations: First, by applying correspondence analysis, we contrast the macro-structural welfare and sustainability indicators of thirty countries and ask whether clusters largely follow the synergy hypothesis. Second, we raise the issue of whether differences in the institutional and organisational capabilities of combining welfare with environmental policies are reflected in people's attitudes and opinions. With regard to the first issue, our results suggest that there is no ‘automatic’ development of the ecostate based on already existing advanced welfare institutions. Representatives of all welfare regimes are spread across established, deadlocked, failing, emerging and endangered ecostates. As for the second issue, the results are mixed. While responses to the statements ‘economic growth always harms the environment’ and ‘governments should pass laws to make ordinary people protect the environment, even if it interferes with people's rights to make their own decisions’ did not vary according to welfare regimes, people from social-democratic countries expressed more often than average their willingness to accept cuts in their standard of living in order to protect the environment.

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35

OH, SEIL. "Political Regimes, Path Dependence, and the South Korean Welfare State." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 10, no. 3 (September 10, 2020): 188. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v10i3.17514.

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Contrary to common belief that political actors can fundamentally shape the welfare state, any political regimes with distinct positions on welfare policies are usually put under public scrutiny, which makes it risky for them to simply follow their traditional beliefs without taking into account public reactions over welfare-related decision making. In terms of the welfare state development, South Korea is an interesting example in the sense that parties from different political backgrounds have had the opportunity to run the country for almost the same amount of time, since progressives came to power for the first time in modern Korean history. Based on data ranging from 1998 to 2016, the relationship between the welfare state and political/socioeconomic conditions is evaluated alongside policy implications, revealing the path dependence of the South Korean welfare development. The increase in social spending in South Korea was rather due to natural phenomena such as population aging, than any political actors’ approaches to the welfare state.

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36

Bambra, Clare. "Welfare State Regimes and the Political Economy of Health." Humanity & Society 33, no. 1-2 (February 2009): 99–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016059760903300107.

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37

Goodin, Robert E., and Martin Rein. "Regimes on Pillars: Alternative Welfare State Logics and Dynamics." Public Administration 79, no. 4 (December 2001): 769–801. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9299.00280.

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38

Guo, Jing, and Neil Gilbert. "Welfare state regimes and family policy: a longitudinal analysis." International Journal of Social Welfare 16, no. 4 (December 20, 2006): 307–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2397.2006.00480.x.

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39

Hurrelmann, Klaus, Katharina Rathmann, and Matthias Richter. "Health inequalities and welfare state regimes. A research note." Journal of Public Health 19, no. 1 (August 17, 2010): 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10389-010-0359-1.

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Wood, Geof. "Situating informal welfare within imperfect well-being regimes." Journal of International and Comparative Social Policy 31, no. 2 (June 2015): 132–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21699763.2015.1047786.

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This paper reflects upon the position of the nation state and non-state-centred actors in the support for welfare and the security of agency. In particular it argues that the normative agenda of rights-based autonomous security is undermined by the social facts of dependent, personalised and thus precarious security. The roles of other actors above and below the nation state are thus significant in any analysis of power relations, social reproduction and policy outcomes. In many middle- and lower-income countries, the problem for state actors is that power, authority and, more problematically, legitimacy lies significantly elsewhere across the domain of state, market, community and household. Aspects of globalisation can thereby interact directly with sub-national entities by-passing and undermining the state: multinational corporations, international donors, international non-governmental organisations, remittances, wider faith movements and cross-border ethnic solidarities. This is clearly a complicated institutional landscape within which to formulate the idea of responsibility for social policy and consider its intersecting role with international development.

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Sachweh, P., and S. Olafsdottir. "The Welfare State and Equality? Stratification Realities and Aspirations in Three Welfare Regimes." European Sociological Review 28, no. 2 (October 24, 2010): 149–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcq055.

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Josifidis, Kosta, John Hall, Novica Supic, and Olgica Ivancev. "European welfare regimes: Political orientations versus poverty." Panoeconomicus 58, no. 5 (2011): 651–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pan1105651j.

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This inquiry analyzes how political orientations shape welfare states and labour market institutions when seeking to reduce poverty. In order to identify effects of these two key variables, we conduct a panel regression analysis that includes two poverty measures: poverty rates before and after social spending. This inquiry considers 14 EU countries, and in the period from 1995 to 2008, which are grouped according to welfare state regimes. We consider Social Democratic, Corporatist, Mediterranean and Liberal welfare state regimes. Panel regression results indicate that political orientation engenders no significant statistically measurable effects on poverty rates before social spending. Effects register, however, as significant when considering poverty rates after social spending. With respect to the first set of results, we advance two key explanations. First, we note a longer period of time is necessary in order to observe actual effects of political orientation on market generated poverty. Second, political parties with their respective programs do not register as influential enough to solve social problems related to income distribution when taken alone. Influences register as indirect and are expressed through changes in employment rates and social spending. The second set of results support the hypothesis that a selected political regime does indeed contribute to poverty reduction. In sum, political orientation and political regime does indeed affect poverty through welfare state institutions, as well as through labour market institutions.

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Shaver, Sheila, Peter Beilharz, Mark Considine, and Rob Watts. "Arguing about the Welfare State: The Australian Experience." Contemporary Sociology 23, no. 4 (July 1994): 541. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2076382.

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Fenna, Alan, and Alan Tapper. "The Australian Welfare State and the Neoliberalism Thesis." Australian Journal of Political Science 47, no. 2 (June 2012): 155–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2012.677007.

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O'Brien, Anne, Peter Beilharz, Mark Considine, Rob Watt, Rob Watts, and Robert Van Krieken. "Arguing about the Welfare State: The Australian Experience." Labour History, no. 64 (1993): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27509175.

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Castles, Francis G. "The institutional design of the Australian Welfare State." International Social Security Review 50, no. 2 (April 1997): 25–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-246x.1997.tb01065.x.

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Walker, Alan, and Chack-Kie Wong. "Rethinking the Western Construction of the Welfare State." International Journal of Health Services 26, no. 1 (January 1996): 67–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/0l9e-j9eq-glwh-t9wh.

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This article employs case studies of China and Hong Kong to question the western ethnocentric construction of the welfare state that predominates in comparative social policy research. The authors argue that welfare regimes, and particularly the “welfare state,” have been constructed as capitalist-democratic projects and that this has the damaging effect of excluding from analyses not only several advanced capitalist societies in the Asian-Pacific area but also the world's most populous country. If welfare state regimes can only coexist with western political democracies, then China and Hong Kong are excluded automatically. A similar result occurs if the traditional social administration approach is adopted whereby a “welfare state” is defined in terms only of direct state provision. The authors argue that such assumptions are untenable if state welfare is to be analyzed as a universal phenomenon. Instead of being trapped within an ethnocentric welfare statism, what social policy requires is a global political economy perspective that facilitates comparisons of the meaning of welfare and the state's role in producing it north, south, east and west.

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Bambra, Clare. "Worlds of Welfare and the Health Care Discrepancy." Social Policy and Society 4, no. 1 (January 2005): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746404002143.

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The nature of welfare regimes has been an ongoing debate within the comparative social policy literature since the publication of Esping-Andersen's ‘Three Worlds of Welfare’ (1990). This article draws upon recent developments within this debate, most notably Kasza's assertions about the ‘illusory nature’ of welfare regimes, to highlight the health care discrepancy. It argues that health care provision has been a notable omission from the wider regimes literature and one which, if included in the form of a health care decommodification typology, can give credence to Kasza's perspective by highlighting the diverse internal arrangements of welfare states and welfare state regimes.

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BAMBRA, CLARE. "Cash Versus Services: ‘Worlds of Welfare’ and the Decommodification of Cash Benefits and Health Care Services." Journal of Social Policy 34, no. 2 (March 15, 2005): 195–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279404008542.

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Welfare state models have focused almost exclusively on the study of cash benefits, and typologies established on this limited basis have been used to generalise about all forms of welfare state provision. This ignores the fact that welfare states are also about the actual delivery of services and/or that countries vary in terms of the relative emphasis that they place upon cash benefits and welfare state services. This article explores the cash and services mix in, and between, welfare states with reference to recent welfare state typologies, most notably Esping-Andersen's decommodification-centred ‘worlds of welfare’. It compares the decommodification levels of the main cash benefits with the main area of service provision: health care. The resulting analysis suggests that when services are added into the comparative analysis of welfare state regimes there are five welfare state clusters: Social Democratic, Liberal, Conservative, and sub-groups within both the Liberal and Conservative regimes. The article concludes that, in order to maintain integrity or generalisability, future welfare state typologies need to reflect more adequately the role of services in welfare state provision.

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Aidukaite, Jolanta. "Old welfare state theories and new welfare regimes in Eastern Europe: Challenges and implications." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 42, no. 1 (February 25, 2009): 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2009.02.004.

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This paper reviews some theoretical and empirical literature written on welfare state development in post-communist Eastern Europe in the light of the theories and approaches that have been developed to study affluent capitalist democracies. The aim of this discussion is to critically reassess the old welfare state theories, definitions and approaches and their implications regarding the study of post-communist Eastern Europe. The paper ends with the conclusion that the exclusion of ‘communist’ countries for more than twenty years from welfare state theorising has created an empirical and theoretical gap. This creates fresh challenges for welfare state research and calls for a new paradigm. It is evident that the not so well explored Eastern European region with regards to social policy research suggests that it is necessary not only to test already existing welfare state theories, definitions, typologies and approaches on these countries, but also to advance them.

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