Academic literature on the topic 'Australian social policy'
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Journal articles on the topic "Australian social policy"
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Leggat, Sandra G. "The Australian social inclusion agenda." Australian Health Review 32, no. 3 (2008): 379. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah080379.
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LAST MONTH we saw the first meeting of the Australia Social Inclusion Board. Members of the Board ? Ms Patricia Faulkner, Monsignor David Cappo, Ms Elleni Bereded-Samuel, Dr Ngaire Brown, Mr Eddie McGuire, Mr Ahmed Fahour, Professor Fiona Stanley and others ? are charged with ensuring that every Australian has the opportunity to be a full participant in the life of the nation.1 In government terms, this means all Australians have the opportunity to: secure a job; access services; connect with family, friends, work, personal interests and local community; deal with personal crisis; and have their voices heard.2 Monsignor Cappo has defined a socially inclusive society as ?one where all people feel valued, their differences are respected, and their basic needs are met so they can live in dignity?.3 This issue of the journal explores social inclusion from health care perspectives.
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Cheeseman, Sandra. "Pedagogical Silences in Australian Early Childhood Social Policy." Contemporary Issues in Early Childhood 8, no. 3 (September 2007): 244–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/ciec.2007.8.3.244.
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Growing international interest in the early childhood years has been accompanied by an expansion of public programs in Australia targeting young children and their families. This article explores some of the influences and rhetoric that frame these initiatives. It encourages critical examination of the discourses that shape the nature of early childhood programs in Australia and identifies a range of barriers that inhibit the involvement of early childhood teachers in the design and delivery of social policy initiatives for young children. As the imperatives of programs seeking to overcome social disadvantage take prominence in Australian early childhood policy initiatives, pedagogical perspectives that promote universal rights to more comprehensive early childhood experiences can easily be silenced. The article calls for pedagogical leadership to overcome these barriers and promote the democratic rights of all children to high-quality and publicly supported early childhood education and care programs.
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DEEMING, CHRISTOPHER, and PAUL SMYTH. "Social Investment after Neoliberalism: Policy Paradigms and Political Platforms." Journal of Social Policy 44, no. 2 (November 19, 2014): 297–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279414000828.
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AbstractThe concept of the ‘social investment state’ refocuses attention on the productive function of social policy eclipsed for some time by the emphasis on its social protection or compensation roles. Here we distinguish between different social investment strategies, the Nordic ‘heavy’ and the Liberal ‘light’, with particular reference to the inclusive growth approach adopted in Australia. In 2007, social democrats in Australia returned to government with a clear mandate to reject the labour market deregulation and other neoliberal policies of its predecessor, and to tackle entrenched social and economic disadvantage in Australian society. For the last five years, social investment and inclusive growth has been at the centre of the Australian social policy agenda. Against this background, the article examines and critically assesses the (re)turn to ‘social investment’ thinking in Australia during Labor's term in office (2007–13). Analysis focuses not just on what was actually achieved, but also on the constraining role of prevailing economic and political circumstances and on the processes that were used to drive social investment reform. In many ways, the article goes some way to exposing ongoing tensions surrounding the distinctiveness of ‘social investment’ strategies pursued by leftist parties within the (neo)liberal state.
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Hartman, Deborah. "Gender Policy in Australian Schools." Boyhood Studies 5, no. 1 (March 1, 2011): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3149/thy.0501.3.
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This paper describes the rise of boys’ education as a substantial social and educational issue in Australia in the 1990s, mapping the changes in Australian discourses on boys’ education in this period. Ideas and authors informed by the men’s movement entered the discourses about boys’ education, contributing to a wave of teacher experimentation and new ways of thinking about gender policies in schools. The author suggests that there is currently a policy impasse, and proposes a new multi-disciplinary approach bringing together academic, practitioner, policy, and public discourses on boys’ education.
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Ezzy, Douglas, Gary Bouma, Greg Barton, Anna Halafoff, Rebecca Banham, Robert Jackson, and Lori Beaman. "Religious Diversity in Australia: Rethinking Social Cohesion." Religions 11, no. 2 (February 18, 2020): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11020092.
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This paper argues for a reconsideration of social cohesion as an analytical concept and a policy goal in response to increasing levels of religious diversity in contemporary Australia. In recent decades, Australian has seen a revitalization of religion, increasing numbers of those who do not identify with a religion (the “nones”), and the growth of religious minorities, including Islam, Buddhism, Hinduism, and Sikhism. These changes are often understood as problematic for social cohesion. In this paper, we review some conceptualizations of social cohesion and religious diversity in Australia, arguing that the concept of social cohesion, despite its initial promise, is ultimately problematic, particularly when it is used to defend privilege. We survey Australian policy responses to religious diversity, noting that these are varied, often piecemeal, and that the hyperdiverse state of Victoria generally has the most sophisticated set of public policies. We conclude with a call for more nuanced and contextualized analyses of religious diversity and social cohesion in Australia. Religious diversity presents both opportunities as well as challenges to social cohesion. Both these aspects need to be considered in the formation of policy responses.
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Jakubowicz, Andrew. "Playing the triangle: Cosmopolitanism, Cultural Capital and Social Capital as intersecting scholarly discourses about social inclusion and marginalisation in Australian public policy debates." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 3, no. 3 (November 29, 2011): 68–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v3i3.2215.
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A constant challenge for scholarly research relates to its impact on and integration into public policy. Where the policy issues are ‘wicked’, as are those concerning intercultural relations and social cohesion, social science research often becomes implicated in real-world problem solving which occurs within everyday political manoeuvring. This paper takes three empirical problems, and three conceptual approaches, and explores what happens when they are pressed together. In particular the paper explores how together they can enhance the social value of the concept of ‘social inclusion’. Cosmopolitanism has a myriad of possible definitions, but is perhaps best addressed in anthropological fashion, by trying to capture the space formed by its presumptive antagonists: nationalism, prejudice, localism, parochialism, and ‘rootedness’ (as in ‘rootless cosmopolitan’). Cultural capital, as developed by Bourdieu, concerns a disposition of mind and body that empowers members of those particular groups that have the resource in socially–approved abundance to operate the cultural apparatus of a society and therefore the power system, to their mutual and individual benefit. Social capital, removed of the vestiges of Marxist class analysis that lurk in Bourdieu’s explorations of education and social power, harks back to another sociological forebear. Emile Durkheim, whose vision of modernity as a constantly incipient catastrophe that could only be held off by a reinvigoration of collective consciousness, has influenced through the Talcott Parsons school of social systemics Robert Putnam (and Australian politician and academic Andrew Leigh’s) focus on ‘bonding’ and ‘bridging’ social capital. Having examined these concepts the paper applies them sequentially to three cases of state/civil society relations, through the February 2011 People of Australia multiculturalism policy, the place of young Muslims in Australian society, and the place of Chinese Australians in the Australian polity. Finally it is argued that the concepts are most useful when they are applied to analyses that reveal rather than conceal hierarchies of social, cultural, economic and political power, through an examination of the possibilities of democratic inclusion.
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Chenoweth, Lesley. "Redefining Welfare: Australian Social Policy and Practice." Asian Social Work and Policy Review 2, no. 1 (February 2008): 53–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1753-1411.2008.00009.x.
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Taylor, David R., Matthew Gray, and David Stanton. "New conditionality in Australian social security policy." Australian Journal of Social Issues 51, no. 1 (April 2016): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1839-4655.2016.tb00362.x.
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Deeming, Christopher. "Classed attitudes and social reform in cross-national perspective: a quantitative analysis using four waves from the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP)." Journal of Sociology 53, no. 1 (July 9, 2016): 162–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783316632605.
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This article attempts to forge new links between social attitudes and social policy change in Australia. Drawing on four survey waves of international social survey data and using multivariable regression analysis, this article sheds new light on the determinants of Australian attitudes towards the welfare state in a comparative perspective. It examines their variations across time and social groupings and then compares Australian welfare attitudes with those found in other leading western economies. While there is popular support for government actions to protect Australian citizens in old age and sickness, views about social protection and labour market policy for the working-age population are divided. The comparative analysis and the focus on class-attitude linkages allows for further critical reflection on the nature of social relations and recent social reforms enacted by the Liberal-National coalition government.
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Whiley, Shannon. "The Experiences of Nikkei-Australian Soldiers During World War II." New Voices in Japanese Studies 10 (July 3, 2018): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.21159/nvjs.10.01.
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This paper is a biographical case study that explores the distinct experiences of three Australian-born Japanese (hereafter, Nikkei-Australians) who volunteered for Australian military service during World War II: Mario Takasuka, Joseph Suzuki and Winston Ide. It examines the social and political context in which these soldiers lived, concluding that they faced a disconnect between the way they were viewed by the government, their local communities and themselves. Notions of identity and nationalism are also explored in the context of World War II and the White Australia Policy, and are compared with the experiences of non-European soldiers in Australia and Nikkei soldiers abroad. The paper also highlights the ambiguous position of Nikkei-Australian soldiers with respect to military enlistment. At the time, legislation allowed for Nikkei-Australians to be variously classified as loyal citizens capable of enlistment, as not sufficiently ‘Australian’ for duty, or as enemy aliens, depending upon how it was applied in each case. Because there was no uniform approach within the government for applying these laws, the experiences of Nikkei-Australians vastly differed, as illustrated by the stories of the individuals profiled in this study. These stories are important as they add to the growing body of knowledge around non-white Australians who served in World War II, and remind us of how the pro-white, anti-Japanese atmosphere within Australia at the time affected those within the community who did not fit the mould of the White Australian ideal.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Australian social policy"
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Orchard, Lionel. "Whitlam and the cities : urban and regional policy and social democratic reform." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1987. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pho641.pdf.
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Wilding, Derek. "AIDS and pro-social television : industry, policy and Australian television drama." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1998. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/36314/6/36314_Digitised%20Thesis.pdf.
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This thesis examines the intersection of popular cultural representations of HIV and
AIDS and the discourses of public health campaigns. Part Two provides a
comprehensive record of all HIV related storylines in Australian television drama
from the first AIDS episode of The Flying Doctors in 1986 to the ongoing narrative
of Pacific Drive, with its core HIV character, in 1996. Textual representations are
examined alongside the agency of "cultural technicians" working within the
television industry. The framework for this analysis is established in Part One of
the thesis, which examines the discursive contexts for speaking about HIV and AIDS
established through national health policy and the regulatory and industry
framework for broadcasting in Australia. The thesis examines the dominant liberal
democratic framework for representation of HIV I AIDS and adopts a Foucauldian
understanding of the processes of governmentality to argue that during the period of
the 1980s and 1990s a strand of social democratic discourse combined with
practices of self management and the management of the Australian population. The
actions of committed agents within both domains of popular culture and health
education ensured that more challenging expressions of HIV found their way into
public culture.
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Scott, David Malcolm Robert. "Minority activism : trends informing political participation across Australian communities." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2009. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/41033/1/David_Scott_Thesis.pdf.
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In the late 1990’s, intense and vigorous debate surrounded the impact of minority communities on Australia’s mainstream society. The rise of far-right populism took the stage with the introduction to the political landscape of Pauline Hanson and her One Nation party, whilst John Howard’s Liberal-National Coalition Government took the fore on debate over immigration issues corresponding with an influx of irregular arrivals. In 2001, following the September 11 terrorist attacks in the United States of America and subsequent attacks on western targets globally, many of these issues continued to be debated through the security posturing that followed. In recent years, much effort has been afforded to countering the threat of terrorism from home grown assailants. The Government has introduced stringent legislative responses whilst researchers have studied social movements and trends within Australian communities, particularly with respect to minorities. In 2008, the Scanlon Foundation, in association with Monash University and various government entities, released its findings into its survey approach to mapping social cohesion in Australia. It identified a number of spheres of exploration which it believed were essential to measuring cohesiveness of Australian communities generally including, economic, political and socio-cultural factors (Markus and Dharmalingam, 2008). This doctoral project report will explore the political sphere as identified in the Mapping Social Cohesion project and apply it to identified minority ethnic communities. The Scanlon Foundation project identified political participation as one of a number of true indicators of social cohesion. This project acknowledges that democracy in Australia is represented predominantly by two political entities representing a vast majority of constituents under a compulsory voting regime. This essay will identify the levels of political activism achieved by minority ethnic communities and access to democratic participation within the Australian political structure. It will define a ten year period from 1999 to 2009, identifying trends and issues within minority communities that have proactively and reactively promoted engagement in achieving a political voice, framed within a mainstream-dominated political system. It will research social movements and other influential factors over that period to enrich existing knowledge in relation to political participation rates across Australian communities.
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Fleming, Brian James. "The social gradient in health : trends in C20th ideas, Australian Health Policy 1970-1998, and a health equity policy evaluation of Australian aged care planning /." Title page, abstract and table of contents only, 2003. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phf5971.pdf.
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Holland, Jack. "Framing the 'war on terror' : American, British and Australian foreign policy discourse." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2010. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3726/.
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In September 2001 several states launched a series of counter-terrorism policies under the banner of the 'War on Terror' that were unprecedented in their scope, intensity and cost. Extensive domestic legislative agendas and surveillance programmes at home were matched by increased military interventionism abroad, most significantly in Afghanistan and Iraq. This thesis is concerned with examining how this 'War on Terror' was possible: how it was conceivable for policy-makers and how it was 'sold' to domestic audiences. More specifically, this thesis considers three principal members of the 'Coalition of the Willing' in Iraq - the United States, Britain and Australia. Aside from adopting similar and overlapping policy responses in the context of a commitment to the 'War on Terror', these three states share a common language, intertwined histories and institutional similarities, underpinned by perceptions of cultural proximity and closely related identities. However, despite significant cultural, historical and political overlap, the 'War on Terror' was rendered possible in these contexts in different ways, drawing on different discourses and narratives of foreign policy and identity. In the US, President Bush employed highly reductive moral arguments within a language of frontier justice, which was increasingly channelled through the signifier of 'freedom'. In the UK, Prime Minister Blair framed every phase of the 'War on Terror' as rational, reasoned and proper, balancing moral imperatives with an emphasised logical pragmatism. In Australia, Prime Minister Howard relied upon particularly exclusionary framings mutually reinforced through repeated references to shared values. This thesis explores these differences and their origins, arguing that they have important implications for the way we understand foreign policy and political possibility. They demonstrate that foreign policy is both discursive and culturally embedded. And they illustrate that foreign policy discourse impacts on political possibility in rendering some policy responses conceivable while others unthinkable, and some policy responses acceptable while others illegitimate. This thesis thus contributes to our understanding of political possibility, in the process correcting a tendency to view the 'War on Terror' as a universal and monolithic political discourse.
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Goodwin, Alison Elizabeth. "Implementing paid domestic violence leave policies in Australian workplaces: an institutional analysis." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/29596.
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The first paid domestic violence leave entitlement in Australia was negotiated into an enterprise agreement in 2010. Paid domestic violence leave has since become a standard claim made by unions in bargaining, and all state and territory governments have introduced paid domestic violence leave entitlements for their public sector workforces. Access is set to expand dramatically, with the Fair Work Commission’s recent provisional view in favour of including an entitlement to paid domestic violence leave in Modern Awards, and the recent election of a federal Labor Government on a platform that included legislative support for an entitlement to ten days per year of paid domestic violence leave to be included in the National Employment Standards. To date, there has been limited research on the implementation and management of paid domestic violence leave policies in workplaces. This thesis addresses this gap in the literature, taking a qualitative and institutional approach to understanding the challenges and barriers to effective implementation. The thesis evaluates the ability of key institutional actors in industrial relations – employers, unions, and governments – to pursue social policy alongside more traditional industrial concerns. Findings show that the active presence of strong institutional actors in the workplace are critical to the effective implementation of domestic violence leave policies. Union involvement in implementation and interventionist government regulation of workplace gender equality measures are also found to support accessible and well-managed domestic violence leave policies. At workplaces where institutional presence was weaker, poor implementation undermined the ability of paid domestic violence leave to achieve its policy objectives. The thesis concludes that government regulation of implementation is essential to ensure that paid domestic violence leave policies are implemented successfully as access to the entitlement expands.
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Arthurson, Kathy. "Social exclusion as a policy framework for the regeneration of Australian public housing estates /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pha791.pdf.
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Higgins, Claire Michelle. "New evidence on the development of Australian refugee policy, 1976 to 1983." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c8e5abc0-d906-40b3-861c-8fbd82fcb71d.
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This thesis aims to improve historical knowledge of Australian refugee policy between 1976 and 1983, a unique and transitional moment in the nation’s history and in international refugee movements. The discussion will be based on original evidence drawn from archival records and oral history interviews, and informed by a broad literature which recognises that refugee policy is a product of varied political imperatives and historical context. First, Chapter Three reveals that because the Fraser government could not deport the Indochinese boatpeople who sailed to Australia, it sought to approve their refugee status in order to legitimate its announcements that only ‘genuine’ refugees were being admitted. In doing so, the Fraser government was required to defend the processing of boat arrivals to the public and within the bureaucracy. Chapter Four finds that historical and political considerations informed the Fraser government’s choice not to reject or detain boat arrivals but to instead introduce legislation against people smuggling. The chapter presents new evidence to disprove claims expressed in recent academic and media commentary that the government’s Immigration (Unauthorised Arrivals) Act 1980 (Cth) marked a particularly harsh stance and that passengers on the VT838 were deported without due process, and draws from ideas within the literature concerning the need for states to promote the integrity of the refugee concept. Chapter Five contributes to international literature on refugee status determination procedure by studying the Australian government’s assessment of non-Indochinese. Through a dataset created from UNHCR archives it is found that the quality of briefing material and political considerations could influence deliberations on individual cases. Chapter Six contributes to literature on in-country processing, revealing how Australia’s programme in Chile and El Salvador was a means of diversifying the refugee intake but caused tensions between the Department of Immigration and the Department of Foreign Affairs.
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Spies-Butcher, Ben. "Understanding the concept of social capital: Neoliberalism, social theory or neoliberal social theory?" University of Sydney, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1326.
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Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)This thesis examines the growing debate around the concept of social capital. The concept has been heralded by many as a means of uniting the social sciences, particularly economics and sociology, and of overcoming ideological divisions between left and right. However, critics argue that the concept is poorly theorised and provides little insight. More radical critics have claimed the concept may be a neo-liberal ‘Trojan horse’, a mechanism by which the atomistic thinking of neoclassical economics colonises social theory. I examine these more radical claims by exploring the origins of the concept of social capital within rational choice economics. I argue that we should differentiate between two types of potential colonisation. The first is a form of methodological colonisation, whereby overly abstract, reductionist and rationalist approaches (which I term modernist) are extended into social theory. The second is a form of ideological colonisation, whereby a normative commitment to individualism and the market is extended into social theory. I argue that the concept of social capital has been the product of a trend within rational choice economics away from the extremes of modernism. In this sense the concept represents an attempt to bring economics and social theory closer together, and a willingness on the part of rational choice theorists to take more seriously the techniques and insights of the other social sciences. However, I argue that this trend away from modernism has often been associated with a reaffirmation of rational choice theorists’ normative commitment to individualism and the market. In particular, I argue the concept of social capital has been strongly influenced by elements of the Austrian economic tradition, and forms part of a spontaneous order explanation of economic and social systems. I then apply these insights to the Australian social capital debate. I argue that initially the Australian social capital debate continued an earlier debate over economic rationalism and the merits of market-orientated economic reform. I argue that participants from both sides of the economic rationalism debate used the concept of social capital to move away from modernism, but continued to disagree over the role of individualism. Finally, I argue that confusion between moving away from modernism, and moving away from market ideology, has led some Third Way theorists to misconstrue the concept as a means to overcome ideology.
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Spies-Butcher, Ben. "Understanding the concept of social capital: Neoliberalism, social theory or neoliberal social theory?" Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1326.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the growing debate around the concept of social capital. The concept has been heralded by many as a means of uniting the social sciences, particularly economics and sociology, and of overcoming ideological divisions between left and right. However, critics argue that the concept is poorly theorised and provides little insight. More radical critics have claimed the concept may be a neo-liberal ‘Trojan horse’, a mechanism by which the atomistic thinking of neoclassical economics colonises social theory. I examine these more radical claims by exploring the origins of the concept of social capital within rational choice economics. I argue that we should differentiate between two types of potential colonisation. The first is a form of methodological colonisation, whereby overly abstract, reductionist and rationalist approaches (which I term modernist) are extended into social theory. The second is a form of ideological colonisation, whereby a normative commitment to individualism and the market is extended into social theory. I argue that the concept of social capital has been the product of a trend within rational choice economics away from the extremes of modernism. In this sense the concept represents an attempt to bring economics and social theory closer together, and a willingness on the part of rational choice theorists to take more seriously the techniques and insights of the other social sciences. However, I argue that this trend away from modernism has often been associated with a reaffirmation of rational choice theorists’ normative commitment to individualism and the market. In particular, I argue the concept of social capital has been strongly influenced by elements of the Austrian economic tradition, and forms part of a spontaneous order explanation of economic and social systems. I then apply these insights to the Australian social capital debate. I argue that initially the Australian social capital debate continued an earlier debate over economic rationalism and the merits of market-orientated economic reform. I argue that participants from both sides of the economic rationalism debate used the concept of social capital to move away from modernism, but continued to disagree over the role of individualism. Finally, I argue that confusion between moving away from modernism, and moving away from market ideology, has led some Third Way theorists to misconstrue the concept as a means to overcome ideology.
Books on the topic "Australian social policy"
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Smyth, Paul. Australian social policy: The Keynesian chapter. Sydney: UNSW Press, 1994.
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John, Hanks Peter, ed. Australian social security law, policy, and administration. Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1986.
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A, Jones M. The Australian welfare state: Evaluating social policy. 4th ed. St. Leonards, NSW, Australia: Allen & Unwin, 1996.
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Social policy in Australia: Understanding for action. 2nd ed. South Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 2010.
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Markets, rights and power in Australian social policy. University Of Sydney, NSW, Australia: Sydney University Press, 2015.
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Folds, Ralph. Crossed purposes: The Pintupi and Australia's indigenous policy. Sydney: UNSW Press, 2001.
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Makkai, Toni. Drugs, anti-social behaviour and policy choices in Australian society. Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Service, 1993.
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Campbell, David. The social basis of Australian and New Zealand security policy. Canberra: Peace Research Centre, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, 1989.
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Wanna, John. Critical reflections on Australian public policy: Selected essays. Acton, A.C.T: ANU E Press, 2009.
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1956-, Short Stephanie D., ed. Health care & public policy: An Australian analysis. South Melbourne: Macmillan Company of Australia, 1989.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Australian social policy"
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Watts, Rob. "‘In Fractured Times’: The Accord and Social Policy under Hawke, 1983–87." In Australian Welfare, 104–31. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11081-0_5.
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Inglis, Christine. "Independence, Incorporation and Policy Research: an Australian Case Study." In The Politics of Social Science Research, 85–106. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230504950_5.
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Reddel, Tim, Kelly Hand, and Lutfun Nahar Lata. "Influencing Social Policy on Families through Research in Australia." In Family Dynamics over the Life Course, 297–312. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-12224-8_14.
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AbstractThere is an emerging academic and public policy discourse about better research engagement, impact and policy translation. In this chapter we examine the place of research in making ‘real world’ impact on the social policies and practices affecting Australian families, especially the transmission of (dis)advantage over the life course and across generations. We begin by briefly reflecting on the influence of ‘policy research’ in shaping Australia’s early social development through the 1907 Basic Wage Case by Justice Higgins (The Harvester judgement), which placed the intersection of work and family life at the centre of economic and social policy debates. While historical, these reforms laid the foundations for what can be seen as tentative life course social policy frameworks engaged in the dynamics of family life from birth to death, changing family structures, and increasing economic and gender inequality. We then examine selected historical and contemporary social policy episodes consistent with the book’s central themes where research from academia, the public sector and civil society has been impactful in key national and state-based policy systems such as social security, balancing work and family, child care, addressing gender inequality and support for vulnerable and complex families.
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Partridge, Emma. "Caught in the Same Frame? The Language of Evidence-based Policy in Debates about the Australian Government ‘Intervention’ into Northern Territory Aboriginal Communities." In Evidence and Evaluation in Social Policy, 47–62. Oxford, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118816530.ch3.
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Jeanes, Ruth, Ramón Spaaij, Jonathan Magee, Karen Farquharson, Sean Gorman, and Dean Lusher. "Developing participation opportunities for young people with disabilities? Policy enactment and social inclusion in Australian junior sport." In The Potential of Community Sport for Social Inclusion, 107–25. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003274025-7.
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Greenfields, Margaret. "Part 3: commentary Countering the toxic policy exchange: Reflections on UK and Australian approaches to 'immigration control' and academic-activist partnerships of resistance." In Regulating Refugee Protection Through Social Welfare, 203–16. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003298595-15.
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Graycar, Adam, and Adam Jamrozik. "Social Policy, Social Justice and the Social Wage." In How Australians Live, 43–74. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-10522-9_3.
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Bryson, Lois, and Fiona Verity. "Australia: From Wage-Earners to Neo-Liberal Welfare State." In International Social Policy, 66–87. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-08294-7_4.
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Pawson, Hal, Vivienne Milligan, and Judith Yates. "Social Housing in Australia: Evolution, Legacy and Contemporary Policy Debates." In Housing Policy in Australia, 87–134. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-0780-9_4.
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McKeever, Gráinne. "Social Citizenship and Social Security Fraud in the UK and Australia." In Crime and Social Policy, 111–28. Chichester, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118509807.ch7.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Australian social policy"
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Calvo, Rafael A., Dorian Peters, Julian Huppert, and Gerard Goggin. "HCI as social policy." In OzCHI '18: 30th Australian Computer-Human Interaction Conference. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3292147.3292162.
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Prosser, Brenton J. "The Policy Success Heuristic and Social Policy: A case from Australian primary health care reform." In 3rd Annual International Conference on Political Science, Sociology and International Relations (PSSIR 2013). Global Science and Technology Forum Pte Ltd, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-2403_pssir13.34.
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Soņeca, Viktorija. "Tehnoloģiju milžu ietekme uz suverēnu." In The 8th International Scientific Conference of the Faculty of Law of the University of Latvia. University of Latvia Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/iscflul.8.1.18.
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In the last two decades, we have seen the rise of companies providing digital services. Big Tech firms have become all-pervasive, playing critical roles in our social interactions, in the way we access information, and in the way we consume. These firms not only strive to be dominant players in one market, but with their giant monopoly power and domination of online ecosystems, they want to become the market itself. They are gaining not just economic, but also political power. This can be illustrated by Donald Trump’s campaigns, in which he attempted to influence the sovereign will, as the sovereign power is vested in the people. The Trump campaigns' use of Facebook's advertising tools contributed to Trump's win at the 2016 presidential election. After criticism of that election, Facebook stated that it would implement a series of measures to prevent future abuse. For example, no political ads will be accepted in the week before an election. Another example of how Big Tech firms can effect the sovereign is by national legislator. For example, Australia had a dispute with digital platforms such as Facebook and Google. That was because Australia began to develop a News Media and Digital Platforms Mandatory Code. To persuade the Australian legislature to abandon the idea of this code, Facebook prevented Australian press publishers, news media and users from sharing/viewing Australian as well as international news content, including blocking information from government agencies. Such action demonstrated how large digital platforms can affect the flow of information to encourage the state and its legislature to change their position. Because of such pressure, Australia eventually made adjustments to the code in order to find a compromise with the digital platform. Also, when we are referring to political power, it should include lobbying and the European Union legislator. Tech giants are lobbying their interests to influence the European Union’s digital policy, which has the most direct effect on member states, given that the member states are bound by European Union law.
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Wang, Shan-An. "Brief Introduction on Australia Early Childhood Teaching Manpower Training Policy and Its Implications for China." In 2nd Annual International Conference on Social Science and Contemporary Humanity Development. Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/sschd-16.2016.52.
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Fatima Hajizada, Fatima Hajizada. "SPECIFIC FEATURES OF THE AMERICAN VERSION OF THE BRITISH LANGUAGE." In THE FIRST INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC – PRACTICAL VIRTUAL CONFERENCE IN MODERN & SOCIAL SCIENCES: NEW DIMENSIONS, APPROACHES AND CHALLENGES. IRETC, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/mssndac-01-10.
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English is one of the most spoken languages in the world. A global language communication is inherent in him. This language is also distinguished by a significant diversity of dialects and speech. It appeared in the early Middle Ages as the spoken language of the Anglo-Saxons. The formation of the British Empire and its expansion led to the widespread English language in Asia, Africa, North America and Australia. As a result, the Metropolitan language became the main communication language in the English colonies, and after independence it became State (USA, Canada, Australia, New Zealand) and official (India, Nigeria, Singapore). Being one of the 6 Official Languages of the UN, it is studied as a foreign language in educational institutions of many countries in the modern time [1, 2, s. 12-14]. Despite the dozens of varieties of English, the American (American English) version, which appeared on the territory of the United States, is one of the most widespread. More than 80 per cent of the population in this country knows the American version of the British language as its native language. Although the American version of the British language is not defined as the official language in the US Federal Constitution, it acts with features and standards reinforced in the lexical sphere, the media and the education system. The growing political and economic power of the United States after World War II also had a significant impact on the expansion of the American version of the British language [3]. Currently, this language version has become one of the main topics of scientific research in the field of linguistics, philology and other similar spheres. It should also be emphasized that the American version of the British language paved the way for the creation of thousands of words and expressions, took its place in the general language of English and the world lexicon. “Okay”, “teenager”, “hitchhike”, “landslide” and other words can be shown in this row. The impact of differences in the life and life of colonists in the United States and Great Britain on this language was not significant either. The role of Nature, Climate, Environment and lifestyle should also be appreciated here. There is no officially confirmed language accent in the United States. However, most speakers of national media and, first of all, the CNN channel use the dialect “general American accent”. Here, the main accent of “mid Pppemestern” has been guided. It should also be noted that this accent is inherent in a very small part of the U.S. population, especially in Nebraska, Iowa, and Illinois. But now all Americans easily understand and speak about it. As for the current state of the American version of the British language, we can say that there are some hypotheses in this area. A number of researchers perceive it as an independent language, others-as an English variant. The founder of American spelling, American and British lexicographer, linguist Noah Pondebster treats him as an independent language. He also tried to justify this in his work “the American Dictionary of English” written in 1828 [4]. This position was expressed by a Scottish-born English philologist, one of the authors of the “American English Dictionary”Sir Alexander Craigie, American linguist Raven ioor McDavid Jr. and others also confirm [5]. The second is the American linguist Leonard Bloomfield, one of the creators of the descriptive direction of structural linguistics, and other American linguists Edward Sapir and Charles Francis Hockett. There is also another group of “third parties” that accept American English as a regional dialect [5, 6]. A number of researchers [2] have shown that the accent or dialect in the US on the person contains significantly less data in itself than in the UK. In Great Britain, a dialect speaker is viewed as a person with a low social environment or a low education. It is difficult to perceive this reality in the US environment. That is, a person's speech in the American version of the British language makes it difficult to express his social background. On the other hand, the American version of the British language is distinguished by its faster pace [7, 8]. One of the main characteristic features of the American language array is associated with the emphasis on a number of letters and, in particular, the pronunciation of the letter “R”. Thus, in British English words like “port”, “more”, “dinner” the letter “R” is not pronounced at all. Another trend is related to the clear pronunciation of individual syllables in American English. Unlike them, the Britons “absorb”such syllables in a number of similar words [8]. Despite all these differences, an analysis of facts and theoretical knowledge shows that the emergence and formation of the American version of the British language was not an accidental and chaotic process. The reality is that the life of the colonialists had a huge impact on American English. These processes were further deepened by the growing migration trends at the later historical stage. Thus, the language of the English-speaking migrants in America has been developed due to historical conditions, adapted to the existing living environment and new life realities. On the other hand, the formation of this independent language was also reflected in the purposeful policy of the newly formed US state. Thus, the original British words were modified and acquired a fundamentally new meaning. Another point here was that the British acharism, which had long been out of use, gained a new breath and actively entered the speech circulation in the United States. Thus, the analysis shows that the American version of the British language has specific features. It was formed and developed as a result of colonization and expansion. This development is still ongoing and is one of the languages of millions of US states and people, as well as audiences of millions of people. Keywords: American English, English, linguistics, accent.
Reports on the topic "Australian social policy"
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Blackham, Alysia. Addressing Age Discrimination in Employment: a report on the findings of Australian Research Council Project DE170100228. University of Melbourne, November 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46580/124368.
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This project aimed to research the effectiveness of Australian age discrimination laws. While demographic ageing necessitates extending working lives, few question the effectiveness of Australian age discrimination laws in supporting this ambition. This project drew on mixed methods and comparative UK experiences to offer empirical and theoretical insights into Australian age discrimination law. It sought to create a normative model for legal reform in Australia, to inform public policy and debate and improve responses to demographic ageing, providing economic, health and social benefits.
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Droogan, Julian, Lise Waldek, Brian Ballsun-Stanton, and Jade Hutchinson. Mapping a Social Media Ecosystem: Outlinking on Gab & Twitter Amongst the Australian Far-right Milieu. RESOLVE Network, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/remve2022.6.
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Attention to the internet and the online spaces in which violent extremists interact and spread content has increased over the past decades. More recently, that attention has shifted from understanding how groups like the self-proclaimed Islamic State use the internet to spread propaganda to understanding the broader internet environment and, specifically, far-right violent extremist activities within it. This focus on how far right violent extremist—including far-right racially and ethnically motivated violent extremists (REMVEs) within them—create, use, and exploit the online networks in which they exist to promote their hateful ideology and reach has largely focused on North America and Europe. However, in recent years, examinations of those online dynamics elsewhere, including in Australia, is increasing. Far right movements have been active in Australia for decades. While these movements are not necessarily extremist nor violent, understanding how violent far right extremists and REMVEs interact within or seek to exploit these broader communities is important in further understanding the tactics, reach, and impact of REMVEs in Australia. This is particularly important in the online space access to broader networks of individuals and ideas is increasingly expanding. Adding to a steadily expanding body of knowledge examining online activities and networks of both broader far right as well as violent extremist far right populations in Australia, this paper presents a data-driven examination of the online ecosystems in which identified Australian far-right violent extremists exist and interact,1 as mapped by user generated uniform resource locators (URL), or ‘links’, to internet locations gathered from two online social platforms—Twitter and Gab. This link-based analysis has been used in previous studies of online extremism to map the platforms and content shared in online spaces and provide further detail on the online ecosystems in which extremists interact. Data incorporating the links was automatically collected from Twitter and Gab posts from users existing within the online milieu in which those identified far right extremists were connected. The data was collected over three discrete one-month periods spanning 2019, the year in which an Australian far right violent extremist carried out the Christchurch attack. Networks of links expanding out from the Twitter and Gab accounts were mapped in two ways to explore the extent and nature of the online ecosystems in which these identified far right Australian violent extremists are connected, including: To map the extent and nature of these ecosystems (e.g., the extent to which other online platforms are used and connected to one another), the project mapped where the most highly engaged links connect out to (i.e., website domain names), and To explore the nature of content being spread within those ecosystems, what sorts of content is found at the end of the most highly engaged links. The most highly engaged hashtags from across this time are also presented for additional thematic analysis. The mapping of links illustrated the interconnectedness of a social media ecosystem consisting of multiple platforms that were identified as having different purposes and functions. Importantly, no links to explicitly violent or illegal activity were identified among the top-most highly engaged sites. The paper discusses the implications of the findings in light of this for future policy, practice, and research focused on understanding the online ecosystems in which identified REMVE actors are connected and the types of thematic content shared and additional implications in light of the types of non-violent content shared within them.
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Medhurst, Marijne, Maya Conway, and Kathryn Richardson. Remote learning for students with a disability: Game changer or moment in time? Literature Review. Australian Council for Educational Research, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37517/978-1-74286-683-3.
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This literature review draws from Australian and international research into the impact of remote learning for students with disability, published between March 2020 and April 2022. The literature relates to pedagogical services provided by early childhood services and schools to support students with disability, rather than therapeutic services. The social implications for students are reviewed along with educational factors, and implications for inclusion and support by schools. Following an overview of the legal and policy frameworks supporting the education of students with disability, this review investigates benefits, challenges and opportunities for both remote learning and transition back to in-person educational settings for students and their families. The themes emerging include flexible approaches to learning, connectedness and wellbeing.
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Cavaille, Charlotte, Federica Liberini, Michela Redoano, Anandi Mani, Vera E. Troeger, Helen Miller, Ioana Marinescu, et al. Which Way Now? Economic Policy after a Decade of Upheaval: A CAGE Policy Report. Edited by Vera E. Troeger. The Social Market Foundation, February 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/978-1-910683-41-5.
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Most, if not all advanced economies have suffered gravely from the 2008 global financial crisis. Growth, productivity, real income and consumption have plunged and inequality, and in some cases poverty, spiked. Some countries, like Germany and Australia, were better able to cope with the consequences but austerity has taken its toll even on the strongest economies. The UK is no exception and the more recent period of economic recovery might be halted or even reversed by the political, economic, and policy uncertainty created by the Brexit referendum. This uncertainty related risk to growth could be even greater if the UK leaves the economic and legal framework provided by the EU. This CAGE policy report offers proposals from different perspectives to answer the overarching question: What is the role of a government in a modern economy after the global financial crisis and the Brexit vote? We report on economic and social challenges in the UK and discuss potential policy responses for the government to consider. Foreword by: Lord O’Donnell of Clapham.
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Gattenhof, Sandra, Donna Hancox, Sasha Mackay, Kathryn Kelly, Te Oti Rakena, and Gabriela Baron. Valuing the Arts in Australia and Aotearoa New Zealand. Queensland University of Technology, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/rep.eprints.227800.
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The arts do not exist in vacuum and cannot be valued in abstract ways; their value is how they make people feel, what they can empower people to do and how they interact with place to create legacy. This research presents insights across Australia and Aotearoa New Zealand about the value of arts and culture that may be factored into whole of government decision making to enable creative, vibrant, liveable and inclusive communities and nations. The COVID-19 pandemic has revealed a great deal about our societies, our collective wellbeing, and how urgent the choices we make now are for our futures. There has been a great deal of discussion – formally and informally – about the value of the arts in our lives at this time. Rightly, it has been pointed out that during this profound disruption entertainment has been a lifeline for many, and this argument serves to re-enforce what the public (and governments) already know about audience behaviours and the economic value of the arts and entertainment sectors. Wesley Enoch stated in The Saturday Paper, “[m]etrics for success are already skewing from qualitative to quantitative. In coming years, this will continue unabated, with impact measured by numbers of eyeballs engaged in transitory exposure or mass distraction rather than deep connection, community development and risk” (2020, 7). This disconnect between the impact of arts and culture on individuals and communities, and what is measured, will continue without leadership from the sector that involves more diverse voices and perspectives. In undertaking this research for Australia Council for the Arts and Manatū Taonga Ministry for Culture & Heritage, New Zealand, the agreed aims of this research are expressed as: 1. Significantly advance the understanding and approaches to design, development and implementation of assessment frameworks to gauge the value and impact of arts engagement with a focus on redefining evaluative practices to determine wellbeing, public value and social inclusion resulting from arts engagement in Australia and Aotearoa New Zealand. 2. Develop comprehensive, contemporary, rigorous new language frameworks to account for a multiplicity of understandings related to the value and impact of arts and culture across diverse communities. 3. Conduct sector analysis around understandings of markers of impact and value of arts engagement to identify success factors for broad government, policy, professional practitioner and community engagement. This research develops innovative conceptual understandings that can be used to assess the value and impact of arts and cultural engagement. The discussion shows how interaction with arts and culture creates, supports and extends factors such as public value, wellbeing, and social inclusion. The intersection of previously published research, and interviews with key informants including artists, peak arts organisations, gallery or museum staff, community cultural development organisations, funders and researchers, illuminates the differing perceptions about public value. The report proffers opportunities to develop a new discourse about what the arts contribute, how the contribution can be described, and what opportunities exist to assist the arts sector to communicate outcomes of arts engagement in Australia and Aotearoa New Zealand.
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Lucas, Brian. Behaviour Change Interventions for Energy Efficiency. Institute of Development Studies, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.138.
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Behavioural interventions are policies and programmes that incorporate insights from scientists who study human behaviour (such as psychology and behavioural economics), with the aim of encouraging socially desirable behaviours by removing barriers and creating incentives or disincentives (Cornago, 2021). Very few behavioural interventions for energy efficiency have been documented in Eastern Europe and the Western Balkans, and none in North Macedonia. The limited experience that has been documented in the region consists of a few small trials which used behavioural principles to inform households about approaches to energy conservation, but none of these trials have demonstrated a significant effect on behaviour. Behavioural interventions have been widely used elsewhere in the world, particularly in North America, Western Europe, and Australia, and there are many studies evaluating their impacts in these regions (Andor & Fels, 2018, p. 182). This report focuses primarily on household energy efficiency, and particularly on the most widespread and well-documented interventions, which are those related to providing feedback on energy consumption and labelling consumer goods. Although behavioural interventions have been shown to produce significant impacts and to be cost-effective in many situations, the available evidence has some limitations. Many examples that have been documented are small-scale trials or pilot projects; large-scale, institutionalised policy interventions based on behavioural insights are rare (Users TCP and IEA, 2020, p. 22). In many studies, experiments with small sample sizes and short durations show larger impacts than larger and longer-term studies, suggesting that pilot studies may over-estimate the savings that might be achieved by large-scale programmes (Andor & Fels, 2018, p. 182; Erhardt-Martinez et al., 2010, p. iv). The amount of energy saved by behavioural interventions is often fairly small and varies widely from one programme to another, suggesting that the effectiveness of these interventions may be highly dependent on local context and on details of design and implementation. Finally, many studies rely on participants reporting their intentions, and on hypothetical rather than actual purchasing decisions, and some studies have found a divergence between stated intentions and actual behaviour (Grünig et al., 2010, p. 41; Users TCP and IEA, 2020, pp. 75–76; Yang et al., 2015, pp. 21–22).
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Mapping the Public Voice for Development—Natural Language Processing of Social Media Text Data: A Special Supplement of Key Indicators for Asia and the Pacific 2022. Asian Development Bank, August 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22617/fls220347-3.
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This publication explores how natural language processing (NLP) techniques can be applied to social media text data to map public sentiment and inform development research and policy making. The publication introduces the foundations of natural language analyses and showcases studies that have applied NLP techniques to make progress on the Sustainable Development Goals. It also reviews specific NLP techniques and concepts, supported by two case studies. The first case study analyzes public sentiments on the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) in the Philippines while the second case study explores the public debate on climate change in Australia.