Relevant bibliographies by topics / Australian politicians

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Australian politicians'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 20 February 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Australian politicians"

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West, Marc, and Bernard Kachoyan. "Survival modelling of Australian politicians." Political Science 71, no. 2 (May 4, 2019): 140–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2019.1701948.

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Firdaus, Aos Yuli. "The Effects of Australia's Foreign Policy on Indonesia Post-Independence Timor Leste." British Journal of Philosophy, Sociology and History 2, no. 1 (January 13, 2022): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/bjpsh.2022.2.1.4.

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As initially, Australia supported the integration of Timor Leste into the Republic of Indonesia, many events occurred which caused the relationship between Indonesia and Australia to be slightly disturbed. The changes that have taken place in Australia's relationship with Indonesia illustrate the real effects of Timor-Leste's independence. As a result of Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process, its relationship underwent many changes, especially in the political and military fields. The changes taking place in military relations are evident. The Agreement on Mutual Security (AMS) was released, the joint training was canceled, and the troops that used to work together became enemies. Eventually, Australian arms sales to Indonesia were stopped. Changes in the political and diplomatic sphere, including all political visits, were canceled, and politicians within Australia and Indonesia publicly denounced others. Furthermore, cooperation within the global framework is limited, and the Ambassador's 'high alert' status is. Overall, Australia's relations with Indonesia became hostile. This study aims to determine how the influence of Australian foreign policy on Indonesia after the independence of Timor Leste. This research shows that the independence of Timor Leste and Australia's role in this process directly influenced government relations between Australia and Indonesia. Most Indonesians view the Australian government's actions and policies as separate from its relationship with Australian citizens.
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Zulkarnain and Aos Yuli Firdaus. "Australia Foreign Policy Effect On Indonesia Post Independence of Timor Leste." Britain International of Humanities and Social Sciences (BIoHS) Journal 4, no. 2 (June 16, 2022): 282–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/biohs.v4i2.667.

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As initially, Australia supported the integration of Timor Leste into the Republic of Indonesia, many events occurred which caused the relationship between Indonesia and Australia to be slightly disturbed. The changes that have taken place in Australia's relationship with Indonesia illustrate the real effects of Timor-Leste's independence. As a result of Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process, its relationship underwent many changes, especially in the political and military fields. The changes taking place in military relations are evident. First, the Agreement on Mutual Security (AMS) was released. Second, the joint training was cancelled, and the troops that used to work together became enemies. Eventually, Australian arms sales to Indonesia were stopped. Changes in the political and diplomatic sphere, including all political visits, were cancelled, and politicians within Australia and Indonesia publicly denounced others. Furthermore, cooperation within the global framework is limited, and the Ambassador's 'high alert' status is. Overall, Australia's relations with Indonesia became hostile. This study aims to determine how the influence of Australian foreign policy on Indonesia after the independence of Timor Leste. This research shows that the independence of Timor Leste and Australia's role in this process directly influenced government relations between Australia and Indonesia. Most Indonesians view the Australian government's actions and policies as separate from its relationship with Australian citizens. However, the relationship between people must still be considered when making policies about Indonesia because of widespread reactions to Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process.
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Horne, James. "Australian water decision making: are politicians performing?" International Journal of Water Resources Development 36, no. 2-3 (November 20, 2019): 462–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07900627.2019.1685950.

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Kabir, Nahid Afrose. "Are Young Muslims Adopting Australian Values?" Australian Journal of Education 52, no. 3 (November 2008): 229–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000494410805200302.

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Recently politicians in Australia have raised concerns that some Muslims are not adopting Australian values to a sufficient extent. In this paper I explore the notion of Australian values with respect to immigrant youth. By analysing interviews with 32 Muslim students who are 15-18 years of age and of diverse backgrounds in two state schools in Sydney, I focus on the extent to which these young people seem to be adopting Australian values. I discuss the factors that hinder the adoption of Australian values, and whether such hindrance can lead to a possible jihadi threat. This paper relies on oral testimonies and secondary sources, including international literature.
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Clyne, Michael. "The use of exclusionary language to manipulate opinion." Journal of Language and Politics 4, no. 2 (October 5, 2005): 173–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.4.2.03cly.

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This article explores the role of language used by the Australian prime minister and other politicians in swaying Australian public opinion against ‘boat people’, focusing especially on particular lexical items. The article contextualizes the representation and treatment of asylum seekers and the language used to do this, both generally in the contemporary period and in the history of Australia as a British outpost in the Pacific. It relates this to other issues expressed linguistically concerning national identity.
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Moyal, Ann, and Roslyn Russell. "Politicians and the Telephone: Assessing the Australian Evidence." Australian Journal of Politics & History 34, no. 3 (June 28, 2008): 333–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1988.tb01183.x.

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McLean, Hamish, and Jacqui Ewart. "Hindrance or Help? A Model for the Involvement of Politicians in Communicating with Publics during Disasters." International Journal of Mass Emergencies & Disasters 33, no. 2 (August 2015): 228–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/028072701503300205.

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Australia has experienced a number of significant natural disasters during the past few years with politicians increasingly involved in the provision of information to publics before, during and after disasters. Drawing on data from interviews with senior executives of Australian emergency management agencies we explore how these organisations manage the involvement of political actors in the public communication of disasters. We also investigate how emergency agencies manage their relationships with their political leaders in the recovery phase. We identify that improvements can be made to the ways politicians communicate with publics about disasters and we outline a preliminary best practice model for the involvement of politicians in delivering disaster warnings and information in the lead up to and during a disaster, and in the recovery process.
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Eisenhuth, Susan. "Telling stories that nobody wants to hear." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 16, no. 1 (May 1, 2010): 205–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v16i1.1018.

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Australian director Robert Connolly’s aspiration for his film Balibo—and the challenge of bringing it to a wider audience—was similar. As was his take on our propensity for not wanting to know. Certainly the death of the six Australian-based journalists—including New Zealander Gary Cunningham—seeking to tell the truth about Indonesia’s invasion of East Timor in 1975 was an episode that Australians, or more particularly their politicians, didn’t want to know about. Not then, not now, and not over the intervening period, when dreadful crimes were being perpetrated in Timor and Australian governments were averting their eyes, shamefully, in our name.
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Ali, Jan A. "Muslims as Archetypal Suspect Citizens in Australia." Australian Journal of Islamic Studies 5, no. 2 (September 27, 2020): 98–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.55831/ajis.v5i2.309.

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Muslims as archetypal suspect citizens in Australia is a product of Australian state approach to manage a section of supposedly “rogue population.” Muslims have been increasingly framed as a security problem and, therefore, their securitisation. The horrendous atrocities of the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks in the United States followed by a new period of similar attacks in various parts of particularly the Western world provided a new stage for an extensive range of discourses involving politicians, public intellectuals, academics, and journalists swiftly securitised Islam as an existential threat to Australian liberal democracy. This paper probes the politics of Muslim suspect and how securitizing and “othering” of Australian Muslims in the name of managing security threat to Australian national order are rendered Australian Muslims archetypal suspect citizens. It suggests that the politics of suspect and securitizing and “othering” of Muslims in Australia transforms security from the problem of producing national order to making Muslims feel unwelcome citizens.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Australian politicians"

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Baird, Julia Woodlands. "Housewife superstars : female politicians and the Australian print media, 1970-1990." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/18048.

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This thesis focuses on the relationship between female politicians and the press in Australia - how they were interviewed and reported on, and how their public image was shaped, between 1970 and 1990. Making use of frame analysis, it examines the way the media framed women elected to parliament, and reveals a pattern of coverage which consistently portrayed women as outsiders in a male political realm. However, it also reveals that the coverage changed over time. There were four major frames through which female politicians were viewed. The ‘iron lady’ frame involved a search for Australia’s first woman Prime Minister, and compared femininity to the exercise of power or authority. The ‘housewife’ frame focused on women politician’s domestic responsibilities, and sprang from an anxiety about the impact of women’s participation in the public sphere on the private sphere. The ‘body’ frame drew attention to women’s weight, appearance and sex lives, often to either explain or query their political success. Finally, the ‘feminist’ frame centered on questions which asked women MPs to define themselves as feminists, and sought their opinions only on narrowly defined women’s issues. Frames were determined by the hook, the headline, and the choice of photograph as well as the narrative of newspaper articles, and repetition of descriptive words. Each frame evolved over time, and each has been shaped by female politician’s criticisms of their treatment at the hands of the press. This thesis shows the previously unexamined relationship between female politicians and the Australian print media is not static or unilateral, but symbiotic, dialogic and constantly changing. As a forum for a broader societal debate about the role of women, the major metropolitan newspapers sustained and shaped, but also undermined a separate spheres ideology. The print media was not monolithic, and competing viewpoints were aired in editorials, articles, comment and opinion pieces. Female journalists in particular played a critical role in introducing and sustaining a debate about a gender bias in political reporting, in the press. I argue analyses must incorporate the agency of women politicians in order to understand the complexities of the women’s responses and resistance to their portrayal as ‘housewife superstars’ in the press, as well as the possibilities for change.
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Cusack, Danny. "With an olive branch and a shillelagh: the political career of Senator Paddy Lynch (1867-1944)." Thesis, Cusack, Danny (2002) With an olive branch and a shillelagh: the political career of Senator Paddy Lynch (1867-1944). PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2002. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/32/.

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As a loyal Empire man and ardent conscriptionist, Irish born Senator Paddy Lynch swam against the prevailing Irish Catholic Labor political current. He was one of those MP's who followed Prime Minister W.M. Hughes out of the Federal Labor caucus in November 1916, serving out the rest of his political career in the Nationalist ranks. On the face of things, he represents something of a contradiction. A close examination of Lynch's youth in Ireland, his early years in Australia and his subsequent parliamentary career helps us to resolve this apparent paradox. It also enables us to build up a picture of Lynch the man and to explain his political odyssey. He emerges as representative of that early generation of conservative Laborites (notably J.C. Watson, W.G. Spence and George Pearce) who, once they had achieved their immediate goals of reform, saw their subsequent role as defending the prevailing social order. Like many of these men, Lynch's commitment to the labour movement's principles of solidarity and collective endeavour co-existed with a desire for material self advancement. More fundamentally, when Lynch accumulated property and was eventually able to take up the occupation which he had known in Ireland, farming, his evolving class interest inevitably occasioned a change in political outlook. Lynch is shown to have been an essentially conservative Meath farmer whose early involvement in the labour movement in Australia can be largely explained as a temporary phase consequent on emigration. A single-minded and robust politician, Lynch was able to reconcile first his Irish and then his Australian nationalist loyalties with the cause of the Empire as the best guarantee of Australia's future security and advancement. He both represented and reinforced the more conservative Irish Catholic political climate which prevailed in Western Australia, compared to the more populous eastern states. The relationship of the Catholic Irish to the early labour movement in Australia was more complex and problematical than orthodox thinking has allowed. As someone who straddled both political camps, Lynch encapsulated many of the inherent ambiguities of the immigrant Irish. A study of his career allows us to gain a deeper insight into the complexities of the Irish-Australian experience.
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Cusack, Danny. "With an olive branch and a shillelagh : the political career of Senator Paddy Lynch (1867-1944) /." Cusack, Danny (2002) With an olive branch and a shillelagh: the political career of Senator Paddy Lynch (1867-1944). PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2002. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/32/.

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As a loyal Empire man and ardent conscriptionist, Irish born Senator Paddy Lynch swam against the prevailing Irish Catholic Labor political current. He was one of those MP's who followed Prime Minister W.M. Hughes out of the Federal Labor caucus in November 1916, serving out the rest of his political career in the Nationalist ranks. On the face of things, he represents something of a contradiction. A close examination of Lynch's youth in Ireland, his early years in Australia and his subsequent parliamentary career helps us to resolve this apparent paradox. It also enables us to build up a picture of Lynch the man and to explain his political odyssey. He emerges as representative of that early generation of conservative Laborites (notably J.C. Watson, W.G. Spence and George Pearce) who, once they had achieved their immediate goals of reform, saw their subsequent role as defending the prevailing social order. Like many of these men, Lynch's commitment to the labour movement's principles of solidarity and collective endeavour co-existed with a desire for material self advancement. More fundamentally, when Lynch accumulated property and was eventually able to take up the occupation which he had known in Ireland, farming, his evolving class interest inevitably occasioned a change in political outlook. Lynch is shown to have been an essentially conservative Meath farmer whose early involvement in the labour movement in Australia can be largely explained as a temporary phase consequent on emigration. A single-minded and robust politician, Lynch was able to reconcile first his Irish and then his Australian nationalist loyalties with the cause of the Empire as the best guarantee of Australia's future security and advancement. He both represented and reinforced the more conservative Irish Catholic political climate which prevailed in Western Australia, compared to the more populous eastern states. The relationship of the Catholic Irish to the early labour movement in Australia was more complex and problematical than orthodox thinking has allowed. As someone who straddled both political camps, Lynch encapsulated many of the inherent ambiguities of the immigrant Irish. A study of his career allows us to gain a deeper insight into the complexities of the Irish-Australian experience.
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Henderson, Peter Charles, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College, and School of Humanities. "A history of the Australian extreme right since 1950." THESIS_CAESS_HUM_Henderson_P.xml, 2002. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/504.

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This thesis is a narrative history of the major groups and individuals on the Australian extreme right since 1950. It assesses their genesis, growth, successes and failures as well as their origins in regard to Australia’s domestic situation and international influences. Various arguments are put forward: groups that emerged in the post World War 2 period are different than preceding groups; the Social Credit movement is in decline; the ideas of neo-Nazi and fascist groups, while powerful, are generally no longer viable; anti-immigration and racial nationalist groups were an attempt to forge an indigenous movement; the role of individual activists are an important element in extreme right political activity; the Confederate Action Party was destroyed by internecine fighting; the Citizens Electoral Council is representative of a movement with the potential to promote dissent in society and may become one of the more important groups of the extreme right; Pauline Hanson’s movement eventually proved damaging to the extreme right. It is concluded that the extreme right has exerted a significant negative influence over Australian society, influencing both national and international trends
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
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Henderson, Peter Charles. "A history of the Australian extreme right since 1950." Thesis, View thesis, 2002. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/504.

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This thesis is a narrative history of the major groups and individuals on the Australian extreme right since 1950. It assesses their genesis, growth, successes and failures as well as their origins in regard to Australia’s domestic situation and international influences. Various arguments are put forward: groups that emerged in the post World War 2 period are different than preceding groups; the Social Credit movement is in decline; the ideas of neo-Nazi and fascist groups, while powerful, are generally no longer viable; anti-immigration and racial nationalist groups were an attempt to forge an indigenous movement; the role of individual activists are an important element in extreme right political activity; the Confederate Action Party was destroyed by internecine fighting; the Citizens Electoral Council is representative of a movement with the potential to promote dissent in society and may become one of the more important groups of the extreme right; Pauline Hanson’s movement eventually proved damaging to the extreme right. It is concluded that the extreme right has exerted a significant negative influence over Australian society, influencing both national and international trends
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Henderson, Peter Charles. "A history of the Australian extreme right since 1950 /." View thesis, 2002. http://library.uws.edu.au/adt-NUWS/public/adt-NUWS20030924.134813/index.html.

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Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Western Sydney, 2002.
"A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, December 2002, School of Humanities, University of Western Sydney" Bibliography : p. [419]-451.
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au, collins6@westnet com, and Alexander Collins. ""A Veritable Augustus": The Life of John Winthrop Hackett, Newspaper Proprietor, Politician and Philanthropist (1848-1916)." Murdoch University, 2007. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20070903.105528.

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Irish-born Sir John Winthrop Hackett (1848-1916) achieved substantial political and social standing in Western Australia through his editorship and part-ownership of the West Australian newspaper, his position as a Legislative Council member and as a layman in the Anglican Church. The thesis illustrates his strong commitment to numerous undertakings, including his major role in the establishment of Western Australia's first University. This thesis will argue that whatever Hackett attempted to achieve in Western Australia, his philosophy can be attributed to his Irish Protestant background including his student days at Trinity College Dublin. After arriving in Australia in 1875 and teaching at Trinity College Melbourne until 1882, his ambitions took him to Western Australia where he aspired to be accepted and recognised by the local establishment. He was determined that his achievements would not only be acknowledged by his contemporaries, but also just as importantly be remembered in posterity. After a failed attempt to run a sheep station, he found success as part-owner and editor of the West Australian newspaper. Outside of his business interests, Hackett’s commitment to the Anglican Church was unflagging. At the same time, he was instrumental in bringing about the abolition of state aid to church schools in Western Australia, which he saw as advantaging the Roman Catholic Church. He was a Legislative Council member for 25 years during which time he used his editorship of the West Australian, to campaign successfully on a number of social, industrial and economic issues ranging from divorce reform to the provision of economic infrastructure. As a delegate to the National Australasian Conventions he continually strove to improve the conditions under which Western Australia would join Federation. His crowning achievement was to establish the state’s first university, which he also generously provided for in his will. One of the most influential men in Western Australian history, his career epitomised the energy and ambition of the well-educated immigrant.
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Cope, Robert G. "Becoming a politician: A biography of James Cope." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1997. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/36554/1/36554_Digitised%20Thesis.pdf.

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This work documents the personal life and contextual events surrounding an ordinary man in order to investigate the history of his development and education both as a person and as a politician. While there are substantial biographical works tracing the life of a politician, few have used oral history to write the life of ordinary politicians from working class backgrounds. Other issues discussed in relation to the work and central to the understanding of the subject are the choice of subject for biography, humour as power, gender dynamics in politics, and life history methodology. The major source of data is interviews, supported by other accounts including newspapers, biographies, autobiographies, Hansard material and archives. The subject's development and education began well within a supportive family environment and continued with a sound formal education at kindergarten, primary and secondary levels. Sport provided a basis for success and self esteem during his schooling and thereafter throughout his life. Post school development was maintained by a self-motivated drive to accumulate knowledge primarily through reading and observation of other people. His likeable personality, natural charm and wit allowed him to connect with excellent role models from whom he continued to learn throughout his union and political careers. Apart from the negative experiences of the Depression, successes throughout life allowed him to endure with dignity and stoicism any setbacks, especially his forced resignation from the position of Speaker, which was devastating and effectively ended his career.
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Kear, Louise. "Growing political apathy in Australia : a study of the gap between the self-perception and the public perception of politicians and its meaning /." St. Lucia, Qld, 2004. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe.pdf.

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Rasiah, Parameswary. "Evasion in Australia's parliamentary question time : the case of the Iraq war." University of Western Australia. Graduate School of Education, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0208.

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Given that the basic functions of parliamentary Question Time are to provide information and to hold the Government accountable for its actions, the possibility of evasion occurring in such a context is of crucial importance. Evasion (equivocation) has been identified as a matter of concern in political interviews, but no systematic study has been undertaken in the context of parliamentary discourse, notably Question Time, anywhere in the world. This study applies and adapts Harris's (1991) coding framework on various types of responses, Bull and Mayer's (1993) typology of non-replies and Clayman's (2001) work on how politicians 'resist' answering questions, all of which are based on political news interviews, to the study of evasion in Australia's House of Representatives' Question Time. A comprehensive, unified framework for the analysis of evasion is described, a decision flow-chart for the framework is provided, and an illustrative example of the applied framework is given based on Australia's Federal House of Representatives' Question Time. Put simply, the study was undertaken to determine if evasion occurred, how frequently it occurred and how it occurred. It involved the classification of responses as 'answers' (direct or indirect), 'intermediate responses' (such as pointing out incorrect information in the question), and 'evasions' based on specific criteria. Responses which were considered evasions were further analysed to determine the levels of evasion, whether they were covert or overt in nature and the types of 'agenda shifts' that occurred, if any. The thesis also involved a discourse-analytical study of other factors that appear to facilitate Ministerial evasion in Australia's House of Representatives, including the Speaker's performance and the use of 'Dorothy Dixers'. The research data was sourced from Question Time transcripts from the House of Representatives Hansard for the months of February and March 2003, dealing only with questions and responses on the topic of Iraq. In those months there were 87 questions on the topic of Iraq, representing more than two thirds of all questions on Iraq for the whole of 2003. Of these 87 questions, the majority (48) came from the Opposition party, through its leader. The balance (39) was asked by Government MPs. Analysis of the question/answer discourse for all 87 questions revealed that every question asked by Government members was answered compared to only 8 of the 48 Opposition questions. Of the 40 remaining Opposition questions, 21 were given intermediate responses and 19 were evaded outright. The fact that the overwhelming majority (83%) of Opposition questions were not answered together with other findings such as instances of partiality on the part of the Speaker; the use of 'friendly', prearranged questions by Government MPs; and the 'hostile' nature of questions asked by Opposition MPs casts serious doubt on the effectiveness of Question Time as a means of ensuring the Government is held accountable for its actions. The study provides empirical evidence that evasion does occur in Australia's House of Representatives' Question Time.
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Books on the topic "Australian politicians"

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Killen: Inside Australian politics. North Ryde [N.S.W]: Methuen Haynes, 1985.

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Baird, Julia. Media tarts: How the Australian press frames female politicians. Melbourne: Scribe, 2004.

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John, Button. Flying the kite: Travels of an Australian politician. Milsons Point, NSW: Random House Australia, 1994.

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Mungo, MacCallum. Mungo MacCallum's Australian political anecdotes. Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1994.

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John, Button. As it happened. Melbourne: Text Pub., 1998.

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Griffen-Foley, Bridget. Party games: Australian politicians and the media from war to dismissal. Melbourne: Text Publishing, 2003.

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Frederic Eggleston: An intellectual in Australian politics. Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1985.

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Paul Keating: The big-picture leader. Melbourne: Scribe Publications, 2016.

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Weller, Patrick Moray. Dodging raindrops, John Button: A Labor life. St. Leonards, N.S.W: Allen & Unwin, 1999.

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Party, Australian Labor. Australian Labor Party: Media information directory, federal election, 1990. [Sydney?: The Party, 1990.

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Book chapters on the topic "Australian politicians"

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Horne, James. "Australian water decision making: are politicians performing?" In Global Water Resources, 240–61. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003179498-20.

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Bromfield, Nicholas, Alexander Page, and Kurt Sengul. "Rhetoric, Culture, and Climate Wars: A Discursive Analysis of Australian Political Leaders’ Responses to the Black Summer Bushfire Crisis." In When Politicians Talk, 149–67. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-3579-3_9.

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Paul, J. B. "Governors and Politicians: the Australian States principally in the 1940s and 1950s." In Constitutional Heads and Political Crises, 37–56. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-10197-9_3.

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Pakulski, Jan, and Bruce Tranter. "Introduction: What Is Wrong with Our Politicians?" In The Decline of Political Leadership in Australia?, 1–16. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137518064_1.

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Milner Davis, Jessica, and Lindsay Foyle. "The Satirist, the Larrikin and the Politician: An Australian Perspective on Satire and Politics." In Satire and Politics, 1–36. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-56774-7_1.

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Scott, Michael. "Knowledge of Governance as Knowledge for Governance: Spatialized Techniques of Neutralization." In Knowledge for Governance, 51–67. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47150-7_3.

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AbstractThe term governance often evokes processes of negotiation and collaboration between civil society, private sector, and state actors. Yet, governance processes also involve a contest of ideas in efforts to legitimate state-backed decision making. Drawing on empirical cases of coastal property developments in South Australia, this chapter investigates how key actors in land-use governance—such as developers, planners, politicians, and scientists—reflexively deploy “techniques of neutralization” to deflect critiques and manage opposition to contentious new developments. The author explores how these techniques draw on particular spatial metaphors and images to suggest that, somewhat ironically, a tacit meta technique is to neutralize the projected environmental risks to coastal space through narratives of time. By outlining these everyday techniques of neutralization, the author argues that such routines are a form of knowledge of governance—knowing what can be said and ways of speaking within governance processes—that is in turn a form of knowledge for governance.
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Chung, Mona, and Bruno Mascitelli. "The Case of Australian Reluctance With the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative." In Dynamic Perspectives on Globalization and Sustainable Business in Asia, 11–21. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-7095-0.ch002.

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The One Belt One Road initiative is a global strategy proposed by President Xi in 2013. It was referred to as the new silk road approach which includes a land-based and ocean-based routes. The BRI, were it to reach its milestones, would be a landscape changing plan of the world and not just for China. As Australia's number one trading partner, China plays an important role for Australia especially for its economy. However, there has been a poor and lacking understanding of this strategy since 2013. The chapter highlights the importance of the strategy and the approach by the Australian politicians. Fearing being left behind, Australia politicians begin to pay attention to the strategy and especially any related plans which may or may not include Australia. The aim of this chapter is to ascertain and explain why Australia has adopted a cool and almost negative approach towards the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). With further exploration of the Australia-China trade relationship, the chapter raised the question of the importance of China to Australia.
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Blewett, Neal. "The Personal Writings of Politicians." In Australian Political Lives: Chronicling political careers and administrative histories. ANU Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.22459/apl.10.2006.15.

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Cherny, Robert. "Harry Bridges’s Australia, Australia’s Harry Bridges." In Frontiers of Labor. University of Illinois Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041839.003.0017.

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Harry Bridges, longtime leader of the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU, representing Pacific Coast workers), was born in Australia in 1901 and came to the United States in 1920. Bridges brought Australian concepts of labor and politics to the docks of San Francisco in the early 1930s and injected Australian examples into his discussions of US working conditions and politics thereafter. When faced in 1939-1955 with deportation for being a Communist, he always attributed his political outlook to his early experiences in Australia. Bridges was frequently demonized in the US press, and a similar process occurred in Australia as the press there drew upon the US press in presenting Bridges. Just as business groups and conservatives in the United States saw Bridges as a dangerous radical, so too did conservative Australian politicians let their fear of Bridges carry them into a Quixotic campaign to prevent him from sneaking into their country. However, the Australian dockworkers’ union, the Waterfront Workers’ Federation, looked to Bridges and the ILWU as inspiration and exemplar, and Bridges and the ILWU worked closely with their counterparts in Australia. With the thaw in the Cold War aecline in anticommunist rhetoric in both nations, Bridges could be celebrated in both places as a “labor statesman.”
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Curthoys, Ann. "Conflicts of Interest, Crises of Conscience: Scots and Aboriginal People in Eastern Australia, 1830s–1861." In Global Migrations. Edinburgh University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474410045.003.0007.

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The chapter explores the various relationships Scottish immigrants had to Indigenous people in the Australian colonies over three decades. It considers the role of Scots on the violent frontiers of settlement, and in the post-conflict period, looking at pastoralists, journalists, politicians, ethnographers, and clerics. The chapter concludes that Scottish interactions with Indigenous people differed so greatly according to class, purpose, and circumstance that there is little distinctive "Scottish" relationship to Indigenous Australians.
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Conference papers on the topic "Australian politicians"

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Vallis, Carmen. "Writing against the tide." In 25th Australasian Association of Writing Programs Conference 2020. Australasian Association of Writing Programs, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32613/acp/2020.73.

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A tide of conservatism is rising. Despite bushfires and a global epidemic, many are unwilling or unable to grapple with the facts behind these catastrophes. What is not said drifts in and out of public consciousness. In present silences and lacunae, past stories wait to be told anew. In this presentation, I reflect on discontinuity and continuity in the curious silence around the Joh Bjelke-Petersen era in Queensland history, a time remembered for corrupt politicians and cops, but otherwise culturally (and conveniently) forgotten in literary fiction. I discuss my creative response to this era, and outline processes that are saving me from drowning in entwined political, cultural and personal silences as I write an exegesis and novel.
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Reports on the topic "Australian politicians"

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Mayfield, Colin. Higher Education in the Water Sector: A Global Overview. United Nations University Institute for Water, Environment and Health, May 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.53328/guxy9244.

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Higher education related to water is a critical component of capacity development necessary to support countries’ progress towards Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) overall, and towards the SDG6 water and sanitation goal in particular. Although the precise number is unknown, there are at least 28,000 higher education institutions in the world. The actual number is likely higher and constantly changing. Water education programmes are very diverse and complex and can include components of engineering, biology, chemistry, physics, hydrology, hydrogeology, ecology, geography, earth sciences, public health, sociology, law, and political sciences, to mention a few areas. In addition, various levels of qualifications are offered, ranging from certificate, diploma, baccalaureate, to the master’s and doctorate (or equivalent) levels. The percentage of universities offering programmes in ‘water’ ranges from 40% in the USA and Europe to 1% in subSaharan Africa. There are no specific data sets available for the extent or quality of teaching ‘water’ in universities. Consequently, insights on this have to be drawn or inferred from data sources on overall research and teaching excellence such as Scopus, the Shanghai Academic Ranking of World Universities, the Times Higher Education, the Ranking Web of Universities, the Our World in Data website and the UN Statistics Division data. Using a combination of measures of research excellence in water resources and related topics, and overall rankings of university teaching excellence, universities with representation in both categories were identified. Very few universities are represented in both categories. Countries that have at least three universities in the list of the top 50 include USA, Australia, China, UK, Netherlands and Canada. There are universities that have excellent reputations for both teaching excellence and for excellent and diverse research activities in water-related topics. They are mainly in the USA, Europe, Australia and China. Other universities scored well on research in water resources but did not in teaching excellence. The approach proposed in this report has potential to guide the development of comprehensive programmes in water. No specific comparative data on the quality of teaching in water-related topics has been identified. This report further shows the variety of pathways which most water education programmes are associated with or built in – through science, technology and engineering post-secondary and professional education systems. The multitude of possible institutions and pathways to acquire a qualification in water means that a better ‘roadmap’ is needed to chart the programmes. A global database with details on programme curricula, qualifications offered, duration, prerequisites, cost, transfer opportunities and other programme parameters would be ideal for this purpose, showing country-level, regional and global search capabilities. Cooperation between institutions in preparing or presenting water programmes is currently rather limited. Regional consortia of institutions may facilitate cooperation. A similar process could be used for technical and vocational education and training, although a more local approach would be better since conditions, regulations and technologies vary between relatively small areas. Finally, this report examines various factors affecting the future availability of water professionals. This includes the availability of suitable education and training programmes, choices that students make to pursue different areas of study, employment prospects, increasing gender equity, costs of education, and students’ and graduates’ mobility, especially between developing and developed countries. This report aims to inform and open a conversation with educators and administrators in higher education especially those engaged in water education or preparing to enter that field. It will also benefit students intending to enter the water resources field, professionals seeking an overview of educational activities for continuing education on water and government officials and politicians responsible for educational activities
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