Journal articles on the topic 'Australian political system'
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1
HARMAN, G. S. "Education, Political Science and the Australian Political System." Australian Journal of Politics & History 19, no. 3 (April 7, 2008): 377–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1973.tb00634.x.
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Cornelius, Karen, and Aidan Cornelius-Bell. "Systemic racism, a prime minister, and the remote Australian school system." Radical Teacher 122 (April 28, 2022): 64–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/rt.2022.935.
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Remote Australian schools face complex contextual issues due to systemic and enduring disadvantage. The structures and systems put in place to support and provide advantage for Indigenous Australians continually fail to meet their mark due to colonial structures, policies and inability to understand remote contextual demands. In South Australia, the context of this paper, systemic disadvantage disproportionately affects Indigenous people. This article explores the contemporary colonial landscape of a remote school context, provides background on the colonial institutions which shape the interactions and services provided to people in remote Australian areas, and provides two empirical examples of the contemporary, structural, and harmful influence of policy and political figures in a remote school. By examining the politics of being a school leader, the policy background for remote Australian schools, and the unique challenges of position both in policy and physical terms, we show how contemporary racism structures and conditions the lives of young people in remote contexts today.
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Rhiannon, Lee. "Organising, movements and political parties." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 1, no. 2 (August 26, 2009): 30–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v1i2.1114.
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The paper outlines historical and contemporary relationships between political parties and social movements, with a focus on the Australian Greens. It posits some of the limitations and possibilities of this relationship, drawing on Australia-based experience. It argues the relationship is a necessary one, both to social movements seeking to pursue their agendas through the political system, and to political parties needing to be open to broad public participation and to maintain strong links to on-the-ground issues. It concludes that the Australian Greens have sought to strike a balance between party and movement, recognising the limits of both.
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Sheppard, Jill, Marija Taflaga, and Liang Jiang. "Explaining high rates of political participation among Chinese migrants to Australia." International Political Science Review 41, no. 3 (May 22, 2019): 385–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512119834623.
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Studies of political participation regularly observe the underrepresentation of immigrant citizens and ethnic minorities. In contrast, evidence from Australia suggests that immigrant Australians are overrepresented in certain forms of participation, including donating money and working for a party or candidate. Drawing on major theories of ethnic political participation (including socialisation, recruitment and clientelism), this study uses 2013 Australian Election Study data to show that China-born migrants to Australia participate at higher rates than native-born and other migrant citizens. The study finds support for two explanatory theories: (a) that contributions of money by recently-arrived migrants are an aspect of clientelist relationships between migrants and legislators; and (b) that political interest in and knowledge of the host country’s political system are not necessary, and indeed perhaps even depress participation among newly-arrived migrants. These findings suggest an under-explored vein of transactional politics within established democratic systems.
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Haward, Marcus, and Nicholas Cooper. "Australian interests, bifocalism, bipartisanship, and the Antarctic Treaty System." Polar Record 50, no. 1 (December 20, 2012): 60–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247412000459.
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ABSTRACTThis article explores the character of domestic political support for the Australian Antarctic Territory and Australia's involvement in the Antarctic Treaty System, using the linked frames of bifocalism and bipartisanship. After first unpacking these concepts it explores how they have shaped the extent and form of Australia's Antarctic endeavours from the 1930s to the present day. It is argued that the analysis shows that bipartisan commitment to Australian interests in Antarctica is framed through bifocalism: first, Australian national interests are closely linked to maintenance of the Antarctic Treaty and Antarctic Treaty System, and second, presentation of these national interests is not inimical to commitments to the Antarctic Treaty and Antarctic Treaty System.
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FIELKE, SIMON J., and DOUGLAS K. BARDSLEY. "A Brief Political History of South Australian Agriculture." Rural History 26, no. 1 (March 9, 2015): 101–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095679331400017x.
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Abstract:This paper aims to explain why South Australian agricultural land use is focused on continually increasing productivity, when the majority of produce is exported, at the long-term expense of agriculturally-based communities and the environment. A historical analysis of literature relevant to the agricultural development of South Australia is used chronologically to report aspects of the industry that continue to cause concerns in the present day. The historically dominant capitalist socio-economic system and ‘anthropocentric’ world views of farmers, politicians, and key stakeholders have resulted in detrimental social, environmental and political outcomes. Although recognition of the environmental impacts of agricultural land use has increased dramatically since the 1980s, conventional productivist, export oriented farming still dominates the South Australian landscape. A combination of market oriented initiatives and concerned producers are, however, contributing to increasing the recognition of the environmental and social outcomes of agricultural practice and it is argued here that South Australia has the opportunity to value multifunctional land use more explicitly via innovative policy.
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Jones, Paul K., and Michael Pusey. "Political communication and ‘media system’: the Australian canary." Media, Culture & Society 32, no. 3 (May 2010): 451–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443709361172.
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Goodman, James. "Contesting Accusations of ‘Foreign Interference’: New Agendas for Australian Civil Society." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 10, no. 1 (March 29, 2018): 63–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v10i1.5934.
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In 2017 the Australian Government announced a raft of measures designed to combat ‘foreign interference’ in the Australian political system. The measures propose new constraints on civil society advocacy and threaten to seriously curtail democratic rights. They form part of global trend towards the increased regulation of International Non-Government Organisations (INGOs), driven by fears of ‘foreign’ political influence. In response to the shrinking ‘civic space’, NGOs are defining new agendas. Recently in Australia and elsewhere NGO advocates have gained some traction in extending the legitimacy and scope for political advocacy. The new rhetoric of countering ‘foreign interference’ threatens NGO advocacy, but also creates new political possibilities. This article surveys the international trends and Australian contexts; it analyses recent legislative proposals in Australia to combat ‘foreign interference’, and outlines the public debate. The double standard for INGOs and multinational corporations is highlighted as a key theme, and the article ends with a concluding discussion about emerging possibilities for new political obligations for corporations in Australia
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SHARMAN, G. C. "Federalism And The Study Of The Australian Political System*." Australian Journal of Politics & History 21, no. 3 (June 28, 2008): 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1975.tb01149.x.
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Bean, Clive, and Ian McAllister. "Factions and tendencies in the Australian political party system." Politics 24, no. 2 (November 1989): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00323268908402092.
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Baer, Hans A. "The Drive for Legitimation in Chinese Medicine and Acupuncture in Australia: Successes and Dilemmas." Complementary health practice review 12, no. 2 (April 2007): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1533210107302933.
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This article examines the drive for legitimation on the part of Chinese medicine and more specifically acupuncture in Australia. It examines the development of Chinese medicine in Australia, the road to statutory registration of Chinese medicine in Victoria, and the niche of Chinese medicine within the context of the Australian plural medical system. Despite the opposition of organized medicine, the Victorian Parliament passed the Chinese Medicine Registration Act in May 2000, making Victoria the only Australian political jurisdiction to formally regulate Chinese medicine practitioners and acupuncturists. The legal status of Chinese medicine and acupuncture outside of Victoria resembles that of naturopathy and other natural therapies, such as Western herbalism and homeopathy, none of which has achieved statutory registration in any Australian jurisdiction. Chinese medicine has a distinct identity within the context of the Australian plural medical system. Conversely, acupuncture, as one of the modalities of Chinese medicine—and in Western societies its principal modality—has been incorporated into various other heterodox medical subsystems, particularly chiropractic, osteopathy, and naturopathy, as well as conventional systems, such as biomedicine and physiotherapy.
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Gao, Jia. "Politics of a Different Kind: Chinese in Immigration Litigation in the Post White Australia Era." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 3, no. 1 (April 4, 2011): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v3i1.1786.
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The first mass Chinese immigration to Australia occurred in the 19th century, with approximately 100,000 Chinese arriving between the 1840s and 1901 (Fitzgerald 2007; Ho 2007), during which questions were raised both in relation to the Chinese rights of migration and settlement in Australia, and the validity of the government's actions against the Chinese. The latter question was in fact considered in the colonial courts (Cronin 1993; Lake and Reynolds 2008). Since then, the Chinese in Australia have never shied away from taking various legal actions, although they are normally seen as people who keep to themselves. Australia abandoned its 'White Australia' policy in 1974, and lately Australia has placed more emphasis on skilled and business migration. As a result, many believe that Chinese migrants have come to Australia under its normal skilled, business or family migration programs, which ignores the fact that a high proportion of them have obtained their chance to stay in Australia directly or indirectly through a series of legal battles. This paper contributes to the discussion of the Chinese in Australian political life by looking at how the Chinese have fought in the Courts in the post-White Australia era in past decades, and the key features of their unique experiences. This is a different type of political activism, characterising the lives of many Australian Chinese, their engagement with the Australian political system, and becoming part of the background of their identity, transnationality, socio-political attitudes and behaviour and many other traits.
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Kerr, Rhonda, and Delia V. Hendrie. "Is capital investment in Australian hospitals effectively funding patient access to efficient public hospital care?" Australian Health Review 42, no. 5 (2018): 501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah17231.
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Objective This study asks ‘Is capital investment in Australian public hospitals effectively funding patient access to efficient hospital care?’ Methods The study drew information from semistructured interviews with senior health infrastructure officials, literature reviews and World Health Organization (WHO) reports. To identify which systems most effectively fund patient access to efficient hospitals, capital allocation systems for 17 Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries were assessed. Results Australian government objectives (equitable access to clinically appropriate, efficient, sustainable, innovative, patient-based) for acute health services are not directly addressed within Australian capital allocation systems for hospitals. Instead, Australia retains a prioritised hospital investment system for institutionally based asset replacement and capital planning, aligned with budgetary and political priorities. Australian systems of capital allocation for public hospitals were found not to match health system objectives for allocative, productive and dynamic efficiency. Australia scored below average in funding patient access to efficient hospitals. The OECD countries most effectively funding patient access to efficient hospital care have transitioned to diagnosis-related group (DRG) aligned capital funding. Measures of effective capital allocation for hospitals, patient access and efficiency found mixed government–private–public partnerships performed poorly with inferior access to capital than DRG-aligned systems, with the worst performing systems based on private finance. Conclusion Australian capital allocation systems for hospitals do not meet Australian government standards for the health system. Transition to a diagnosis-based system of capital allocation would align capital allocation with government standards and has been found to improve patient access to efficient hospital care. What is known about the topic? Very little is known about the effectiveness of Australian capital allocation for public hospitals. In Australia, capital is rarely discussed in the context of efficiency, although poor built capital and inappropriate technologies are acknowledged as limitations to improving efficiency. Capital allocated for public hospitals by state and territory is no longer reported by Australian Institute of Health and Welfare due to problems with data reliability. International comparative reviews of capital funding for hospitals have not included Australia. Most comparative efficiency reviews for health avoid considering capital allocation. The national review of hospitals found capital allocation information makes it difficult to determine ’if we have it right’ in terms of investment for health services. Problems with capital allocation systems for public hospitals have been identified within state-based reviews of health service delivery. The Productivity Commission was unable to identify the cost of capital used in treating patients in Australian public hospitals. Instead, building and equipment depreciation plus the user cost of capital (or the cost of using the money invested in the asset) are used to estimate the cost of capital required for patient care, despite concerns about accuracy and comparability. What does this paper add? This is the first study to review capital allocation systems for Australian public hospitals, to evaluate those systems against the contemporary objectives of the health systems and to assess whether prevailing Australian allocation systems deliver funds to facilitate patient access to efficient hospital care. This is the first study to evaluate Australian hospital capital allocation and efficiency. It compares the objectives of the Australian public hospitals system (for universal access to patient-centred, efficient and effective health care) against a range of capital funding mechanisms used in comparable health systems. It is also the first comparative review of international capital funding systems to include Australia. What are the implications for practitioners? Clinical quality and operational efficiency in hospitals require access for all patients to technologically appropriate hospitals. Funding for appropriate public hospital facilities, medical equipment and information and communications technology is not connected to activity-based funding in Australia. This study examines how capital can most effectively be allocated to provide patient access to efficient hospital care for Australian public hospitals. Capital investment for hospitals that is patient based, rather than institutionally focused, aligns with higher efficiency.
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Liddell, Max, and Chris Goddard. "Protecting children or political priorities?: The role of governments at Woomera." Children Australia 27, no. 3 (2002): 26–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1035077200005174.
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In March 2002 the authors notified all the children living in the Woomera Detention Centre to South Australia's child protection system, in an effort to ensure that the well-being of those children was protected. An investigation was conducted; serious problems at Woomera were identified; and the relevant South Australian Minister asked the Federal Minister for Immigration for ‘new guidelines’ for the centre. Then silence descended.In this article, the authors detail the reasons for their notifications and outline the events which followed. The Federal Government criticised the report of the investigation by SA child protection workers, and there is no indication of any action taken on it. In explaining the ensuing silence the authors refer to their understanding of the contents of a Memorandum of Understanding between the Federal and South Australian Governments. This memorandum, it is believed, ensures no further information about Woomera will be revealed. Further, the memorandum appears to leave the Federal Government with total responsibility for follow-up action. The South Australian Government seems to have surrendered its responsibility in this regard. Given the lack of action, the authors question whether both levels of government could be in breach of South Australia's Children's Protection Act 1993.
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JENSEN, MICHAEL J., and TITUS C. CHEN. "Illiberal Media in a Liberal Democracy: Examining Identity in Australia’s Mandarin Language News." Issues & Studies 57, no. 02 (June 2021): 2150005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251121500053.
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The regime of censorship in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) extends beyond its borders through the extraterritorial application of its media regulations to popular social media platforms like WeChat. This research investigates the effects of the PRC’s extraterritorial control of online content on the identity narratives and norms communicated by comparing Australia’s Special Broadcast Service (SBS) Mandarin language news and the news targeting Australian audiences published on popular WeChat Official Accounts (OAs). We find significant differences in the news content between these two platforms: SBS provides more political content and a focus on political and cultural integration, while WeChat pages tend to avoid political topics that are not otherwise press releases from the PRC and they encourage strong cultural ties with Mainland China. Finally, SBS tends to both inform and cultivate democratic political identities and identification with the Australian political system, whereas WeChat tends to differentiate the Chinese diaspora from the wider Australian community. We situate these findings within a wider understanding of PRC’s national security strategies and doctrine. Whether by requirement or practice, not only the WeChat OAs in Australia implement PRC’s communication controls, but the content on these pages also challenges the liberal democratic practices and norms and supports foreign influence and espionage in Australia.
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Kain, Jennifer S. "Standardising Defence Lines: William Perrin Norris, Eugenics and Australian Border Control." Social History of Medicine 33, no. 3 (October 8, 2018): 843–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/shm/hky075.
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Abstract This article investigates the policy and practice of Australia's so-called ‘eugenic phase’ of border control embedded within the 1912 Immigration Act. It highlights the efforts of the first London-based Commonwealth Medical Officer - Dr William Perrin Norris - who designed a medical bureaucratic system intended to keep ‘defectives’ out of Australia. Norris' vision is revealed to be befitting of his character, experience, and a passion for uniformity which went beyond his legal jurisdiction. In examining the associated political debates, procedural instructions and the practicalities of the legislation, this article advances a more nuanced historical understanding of this period of Australian border control, and traces the evolution of the idiot and insane prohibited immigrant clause in the first quarter of the twentieth century.
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Bean, Clive. "The Forgotten Cleavage? Religion and Politics in Australia." Canadian Journal of Political Science 32, no. 3 (September 1999): 551–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900013962.
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AbstractIn Australia, religion historically has been seen as a secondary but nonetheless significant sociopolitical cleavage, in part cutting across the class divide. In recent times, Australian scholars, like those elsewhere, have been inclined to argue that the political significance of religion is a legacy of the past and that religion no longer plays an important role in shaping mass political behaviour. Although class is also said to have declined in political significance, it is still treated as being of some importance as a cornerstone of the party system. However, many scholars seem more willing to dismiss the relevance of religion altogether. Using sample survey data collected over more than 25 years, this article examines the role of religion in modern Australian electoral politics and assesses the adequacy of such arguments.
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POULIQUEN-YOUNG, ODILE. "Evolution of the system of protected areas in Western Australia." Environmental Conservation 24, no. 2 (June 1997): 168–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0376892997000234.
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The Western Australian system of protected areas (PAs) covers more than 15 million ha and is the second largest conservation estate of the Australian continent. An analysis of the history of the creation of PAs in Western Australia shows that the concept of nature conservation through reserves was slow to emerge. During the early decades of the century, reserves were mainly created for their recreation values. The lack of governmental interest in nature conservation led to a belated development of reserve coverage up to the 1950s, while vast areas of land were opened to farming and pastoralism. Following two scientifically-based reviews of the PA system, the number and coverage of PAs increased dramatically up to the late 1970s. The rationalization of the vesting and managerial responsibilities for PAs was only finalized in the 1980s. Since then, there has not been any large increase in PA area but a consolidation of the PA coverage. The development of the system of PAs has been impeded by the belated response of Western Australian governments to conservation concerns and a 'worthless' land approach to conservation as a land use. While large-scale land alienation for agriculture has now stopped, other types of land uses such as mining and other aspirations over land management and vesting, such as Aboriginal land claims and forestry are now constraining any large expansion of the PA system. Only an approach embracing the whole landscape can overcome the political and social limitations of the concept of PAs and the further degradation of developed land in Western Australia.
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Fuller, Jacqueline. "The David Eastman case: The use of inquiries to investigate miscarriages of justice in Australia." Alternative Law Journal 45, no. 1 (November 4, 2019): 60–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1037969x19886348.
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The wrongful conviction of David Harold Eastman in the Australian Capital Territory represents one of Australia’s most recent and high-profile public failures of the criminal justice system and highlights the limits of the Australian legal system. Further, the Eastman case draws into question the use of inquiries into miscarriages of justice, particularly when an inquiry’s recommendations can be disregarded by governments (as it was in this instance). This article provides an overview of the Eastman case and critically evaluates how it sheds light on the use of inquiries as an avenue to investigate and correct wrongful convictions more broadly in Australia.
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Fredman, Nick. "Misreading the Crisis: Issues in Australian Media Representations of Indonesian Politics." Media International Australia 93, no. 1 (November 1999): 119–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x9909300112.
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This article critiques differing approaches to analysing Australian media representations of Indonesia, and argues that an analysis of ideology and language is key to understanding this discourse. Many mass media commentators have been caught by surprise at the rapid development and severity of the economic and political crisis in Indonesia, and there has been ongoing confusion in media accounts of the crisis. The article explains this in terms of the contradictions that representing an authoritarian political system has created for the Australian media, which is underpinned by liberal-democratic ideology. These contradictions were held in check by the creation of several myths around Indonesia's apparent economic successes, the possibilities of peaceful change and Australia's national interest. The onset of a major crisis, however, has brought these contradictions to breaking point. The article also suggests some connections between the liberal discourse of a closer engagement with Asia and Australia's racist history.
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Cook, Matthew James, Gabriela Guizzo Dri, Prishanee Logan, Jia Bin Tan, and Antoine Flahault. "COVID-19 Down Under: Australia’s Initial Pandemic Experience." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 17, no. 23 (December 1, 2020): 8939. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17238939.
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The following case study aims to provide a broad overview of the initial Australian epidemiological situation of the novel coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic. We provide a case presentation of Australia’s current demographic characteristics and an overview of their health care system. The data we present on Australia’s COVID-19 situation pertain to the initial wave of the pandemic from January through to 20 April 2020. The results of our study indicate the number of reported COVID-19 cases in Australia reduced, and Australia initially managed to successfully flatten the curve—from an initial doubling time of 3.4 days at the end of March 2020 to a doubling time of 112 days as of 20 April 2020. Using SEIR mathematical modelling, we investigate a scenario assuming infections increase once mitigation measures are lifted. In this case, Australia could experience over 15,000 confirmed cases by the end of April 2020. How Australia’s government, health authorities and citizens adjust to preventative measures to reduce the risk of transmission as well as the risk of overburdening Australia’s health care system is crucial. Our study presents the initial non-pharmaceutical intervention measures undertaken by the Australian health authorities in efforts to mitigate the rate of infection, and their observed and predicted outcomes. Finally, we conclude our study by presenting the observed and expected economic, social, and political disruptions Australians may endure as a result of the initial phase of the pandemic.
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Roydhouse, Jessica K. "Becoming Australian? Two different approaches to health care reform in the United States." Australian Health Review 33, no. 2 (2009): 303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah090303.
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THE ?SUBSTANTIAL PRIVATE SECTOR?1 ROLE in Australian health care has sometimes given rise to fears of ?Americanisation? of the Australian health care system, particularly in the media. For example, in 2000 Kenneth Davidson wrote, ?The USstyle health financing route being taken by the Howard Government is mad and bad.?2 The US system is the ?leading example? of ?inferior system performance?3 and is often viewed as a system to be feared and avoided. Despite spending far more per capita than any other country on health care, the United States nonetheless fails to provide equitable health care for everyone. The system is ?a paradox of excess and deprivation?,4 spending far more than other systems without providing adequate care and treatment for all. Although the US system is seen as frightening in Australia, broad historical and political similarities such as the ?strong?5 role and ?long history?5 of private insurance and powerful, vocal physicians? groups1,5 make the Australian experience a useful comparative one for US policymakers. As Altman and Jackson note, the US system will probably not develop into a fully public system, but a system combining private and public aspects along the lines of the Australian model is possible.5 Furthermore, while politicians in the US at the state and local levels have attempted to address the issue of universal or near-universal coverage for some time, previous efforts sought to expand coverage using existing programs instead of establishing a new system.6 More recently, the state of Massachusetts and the county (municipality) of San Francisco have introduced near-universal health care programs. Although introduced nearly simultaneously, their development processes and structures differ. In addition, the Massachusetts plan in particular was viewed as a potential model for future sub-national and possibly national health reforms. Thus, this short paper examines the two plans as two different approaches to health care reform in the US and compares them to the Australian system, asking the question whether or not current reform efforts in the US make the system more like that in Australia, or are likely to do so in the future.
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Pritchard, Bill. "Australia as the Supermarket to Asia? Governments, Territory, and Political Economy in the Australian Agri-food System." Rural Sociology 64, no. 2 (October 22, 2009): 284–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1549-0831.1999.tb00019.x.
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Debelle, Guy, and Michael Plumb. "The Evolution of Exchange Rate Policy and Capital Controls in Australia." Asian Economic Papers 5, no. 2 (June 2006): 7–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep.2006.5.2.7.
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After the end of the Bretton Woods system in the early 1970s, exchange rate policy in Australia moved through several regimes over an extended period. The overarching theme was to increase flexibility and efficiency in the Australian currency market and the financial system more generally. This paper documents Australia's gradual move from a fixed to a floating exchange rate and the abolition of capital controls, with an emphasis on the thinking behind various reforms and the practical difficulties encountered during the reform process. Policy reform was often in response to external forces exposing deficiencies in the prevailing system, rather than through a carefully planned path to greater flexibility. Ultimately, a combination of domestic and international factors rendered the move to a flexible exchange rate largely inevitable.
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Botterill, Linda Courtenay, and Alan Fenna. "Initiative‐Resistance and the Australian Party System." Australian Journal of Politics & History 66, no. 1 (March 2020): 63–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12639.
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Beeson, Mark, and Ian Marsh. "Beyond the Two Party System: Political Representation, Economic Competitiveness and Australian Politics." Pacific Affairs 70, no. 4 (1997): 634. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2761359.
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Strakosch, Elizabeth. "The technical is political: settler colonialism and the Australian Indigenous policy system." Australian Journal of Political Science 54, no. 1 (December 13, 2018): 114–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2018.1555230.
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Briggs, Freda. "Child sexual abuse and the legal system." Children Australia 32, no. 2 (2007): 4–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1035077200011512.
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When Australia signed the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1990, federal and state governments agreed, under Article 19, to create appropriate legislation and all necessary social and educational measures to protect children from all forms of abuse and exploitation and provide treatment and social support for victims and their carers. Seventeen years later, Australian child advocates are wondering where those services are, especially for those outside state capital cities. More importantly, where is the justice system that protects children and caters for victims of sexual abuse?Australia, in common with other former British colonies, inherited the Westminster adversarial system, described by Mallon and White (1995, p. 50, cited in McGrath 2005) as:
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Davis, Roger. "Australian Indigenous environment policy as a deliberative system." Australian Journal of Political Science 56, no. 4 (October 2, 2021): 376–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2021.1998342.
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Godfrey, Jayne M., and Ian A. Langfield-Smith. "Regulatory Capture in the Globalisation of Accounting Standards." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 37, no. 11 (November 2005): 1975–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a3790.
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The Australian Financial Reporting Council recently shocked the world business community by unexpectedly announcing a change in the nation's approach to global-accounting-standards development. The change involved switching from ensuring consistency of Australian accounting standards with International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRSs) developed by the International Accounting Standards Board to outright adoption of IFRSs by 2005. At the time of the announcement, Australia had the most developed international harmonisation programme of any country with a well-developed financial reporting system. Events surrounding the change demonstrate how political the accounting standard-setting process can be as it continues to receive front-page media attention, and as it provides a platform in parliamentary and electoral debate. In the meantime, the US role in the global accounting standard-setting arena has moved through phases of indifference to potential active dominance, and European influences have waxed and waned. We examine whether swings in political and regulatory influences that occur when globalisation becomes a national and international goal are explained by regulatory capture theory. We also address the extent to which a subset of a single nation's regulatory system plays a key role in a series of larger national and international games. Drawing upon experiences in Australia, the United States, and the European Union, we identify political influences on initiatives to reform accounting-standard-setting environments, policies, and processes.
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Gaber, Ivor, and Rodney Tiffen. "Politics and the media in Australia and the United Kingdom: parallels and contrasts." Media International Australia 167, no. 1 (April 10, 2018): 27–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x18766721.
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Australia and Britain share many common aspects in their democratic political and media systems, but there are also important differences. Perhaps the single most important media difference is that television has been a much more important element in the UK political communication system than it has been in Australia. The British Broadcasting Corporation is a much bigger and more central institution than the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, and commercial TV in Britain has a much stronger public service mandate. The British press has a national structure which can give it a substantive collective role, although its right-wing dominance means it has been a less-than-benign influence on public life. Both countries are facing rapid changes, with partisan political divisions in flux and the digital environment disrupting traditional media models. In this article, we seek to interrogate the commonalities and differences between the media and political systems operating in Australia and the United Kingdom. After tracing some important differences in their institutional structures, the dominant theme of our later analysis is that in both systems, and in both countries, the overarching narrative is one of disruption. And we pose the question – Will the current disruptions widen or narrow these differences?
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Graham, Philip, and Lisa Gunders. "School system as axiological medium." Pragmatics and Society 1, no. 1 (August 13, 2010): 102–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ps.1.1.06gra.
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This paper analyses the Australian Values Education Program (VEP) within the framework of late-classical political economy. Using analytical methods from systemic functional linguistics and critical discourse analysis, we demonstrate that the VEP is an unwitting restatement of the principles of ideology as developed by the likes of Destutt de Tracy and the Young Hegelians. We conclude that the sudden shock of globalisation and the post-national cultures this has entailed is in many ways similar to the shock of formal nationalism that emerged in the late-Seventeenth and early-Eighteenth centuries. The overall result of the VEP for the Australian school system is a massive procedural burden that is unlikely to produce the results at which the program is aimed.
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Jakubowicz, Andrew. "Empires of the Sun." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 3, no. 1 (March 24, 2011): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v3i1.1850.
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“The Chinese” have been Australia’s Other since before Federation, and a major driver behind both the creation and abolition of White Australia. The complex and multiple layers of engagement of the Chinese (an omnibus term with many strands and contested perspectives which the paper will explicate) in the Australian political system, from the government to government machinations, to their involvement in a wide range of political parties, indicates something important occurring that transcends the problematic of multiculturalism. The paper argues they help us understand the challenges of globalised post-multicultural politics.
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Hughes, Julie. "Becoming me: How transgender teens navigate the Family Court System." Alternative Law Journal 42, no. 4 (November 27, 2017): 261–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1037969x17733156.
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Transgender minors are among the most vulnerable, discriminated against and disenfranchised of adolescents, and Australian law imposes a heavy yoke should they wish to begin treatment for gender dysphoria. Even with the full support of health professionals and parents, Australia takes the unique worldwide stance of requiring court approval. A way must be made to spare transgender teenagers from this fearsome, embarrassing and expensive court process. Informed consideration is important, but a multi-disciplinary tribunal could offer this, while minimising the stress and expense. This article begins and ends with Arnold’s story – a snapshot of a transgender teen, facing the Family Court and wanting to ‘become me’.
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Jakubowicz, Andrew. "Playing the triangle: Cosmopolitanism, Cultural Capital and Social Capital as intersecting scholarly discourses about social inclusion and marginalisation in Australian public policy debates." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 3, no. 3 (November 29, 2011): 68–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v3i3.2215.
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A constant challenge for scholarly research relates to its impact on and integration into public policy. Where the policy issues are ‘wicked’, as are those concerning intercultural relations and social cohesion, social science research often becomes implicated in real-world problem solving which occurs within everyday political manoeuvring. This paper takes three empirical problems, and three conceptual approaches, and explores what happens when they are pressed together. In particular the paper explores how together they can enhance the social value of the concept of ‘social inclusion’. Cosmopolitanism has a myriad of possible definitions, but is perhaps best addressed in anthropological fashion, by trying to capture the space formed by its presumptive antagonists: nationalism, prejudice, localism, parochialism, and ‘rootedness’ (as in ‘rootless cosmopolitan’). Cultural capital, as developed by Bourdieu, concerns a disposition of mind and body that empowers members of those particular groups that have the resource in socially–approved abundance to operate the cultural apparatus of a society and therefore the power system, to their mutual and individual benefit. Social capital, removed of the vestiges of Marxist class analysis that lurk in Bourdieu’s explorations of education and social power, harks back to another sociological forebear. Emile Durkheim, whose vision of modernity as a constantly incipient catastrophe that could only be held off by a reinvigoration of collective consciousness, has influenced through the Talcott Parsons school of social systemics Robert Putnam (and Australian politician and academic Andrew Leigh’s) focus on ‘bonding’ and ‘bridging’ social capital. Having examined these concepts the paper applies them sequentially to three cases of state/civil society relations, through the February 2011 People of Australia multiculturalism policy, the place of young Muslims in Australian society, and the place of Chinese Australians in the Australian polity. Finally it is argued that the concepts are most useful when they are applied to analyses that reveal rather than conceal hierarchies of social, cultural, economic and political power, through an examination of the possibilities of democratic inclusion.
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Vietrynskyi, I. "Specifics of the International Political Position of the Commonwealth of Australia in the first half of the ХХ-th century." Problems of World History, no. 13 (March 18, 2021): 133–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-13-6.
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The paper focuses on the initial stage of the formation of the Commonwealth of Australia, and the process of its establishing as an independent State. The international political context for the development of the country, from the period of creation of the Federation to the beginning of the Second World War, is primarily viewed. The Commonwealth’s international position, its place and role in the regional and global geopolitical processes of the early XX century, in particular in the context of its relations with Great Britain, are analyzed. The features of the transformation of British colonial policies on the eve of the First World War are examined. The specifics of the UK system of relations with Australia, as well as other dominions, are being examined. The features of status of the dominions in the British Empire system are shown. The role of the dominions and, in particular, the Commonwealth of Australia in the preparatory process for the First World War, as well as the peculiarities of its participation in hostilities, is analyzed. The significance of the actions of the First World War on the domestic political situation in Australia, as well as its impact on dominions relations with the British Empire, is revealed. The history of the foundation of the Australian-New Zealand Army Corps (ANZAC) and its participation in imperial forces on the frontline of the First World War is analyzed. The success and failure of its fighters, as well as the role of ANZAC, in the process of formation an Australian political nation are analyzed. The economic, humanitarian and international political consequences of the First World War for the Commonwealth of Australia are examined, as well as the influence of these consequences on the structure of relations between the dominions and the British Empire. The socio-economic situation of the Commonwealth of Australia on the eve of World War II, in particular the impact of the Great depression on the development of the country as a whole and its internal political situation in particular, is analyzed. The ideological, military-strategic and international political prerequisites for Australia’s entry into the Second World War are being considered.
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McAllister, Ian. "Party Adaptation and Factionalism within the Australian Party System." American Journal of Political Science 35, no. 1 (February 1991): 206. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2111444.
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Byerlee, Derek. "The Super State: The Political Economy of Phosphate Fertilizer Use in South Australia, 1880–1940." Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 62, no. 1 (April 30, 2021): 99–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2021-0005.
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Abstract From 1882 to 1910 superphosphate was almost universally adopted by wheat farmers in South Australia. A supply chain perspective is used to link the mining of phosphate rock in distant Pacific islands to the final application of superphosphate in the fields of Australian wheat farmers. Farmers and private manufacturers led the adoption stage in the context of a liberal market regime and the role of the state at this stage was limited although strategic. After 1920, the role of the state in the industry sharply increased in all phases of the industry. A political economy perspective is used to analyse state-ownership of raw material supplies and protectionist policies to manufacturers that resulted in high prices in Australia by 1930. Numerous government reviews pitted the interests of farmers and manufacturers leading to a complex system of tariffs and subsidies in efforts to serve all interests. Overall, the adoption of superphosphate was a critical factor in developing productive and sustainable farming systems in Australia, although at the expense of Pacific Islanders who prior to WWII received token benefits and were ultimately left with a highly degraded landscape.
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Sun, Wanning, and Haiqing Yu. "WeChatting the Australian Election: Mandarin-Speaking Migrants and the Teaching of New Citizenship Practices." Social Media + Society 6, no. 1 (January 2020): 205630512090344. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305120903441.
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With the number of Mandarin-speaking migrants on the rise in Australia and the centrality of Chinese social media platforms among a large majority of this cohort, it is time that we examined the role of WeChat in political communication and citizenship education among Chinese migrants. In the lead-up to the May 2019 federal election, WeChat became a political campaigning battlefield in which candidates held live WeChat sessions with Chinese Australian voters. Despite much discussion about WeChat’s impact on Australian politics, there is little understanding of its potential educational role in citizen-making: to what extent does WeChat educate new citizens about Australia’s political system, democratic values, and electoral processes? This article uses the 2019 federal election as a prism through which to explore civic education and citizen-making in the digital space of WeChat. Drawing on online surveys, sustained digital ethnographic observation, and in-depth one-on-one interviews, we ask whether and how the work of certain individuals in this digital space engenders a new form of community leadership and a more engaged form of civic behavior. We also assess WeChat’s potential in facilitating the process of political integration for new migrants from authoritarian societies.
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Ramsay, Eleanor. "Gender in the Australian higher education system." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 21, no. 1/2 (February 2001): 105–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/01443330110789628.
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Selth, Andrew. "Australian Defence Contacts with Burma, 1945–1987." Modern Asian Studies 26, no. 3 (July 1992): 451–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00009860.
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To most Australians, Burma is still associated with the Second World War, and in particular the infamous ‘death railway’ from Thailand. In May 1942 some 3,000 Australian prisoners of war (POWs) were sent from Singapore, to provide labour for the construction of an airfield at Tavoy. They were subsequently joined by another 1,800 or so Australians from Java, making a total in southern Burma of 4,851 men. Together with other Allied prisoners and Burmese levies they were later put to work building a railway line over Three Pagodas Pass, to link Burma with the Siam-Malaya railway system. Before the project was completed in November 1943, 771 Australian POWs (nearly 16 per cent of those on the Burma side of the border) had died from disease, malnutrition and the brutality of their Japanese captors. Casualties among the POWs working on the railway in Thailand were even higher.
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Podger, Andrew, Anne Simic, Jane Halton, Peter Shergold, and Tina Maher. "Integrated leadership system in the Australian Public Service." Australian Journal of Public Administration 63, no. 4 (December 2004): 108–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8500.2004.00407.x.
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LO, Alex. "The Political Economy of Carbon Tax: International Practice and the Australian Model." Chinese Journal of Urban and Environmental Studies 01, no. 01 (December 2013): 1350007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2345748113500073.
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Carbon taxes create incentives for controlling greenhouse gases by putting a price on these emissions. In theory major carbon emitters would pay more under an effective carbon tax. In practice political considerations often dominate and consequently compromise effectiveness in emissions mitigation. Australia's carbon pricing mechanism is a recent example. It involves the use of a fixed-price instrument that resembles a carbon tax and will eventually turn into an emission trading scheme and enable price fluctuation. The policy design is however questionable for overcompensating big polluters and legitimizing the failure to curb emissions domestically. This paper offers a review of the development of carbon tax policies in various national contexts with a focus on Australia. Lessons from the international practices could provide a useful reference for China to advance its timely commitment to establishing a carbon pricing system.
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Campbell, Susan, and Alan Ray. "Specialist Clinical Legal Education: An Australian Model." International Journal of Clinical Legal Education 3 (July 18, 2014): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.19164/ijcle.v3i0.119.
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<p>Clinical legal education in Australia traditionally has been based in generalist clinics, where the client and caseload intake is limited primarily by the financial means of clients rather than by the legal subject matter of their problems. The breadth and variety of legal problems which confront clinic students provide insight into and understanding of the operation of the legal system at the grass roots and the legal issues raised rarely seem to reflect directly the law the students have learnt in the classroom.</p><p>In recent years, for both educational and political reasons, Australian Universities have begun to develop specialised clinics, serving clients with problems in a particular area of law.</p><p>This article describes the operation of Monash’s specialised Family Law clinic and considers the factors which, in the Monash experience, have combined to ensure its stability and recognition, within the University and in the broader political context.</p>
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DE LA FERIA, RITA, and MICHAEL WALPOLE. "OPTIONS FOR TAXING FINANCIAL SUPPLIES IN VALUE ADDED TAX: EU VAT AND AUSTRALIAN GST MODELS COMPARED." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 58, no. 4 (October 2009): 897–932. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589309001560.
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AbstractThe taxation of financial services is one of the most vexing aspects of a Value Added Tax (VAT). Conceptually, VAT should apply to any fee for service but where financial services are concerned there is a difficulty in identifying the taxable amount, ie the value added by financial institutions. As a result, most jurisdictions, including the EU, simply exempt financial services from VAT. Treating financial services as exempt, however, gives rise to significant legal and economic distortions. Consequently, a few countries have in recent years attempted an alternative VAT approach to financial services. Amongst these is Australia, which in 2000 introduced a Goods and Services Tax (GST) with a ‘reduced input tax credit’ system. This paper compares the current treatment of financial supplies, under a VAT-type system, in the EU and in Australia. The aim is to ascertain whether the Australian GST treatment of financial services is, as commonly thought, superior to the EU one, and consequently, whether introducing an Australian-type model should constitute a policy consideration for the EU.
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Pittock, Jamie. "Are we there yet? The Murray-Darling Basin and sustainable water management." Thesis Eleven 150, no. 1 (February 2019): 119–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513618821970.
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In 2007, then Australian Prime Minister Howard said of the Murray-Darling Basin’s rivers that action was required to end the ‘The tyranny of incrementalism and the lowest common denominator’ governance to prevent ‘economic and environmental decline’. This paper explores the management of these rivers as an epicentre for three key debates for the future of Australia. Information on biodiversity, analyses of the socio-ecological system, and climate change projections are presented to illustrate the disjunction between trends in environmental health and the institutions established to manage the Basin sustainably. Three key debates are considered: (1) conflict over the allocation of water between irrigated agriculture versus a range of other ecosystem services as the latest manifestation of the debate between adherents of the pioneering myth versus advocates of limits to growth in Australia; (2) cyclical crises as a driver of reactive policy reform and the prospects of the 2008 Water Act forming the basis of proactive, adaptive management of emerging threats and opportunities; and (3) subsidiarity in governance of the environment and natural resources in the Australian federation. Implementation of the 2012 Basin Plan as promised by the Federal Government ‘in full and on time’ is a key sustainability test for Australia. Despite Australian claims of exceptionalism, the Murray-Darling Basin experience mirrors the challenges faced in managing rivers sustainably and across governance scales in federations around the world.
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McKay, Jim, and Toby Miller. "From Old Boys to Men and Women of the Corporation: The Americanization and Commodification of Australian Sport." Sociology of Sport Journal 8, no. 1 (March 1991): 86–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.8.1.86.
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Although there are obvious American influences on Australian popular culture, the term “Americanization” is of limited help in explaining the elaborate form and content of Australian sport. The recent transformation from amateur to corporate sport in Australia has been determined by a complex array of internal and international social forces, including Australia’s polyethnic population, its semiperipheral status in the capitalist world system, its federal polity, and its membership in the Commonwealth of Nations. Americanization is only one manifestation of the integration of amateur and professional sport into the media industries, advertising agencies, and multinational corporations of the world market. Investment in sport by American, British, New Zealand, Japanese, and Australian multinational companies is part of their strategy of promoting “good corporate citizenship,” which also is evident in art, cinema, dance, music, education, and the recent bicentennial festivities. It is suggested that the political economy of Australian sport can best be analyzed by concepts such as “post-Fordism,” the globalization of consumerism, and the cultural logic of late capitalism, all of which transcend the confines of the United States.
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Teather, Susan, and Wendy Hillman. "The invisible students with disabilities in the Australian education system." Equality, Diversity and Inclusion: An International Journal 36, no. 6 (August 21, 2017): 551–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/edi-02-2017-0029.
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Purpose There has been very little empirical research for the need to identify the importance of an inclusive territory of commonality for “invisible” students with disabilities in Australian education testing, such as the National Assessment Program-Literacy and Numeracy (NAPLAN). The paper aims to discuss this issue. Design/methodology/approach The research methodology used a cross-sectional mixed methods, deductive quantitative, an inductive qualitative, functionalist perspective and interpretivist perspective from internet secondary data analysis. This was undertaken to investigate the government functionalist macrosociology of Australian education to the detriment of the microsociology debate of students with disabilities, for inclusive education and social justice. Findings This finding showed vastly underestimated numbers of students with disabilities in Australian schools experienced through “gatekeeping”, non-participation in NAPLAN testing and choices of schools, resulting in poor educational outcomes and work-readiness. Social implications The research findings showed that functionalism of Australian education is threatening not only social order, well-being and resilience of an innovative Australian economy through welfare dependency; but also depriving people with disabilities of social equality and empowerment against poverty brought about by a lack of education and of the human right to do a decent job. Originality/value The study provided a critical evaluation of the weaknesses of government functionalism; specifically the relationship between the dualism of macro and micro perspectives, which promotes the existence of “invisible” students with disabilities in education, despite government legislation purporting an inclusive education for all students.
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Jones, Timothy H. "Freedom of Political Communication in Australia." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 45, no. 2 (April 1996): 392–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300059042.
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In three important decisions,1 handed down on the same day in October 1994, the Australian High Court continued its exploration of the implied constitutional guarantee of freedom of political communication. Two years previously, in the judgments in Nationwide News Pty Ltd v. Wills2 and Australian Capital Television Pty Ltd v. The Commonwealth,3 a majority of the High Court had distilled an implication of freedom of political communication from the provisions and structure of the Australian Constitution.4 This was not an implication of freedom of expression generally, since it was derived from the concept of representative government which the majority considered to be enshrined in the Constitution: “not all speech can claim the protection of the constitutional implication of freedom … identified in order to ensure the efficacious working of representative democracy and government”.5 The extent of this implied constitutional guarantee was left rather unclear, since a number of different views were expressed. As Justice Toohey has now explained,6 there were two possibilities. The first was a more limited “implied freedom on the part of the people of the Commonwealth to communicate information, opinions and ideas relating to the system of representative government”. The second was a rather more expansive “freedom to communicate in relation to public affairs and political matters generally”. In the recent trilogy of cases a majority of the High Court was prepared to endorse the second of these alternatives.7 In Cunliffe v. The Commonwealth Chief Justice Mason concluded that it would be too restrictive to limit the implied freedom to “communications for the purposes of the political processes in a representative democracy”.8
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Deber, Raisa B. "Slaves to economists? A Canadian's view of the Australian health care system." Australian Health Review 29, no. 4 (2005): 386. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah050386.
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AN EXPERT IS DEFINED as someone from out of town ? with slides. In health care, such experts also have a tendency to make cross-national comparisons on the basis of a short visit, a few conversations, and a desire to indicate ?lessons learned?.1 In that time-honoured tradition, on the basis of a visit to Melbourne to address the Victorian Healthcare Association, coupled with visits to several local hospitals, this Canadian identified several potential problems arising from Australia?s approach to the public?private mix of hospital services. As Keynes noted, ?The ideas of economists and political philosophers, both when they are right and when they are wrong, are more powerful than is commonly understood. Indeed the world is ruled by little else. Practical men, who believe themselves to be quite exempt from any intellectual influence, are usually the slaves of some defunct economist.?2 Over the past decades, many health care reformers have urged change ? with varying degrees of success ? based on a set of ideas that markets are always right, that competition is both necessary and sufficient for efficiency, and that private is superior to public. One consequence has been a push for a greater role for private delivery of health care services. This is currently hotly contested in Canada, with Australia providing either an exemplary example or a cautionary tale, depending upon ideological proclivities. I was therefore interested in learning more from Australians as to areas of success or failure of the public?private mix in Australia, and this paper highlights my observations.