Journal articles: 'Australian political economy'

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Beeson, Mark. "Bilateral Economic Relations in a Global Political Economy: Australia and Japan." Competition & Change 2, no. 2 (June 1997): 137–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102452949700200201.

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This paper argues that despite the internationalisation of economic activity, and a concomitant diminution of economic policy-making autonomy, national policy settings continue to display a surprising degree of divergence and remain important determinants of economic outcomes. Similarly, there are distinctively different and enduring patterns of corporate organisation across nations which confer specific competitive advantages. Important theoretical and practical questions are raised, therefore, about the potential efficacy of national economic policies and their capacity to accommodate such divergent practices. This paper examines the bilateral relationship between Australia and Japan, and assesses the effectiveness of Australia's predominantly neoliberal economic policy framework in the light of such national and organisational variation. It will be suggested that Australian policy-makers' faith in market mechanisms caused them to underestimate the significance of Japanese commercial practices and regional production strategies, rendering attempts to transform the relationship largely unsuccessful.

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Dabscheck, Braham. "Book Reviews : Ungoverning the Economy: the Political Economy of Australian Economic Policy." Journal of Industrial Relations 39, no. 4 (December 1997): 563–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569703900409.

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Dean, Mark, Al Rainnie, Jim Stanford, and Dan Nahum. "Industrial policy-making after COVID-19: Manufacturing, innovation and sustainability." Economic and Labour Relations Review 32, no. 2 (May 28, 2021): 283–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/10353046211014755.

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This article critically analyses the opportunities for Australia to revitalise its strategically important manufacturing sector in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic. It considers Australia’s industry policy options on the basis of both advances in the theory of industrial policy and recent policy proposals in the Australian context. It draws on recent work from The Australia Institute’s Centre for Future Work examining the prospects for Australian manufacturing renewal in a post-COVID-19 economy, together with other recent work in political economy, economic geography and labour process theory critically evaluating the Fourth Industrial Revolution (i4.0) and its implications for the Australian economy. The aim of the article is to contribute to and further develop the debate about the future of government intervention in manufacturing and industry policy in Australia. Crucially, the argument links the future development of Australian manufacturing with a focus on renewable energy. JEL Codes: L50; L52; L78; O10; O13: O25; O44; P18; Q42

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COLLINS, JOCK. "THE CHANGING POLITICAL ECONOMY OF AUSTRALIAN IMMIGRATION." Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie 97, no. 1 (February 2006): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9663.2006.00491.x.

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McMichael, Philip, E. L. Wheelwright, and Ken Buckley. "Essays in the Political Economy of Australian Capitalism." Labour / Le Travail 16 (1985): 340. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25142556.

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CROSBY, MARK, DIANE BROWN, and LOUISE MALADY. "POLITICAL AND PARTISAN CYCLES IN THE AUSTRALIAN ECONOMY*." Australian Economic Papers 36, no. 68 (June 1997): 42–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8454.1997.tb00819.x.

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Nile, Richard. "Australian Studies: Australian history, Australian studies and the new economy." Journal of Australian Studies 26, no. 74 (January 2002): 201–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443050209387793.

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Haigh, Matthew, and James Guthrie. "A political economy approach to regulated Australian information disclosures." Business Ethics: A European Review 18, no. 2 (April 2009): 192–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8608.2009.01557.x.

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McMillen, Jan. "Gambling on casinos: A political economy of Australian developments." Journal of Gambling Behavior 4, no. 3 (1988): 152–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01018329.

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Isaac, M. "The political economy of water reform feasibility in Australia." Water Supply 3, no. 1-2 (March 1, 2003): 395–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/ws.2003.0130.

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Australia is experiencing the most dramatic and comprehensive reform of its water industry, placing it at the leading edge of water management internationally. A key feature of the reforms is the explicit linking of economic and environmental objectives: in that the reforms seek to improve environmental management of the nation’s river systems by increasing efficiency of water use via water markets. However, there is growing evidence to evince that water markets are failing to achieve environmental objectives. This paper uses the insights of economic sociology to analyse this failure, and argues that economic efficiency does not and will not guarantee environmental effectiveness because newly constructed water markets are embedded in existing social processes/industry structures and are permeated by existing power relations. For real environmental benefits to accrue, existing water markets must be seriously restructured. This paper explores the elements of such a restructure and suggests that it is unlikely to succeed without strong state action and coordinated policymaking, institutional reform, adjustment packages, significant community involvement, and the participation of the rural sector. Finally, it proposes that social capital could play a pivotal role in the restructuring of the Australian water industry.

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LO, Alex. "The Political Economy of Carbon Tax: International Practice and the Australian Model." Chinese Journal of Urban and Environmental Studies 01, no. 01 (December 2013): 1350007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2345748113500073.

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Carbon taxes create incentives for controlling greenhouse gases by putting a price on these emissions. In theory major carbon emitters would pay more under an effective carbon tax. In practice political considerations often dominate and consequently compromise effectiveness in emissions mitigation. Australia's carbon pricing mechanism is a recent example. It involves the use of a fixed-price instrument that resembles a carbon tax and will eventually turn into an emission trading scheme and enable price fluctuation. The policy design is however questionable for overcompensating big polluters and legitimizing the failure to curb emissions domestically. This paper offers a review of the development of carbon tax policies in various national contexts with a focus on Australia. Lessons from the international practices could provide a useful reference for China to advance its timely commitment to establishing a carbon pricing system.

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Higgs, Peter J. "Australian mining and the economy." Resources Policy 12, no. 2 (June 1986): 117–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0301-4207(86)90016-4.

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Vranken, Martin. "Employee Protection: An Outmoded Notion in Australian Labour Law?" International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 26, Issue 2 (June 1, 2010): 231–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2010014.

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This article examines the Australian approach to flexicurity. The focus is on an analysis of the Fair Work Act 2009 (Cth), in force since 1 July 2009. This article demonstrates how the legislature seeks to walk a fine line between economic flexibility for business and social protection for employees. It is argued that, on balance, the incoming Labour government of Prime Minister Kevin Rudd has chosen to err on the side of caution by favouring flexibility for the sake of protecting an export-driven national economy. In the result, the raison d’être of labour law as employee protection law risks being compromised. It would seem that the demands of a globalized economy and the associated need for national economies to be internationally competitive affect the shape of labour law reform in Australia regardless of the political party in office.

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Alexander, Malcolm. "Boardroom Networks among Australian Company Directors, 1976 and 1996." Journal of Sociology 39, no. 3 (September 2003): 231–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00048690030393002.

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This article examines the (interpersonal) network of boardroom contacts among the directors of Australia's largest companies in 1976 and 1996. Interlocking directors create an intercorporate network but also an interpersonal, contact network. The network reaches all directors serving on any board that has a connected interlocker/networker on it. The interpersonal network of 1996 is broader, more cohesive and more densely connected than that of 1976. However, there is only minimal change in the density of inter-corporate linkages over these two decades. These findings suggest that, by the late 1990s, internal social organization among the corporate elite in Australia is independent of the political economy of intercorporate relations and changing in directions suggested by Useem's study of `investor capital-ism' in the USA. Australian corporate power structure research needs to study the interaction of these trends with the pre-existing concentrations of corporate control in this country.

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Arestis, Philip, and Malcolm Sawyer. "The economic policies of the political economy of the Australian patriot and Cambridge economist." European Journal of Economics and Economic Policies: Intervention 8, no. 1 (2011): 129–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/ejeep.2011.01.10.

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F. Recher, Harry. "Australian Elections, Wilderness and the Lost Billions." Pacific Conservation Biology 4, no. 3 (1998): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/pc980177.

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As I write this editorial, Australia is in the final week of national elections. Apart from the appearance of a strongly nationalistic, and minority, party which the media has promoted as racist, it is unlikely that Australia's election has received much notice outside Australia. Yet there are aspects to this election which should disturb anyone interested in achieving global ecological sustainability and the conservation of global biodiversity. First, there has been a conspicuous silence from the major political parties concerning environmental issues. To be sure, the sitting conservative government has rolled out the pork barrel and grandly announced funding for local conservation initiatives ? especially in marginal seats ? but there has been no debate on issues nor have environmental policies been afforded even a small fraction of the attention given to the economy, unemployment, health or education. Moreover, the projects funded do nothing to resolve the underlying causes of Australia's declining environmental quality (e.g., land clearing, unsustainable logging practices, over grazing, and excessive demands on fresh water). This is despite the fact that respondents to polls continue to list the environment among the most important issues concerning Australians.

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Byerlee, Derek. "The Super State: The Political Economy of Phosphate Fertilizer Use in South Australia, 1880–1940." Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 62, no. 1 (April 30, 2021): 99–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2021-0005.

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Abstract From 1882 to 1910 superphosphate was almost universally adopted by wheat farmers in South Australia. A supply chain perspective is used to link the mining of phosphate rock in distant Pacific islands to the final application of superphosphate in the fields of Australian wheat farmers. Farmers and private manufacturers led the adoption stage in the context of a liberal market regime and the role of the state at this stage was limited although strategic. After 1920, the role of the state in the industry sharply increased in all phases of the industry. A political economy perspective is used to analyse state-ownership of raw material supplies and protectionist policies to manufacturers that resulted in high prices in Australia by 1930. Numerous government reviews pitted the interests of farmers and manufacturers leading to a complex system of tariffs and subsidies in efforts to serve all interests. Overall, the adoption of superphosphate was a critical factor in developing productive and sustainable farming systems in Australia, although at the expense of Pacific Islanders who prior to WWII received token benefits and were ultimately left with a highly degraded landscape.

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Lloyd, Christopher. "Regime change in Australian capitalism: towards an historical political economy of regulation." Australian Economic History Review 42, no. 3 (November 2002): 238–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8446.t01-1-00034.

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Leaver, Richard. "An Australian international political economy? The high road and the low road." Australian Journal of International Affairs 64, no. 1 (January 18, 2010): 123–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357710903460055.

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Norman, Heidi. "Aboriginal Worlds and Australian Capitalism." Labour History: Volume 121, Issue 1 121, no. 1 (November 1, 2021): 57–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jlh.2021.18.

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Australia has a fairly established literature that seeks to explain, on one hand, the pre-colonial Aboriginal society and economy and, on the other, the relationship that emerged between the First Peoples’ economic system and society, and the settler economy. Most of this relies on theoretical frameworks that narrate traditional worlds dissolving. At best, these narratives see First Peoples subsumed into the workforce, retaining minimal cultural residue. In this paper, I argue against these narratives, showing the ways Aboriginal people have disrupted, or implicitly questioned and challenged dominant forms of Australian capitalism. I have sought to write not within the earlier framework of what is called Aboriginal History that often concentrated on the governance of Aborigines rather than responses to governance. In doing this, I seek to bring into view a history of Aboriginal strategies within a capitalist world that sought to maintain the most treasured elements of social life - generosity, equality, relatedness, minimal possessions, and a rich and pervasive ceremonial life.

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Pritchard, Bill. "Australia as the Supermarket to Asia? Governments, Territory, and Political Economy in the Australian Agri-food System." Rural Sociology 64, no. 2 (October 22, 2009): 284–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1549-0831.1999.tb00019.x.

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Li, Wei, and Hans Hendrischke. "Chinese Outbound Investment in Australia: From State Control to Entrepreneurship." China Quarterly 243 (October 22, 2019): 701–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741019001243.

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AbstractThis article contributes to our understanding of Chinese corporate expansion into developed economies by using Australia as a case study of how, in the 2010s, Chinese firms began transiting from government-driven resource investment to entrepreneurial expansion in new industries and markets. We contextualize this process by demonstrating how changing market demand and institutional evolutions at home and in the host country created new motivations for Chinese investors. In particular, the decline of active government control in China over the overseas operations of Chinese firms and the more business-oriented regulatory regime in Australia empowered local subsidiaries of Chinese firms to become more entrepreneurial and explorative in their attempts to compensate for their lack of competitiveness and weak organizational capabilities. Consequently, Chinese firms brought their domestic experience and modus operandi to the Australian host market and collectively adapted and deployed dynamic capabilities such as the use of network linkages, experiential learning and corporate reconfiguration. We find that this transfer of capabilities was facilitated by the co-evolution of the Chinese and Australian institutional and market environments and has maintained Australia's position as one of the major recipient countries of Chinese outbound investment, opening the Australian economy to ongoing expansion and disruption.

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Heenan, Maddie, Stephen Jan, Katherine Cullerton, and Janani Shanthosh. "A political economy analysis protocol: Case study implementing nutrition and sustainability policy into government food procurement." PLOS ONE 17, no. 9 (September 9, 2022): e0274246. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0274246.

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Most Australian state and territory governments have healthy food provisioning policies targeting availability of unhealthy food at the retail level, and sustainability policies promoting a life-cycle approach to procurement. However, it remains unclear if health and sustainability are important considerations in awarding contracts, and whether these high-level policies are implemented into supplier contracts. A political economy analysis framework has been developed to prospectively identify and explain barriers and enablers to policy implementation. Using food procurement in Queensland and South Australia as case studies, the political economy analysis seeks to understand the structural and contextual factors, bargaining processes, stakeholders, and incentives and ideas surrounding food procurement. It involves a desktop and content analysis of existing policies and food contracts, and key informant interviews with government and industry stakeholders. Participants will be targeted across different departments (e.g. health, environment, treasury) and in varying roles from policy design, contract management and food service, and industry suppliers in different food and drink categories (e.g. meat, packaged foods, beverages, fruit & vegetables). Participants will be recruited using purposive sampling. Thematic analysis of interview transcripts will be undertaken, informed by the political economy analysis framework. The study will identify current food procurement policy implementation barriers and enablers, including why high-level policies aren’t embedded into contracts, mechanisms for achieving policy coherence and future opportunities for addressing barriers and incorporating socio-economic, public health and environmental considerations into purchasing practices. Ultimately, the study will achieve impact by informing a whole of government approach to health and the environment by elevating the priority of health and sustainability in procurement (short term), increasing the availability of healthy and sustainable foods (medium term), and improving health and environmental outcomes (long term). To our knowledge this is the first political economy analysis of food procurement in Australia.

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Seabrooke, Leonard, and Juanita Elias. "From multilateralism to microcosms in the world economy: the sociological turn in Australian international political economy scholarship." Australian Journal of International Affairs 64, no. 1 (January 18, 2010): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357710903459719.

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Carter, George E., Richard E. Caves, and Lawrence B. Krause. "The Australian Economy. A View From the North." Pacific Affairs 59, no. 1 (1986): 172. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2759061.

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Zhou, Weihuan, and James Laurenceson. "Demystifying Australia-China Trade Tensions." Journal of World Trade 56, Issue 1 (December 1, 2022): 51–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2022003.

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In 2020 Australia’s political relations with China plumbed new depths. Trade and other economic ties were also hit with disruption. Contributing to this deterioration, and complicating an accurate assessment of the consequences, has been a raft of misunderstandings. This article demystifies the bilateral trade tensions by exposing the deeper drivers of political friction, providing a critical assessment of the vulnerability of the Australian economy, and placing the current state of Australia’s relations with China in a comparative regional perspective. These discussions provide context for a detailed analysis of the legal issues that Chinese trade measures have created under the rules of the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the China – Australia Free Trade Agreement (ChAFTA). We show that these legal issues have been over-simplified in existing work. A clear understanding of these issues offers the best prospect for an improved relationship trajectory, serving both countries’ interests. China, Australia, Trade tensions, WTO, Free Trade Agreement

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Przygoda, Miroslaw. "The Role and Importance of Australia in the South Pacific Region." International Journal of Operations Management 1, no. 3 (2021): 38–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.18775/ijom.2757-0509.2020.13.4005.

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Australia is a country comprising the mainland of the Australian continent and the island of Tasmania. The country also includes numerous smaller islands in the Pacific and Indian Ocean. Australia is the sixth-largest country in the world by total area. It also has the world’s 12th-largest economy and fifth-highest per capita income. On 1 January 1901, a federation of six separate British self-governing states was formed after a decade of planning, consultation and voting. This established the Commonwealth of Australia as a dominion of the British Empire. In 1931 the status of the dominions was made equal to that of Great Britain, which is considered the symbolic date of Australia gaining full independence. Before World War II and in the course of it, the Commonwealth of Australia was closely tied to the government in London. However, the fall of the British Empire in the Asia Pacific made Australian authorities rethink their existence in the new reality. In the late 80s, Australia’s formal ties with London were further loosened, as planned. Since that time the role and significance of the continent has been growing. A vibrant economy and favourable location drive the country’s growing importance, which the government in Canberra strongly focuses on. Economic success and effective policies have made Australia become one of the crucial elements of sustainable balance in the South Pacific region. However, the country’s political and economic influence goes far beyond its borders. Australia’s importance to and influence on neighbouring countries is clearly visible across East and Southeast Asia, the Indian Ocean basin, and the Antarctic. Therefore it is worth to take a closer look at the drivers of the huge success of this unique country and its inhabitants.

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Rosewarne, Stuart. "The transnationalisation of the Indian coal economy and the Australian political economy: The fusion of regimes of accumulation?" Energy Policy 99 (December 2016): 214–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.enpol.2016.05.022.

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McKay, Jim, and Toby Miller. "From Old Boys to Men and Women of the Corporation: The Americanization and Commodification of Australian Sport." Sociology of Sport Journal 8, no. 1 (March 1991): 86–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.8.1.86.

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Although there are obvious American influences on Australian popular culture, the term “Americanization” is of limited help in explaining the elaborate form and content of Australian sport. The recent transformation from amateur to corporate sport in Australia has been determined by a complex array of internal and international social forces, including Australia’s polyethnic population, its semiperipheral status in the capitalist world system, its federal polity, and its membership in the Commonwealth of Nations. Americanization is only one manifestation of the integration of amateur and professional sport into the media industries, advertising agencies, and multinational corporations of the world market. Investment in sport by American, British, New Zealand, Japanese, and Australian multinational companies is part of their strategy of promoting “good corporate citizenship,” which also is evident in art, cinema, dance, music, education, and the recent bicentennial festivities. It is suggested that the political economy of Australian sport can best be analyzed by concepts such as “post-Fordism,” the globalization of consumerism, and the cultural logic of late capitalism, all of which transcend the confines of the United States.

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Turner, Stephanie. "Negotiating Nostalgia: The Rhetoricity of Thylacine Representation in Tasmanian Tourism." Society & Animals 17, no. 2 (2009): 97–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853009x418055.

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AbstractThe recently extinct thylacine, endemic to Australia, has become a potent cultural icon in the state of Tasmania, with implications for Australian ecotourism and Tasmanian conservation strategies. While the thylacine's iconicity has been analyzed by naturalists and cultural historians, its significance in Tasmanian tourism has yet to be examined. Thylacine representations in tourism-related writings and images, because of their high degree of ambivalence, function as a rich site of conflicting values regarding national identity and native species protection. Drawing on cultural studies of the thylacine and constructivist theories of tourism, this study identifies and documents three polarities in thylacine representation: the thylacine as wild yet domesticated, present yet absent, and an Australian national—yet distinctly regional—subject. A close reading of contradictory textual and visual elements in tourist guides, travel writing, specialized maps, and museum exhibits illuminates ongoing debates about Australian econationalism in the global tourism economy.

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Parsons, Elizabeth. "Expanding the Universe of Education." Australian and International Journal of Rural Education 6, no. 1 (March 1, 1996): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.47381/aijre.v6i1.401.

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We understand education to mean the encouragement as well as the delivery of the means to help people to inform themselves of the significance of the world beyond their normal communities and outside the bounds of their families and personal experience. We understand rural to mean any environment which can result in forms of isolation, caused by economic, geographic, physical or social factors, which inhibit people from realising their full personal enjoyment and their potential as contributing members of the Australian society. The three major tasks in expanding the universe of education for rural people in Australia therefore involve: educating rural people to their needs in a rapidly changing economic, political and social environment; educating rural people on the irreversible and unavoidable changes which will transmogrify the demography and economy of Australia within their lifetimes; educating rural people on the range of facilities, support services and technologies which they can use to enhance their cultural, economic, personal and social well being.

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Huf, Ben, Yves Rees, Michael Beggs, Nicholas Brown, Frances Flanagan, Shannyn Palmer, and Simon Ville. "Capitalism in Australia: New histories for a reimagined future." Thesis Eleven 160, no. 1 (August 20, 2020): 95–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513620949028.

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Capitalism is back. Three decades ago, when all alternatives to liberal democracy and free markets appeared discredited, talk of capitalism seemed passé. Now, after a decade of political and economic turmoil, capitalism and its temporal critique of progress and decline again seems an indispensable category to understanding a world in flux. Among the social sciences, historians have led both the embrace and critique of this ‘re-emergent’ concept. This roundtable discussion between leading and emerging Australian scholars working across histories of economy, work, policy, geography and political economy, extends this agenda. Representing the outcome of a workshop convened at La Trobe University in November 2018 and responding to questions posed by conveners Huf and Rees, five participants debate the nature, utility and future of the new constellation of ‘economic’ historical scholarship. While conducted well before the outbreak of COVID-19, the ensuring discussion nevertheless speaks saliently to the crises of our times.

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Hobbs, Mitchell. "`More paper than physical'." Journal of Sociology 43, no. 3 (September 2007): 263–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783307080106.

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When Rupert Murdoch announced in April 2004 that he intended to see his company, News Corporation, reincorporated in the United States, two competing representations of the `media mogul' came to dominate the press's interpretation of this event. The first of these `Murdoch representations' was the most common, and painted an image of a successful entrepreneur, a `celebrity CEO'. Yet, the second `Murdoch representation' painted a different image, a more detailed portrait, with critical attention paid to the modus operandi of the world's most notorious media proprietor. This article deconstructs these representations of Murdoch, a mythic fracturing of image resulting from the political economy of the Australian press. In essence, the article explores issues of media diversity, myth and ideology, and the propensity of the press for critical, impartial, journalism. The empirical data are drawn from an analysis of two of Australia's pre-eminent newspapers: The Australian and the Sydney Morning Herald.

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Marshall, Amber, Michael Dezuanni, Jean Burgess, Julian Thomas, and Chris K. Wilson. "Australian farmers left behind in the digital economy – Insights from the Australian Digital Inclusion Index." Journal of Rural Studies 80 (December 2020): 195–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jrurstud.2020.09.001.

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McKay, Jim, and David Rowe. "Ideology, the Media, and Australian Sport." Sociology of Sport Journal 4, no. 3 (September 1987): 258–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.4.3.258.

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In this paper the ideological relationships between the media and Australian sport are examined from a critical perspective. After outlining the contributions of political economy, structuralism, and cultural studies to the critical paradigm, we argue that the Australian media have two main ideological effects. First, they legitimate masculine hegemony, capitalist rationality, consensus, and militaristic nationalism. Second, they marginalize, trivialize, and fragment alternative ideologies of sport. We conclude by suggesting some worthwhile topics for future research and by affirming that politicizing media representations of sport is an important part of the counter-hegemonic struggle in patriarchal capitalist societies.

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Langer, Beryl, and Estelle Farrar. "Becoming ‘Australian’ in the global cultural economy: Children, consumption, citizenship." Journal of Australian Studies 27, no. 79 (January 2003): 117–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443050309387892.

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Bramble, Tom. "Political Economy and Management Strategy in the Metal and Engineering Industry." Journal of Industrial Relations 31, no. 1 (March 1989): 22–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218568903100102.

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The study of industrial relations management has been a long-neglected aspect of the Australian scene. Recent changes in the balance of power on the shop floor in the aftermath of prolonged recession in the metal and engineering industry, however, make such neglect an expensive luxury. This article looks at four aspects of management t strategy: the labour relations management function, relations with the unions at the workplace, attitudes to employee involvement, and attitudes to the employment relationship. The suggestion, in the light of secondary evidence and a series of fourteen case studies in the Victorian and New South Wales metal industry, is that three variables are important in helping to explain the direction that labour relations management has taken in recent years. These are the 'labour threat: the reorganization of production methods, and changes to the legal and institutional framework. It was found that management in those plants in which exposure to these three environmental pressures was similar responded with fairly similar labour relations management practices, suggesting that there may indeed be a link between the key variables.

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STEBBING, ADAM, and BEN SPIES-BUTCHER. "Universal Welfare by ‘Other Means’? Social Tax Expenditures and the Australian Dual Welfare State." Journal of Social Policy 39, no. 4 (April 23, 2010): 585–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279410000267.

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AbstractInternational debates about the comparative institutional structures of welfare states have focused on social expenditure and the inclusiveness of social policy. However, these debates have not accounted for the significant rise of fiscal welfare and, in particular, social tax expenditures (STEs) in our understanding of welfare regimes. The growth of STEs has been particularly significant in Australia. While there has been recognition that STEs contribute to a second tier of welfare provision in some policy domains, there has been no systematic attempt to account for them within the institutional structure of the Australian welfare state. In this article, we chart the rise of STEs, the reasons for their growth in the Australian political economy and conceive of them as forming a second institutional layer of a dual welfare state. We conclude by suggesting that this analysis has broader implications for other, particularly liberal, welfare regimes.

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Attard, Bernard. "The limits of influence: The political economy of Australian commercial policy after the Ottawa conference∗." Australian Historical Studies 29, no. 111 (October 1998): 325–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10314619808596076.

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Veen, Alex, Tom Barratt, and Caleb Goods. "Platform-Capital’s ‘App-etite’ for Control: A Labour Process Analysis of Food-Delivery Work in Australia." Work, Employment and Society 34, no. 3 (March 25, 2019): 388–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017019836911.

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This qualitative case study adopts a labour process analysis to unpack the distinctive features of capital’s control regimes in the food-delivery segment of the Australian platform-economy and assesses labour agency in response to these. Drawing upon worker experiences with the Deliveroo and UberEATS platforms, it is shown how the labour process controls are multi-facetted and more than algorithmic management, with three distinct features standing out: the panoptic disposition of the technological infrastructure, the use of information asymmetries to constrain worker choice, and the obfuscated nature of their performance management systems. Combined with the workers’ precarious labour market positions and the Australian political-economic context, only limited, mainly individual, expressions of agency were found.

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Forbes-Mewett, Helen, Allegra Clare Schermuly, and Kieran Hegarty. "Aspirational Individuals, Hopeful Communities: Histories and Subjectivities of Precarity in Regional Australia." Critical Sociology 46, no. 4-5 (February 17, 2020): 543–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920520903470.

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In this paper, we utilise Jørgensen’s concept of what precarity does to make sense of stalled industrial development in a regional Australian community. In 2008–2009, a Chinese-owned multinational company proposed the development of an alumina refinery near Bowen, Queensland, offering residents the prospect of economic and local job growth, before the proposal was shelved in 2010. In direct contrast to the imagined ‘secure employment’ residents hoped the development would offer, past experiences of multinational developments had instead compounded economic and social precarity. Through a qualitative study of community and business perceptions in Bowen in 2008–2009, we explore how a regional community understands and resists histories and experiences of precarity. Despite recognising the changing economic and social structures that have contributed to insecurity, actors position themselves as malleable and aspirational potential workers, rather than resisting employment insecurity through collective means. This study provides a way of understanding the forces that impact aspirations of work in regional Australia and the gap between these aspirations and the tangible social impacts of a neoliberal economy.

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Selvey, Linda A., Morris Carpenter, Mattea Lazarou, and Katherine Cullerton. "Communicating about Energy Policy in a Resource-Rich Jurisdiction during the Climate Crisis: Lessons from the People of Brisbane, Queensland, Australia." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no. 8 (April 12, 2022): 4635. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19084635.

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There is a high degree of expert consensus that anthropogenic climate change will be catastrophic if urgent and significant measures to reduce carbon emissions are not undertaken worldwide. Australia is a world-leading exporter of coal and gas, and does not have an effective emissions reduction strategy. Though many Australians support action on climate change, this has not affected voting patterns. In this qualitative study, we aimed to explore the attitudes of Australian voters in Brisbane, Queensland, Australia towards potential environmental policies. We approached people in public spaces, and invited them to participate in interviews. Six of the thirty-five interview participants who voted for the two main political parties or were undecided voters agreed with the transition to 100% renewables and/or no new coal mines in Australia. Many thought that renewables were not reliable enough and/or the economy was too dependent on coal to make the transition. There was strong support for political leadership in order to regulate mining and pollution, and for a transition plan for fossil-fuel-dependent communities. Participants were most concerned about tangible environmental issues, such as waste and pollution, and also described needing clear solutions in order to engage with the issues. Some described feeling ‘shouted at’ by protests and messaging about climate change and environmental issues. Our findings suggest that solution-based messaging may increase levels of engagement about climate change, and that waste and pollution can be entry-points for discussions about climate change. It is important to have conversations with people about this important issue.

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van Fossen, Anthony. "One Nation and Privatisation: Populist Ethnic Nationalism, Class and International Political Economy." Queensland Review 5, no. 2 (December 1998): 44–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600001045.

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AbstractThe rise of ethnic nationalism (as expressed by the political ascent of Pauline Hanson and her One Nation Party) has created divisions within the Right of Australian politics and impediments to a privatisation program which had been proceeding under the aegis of the Labor Party and the Liberal-National Party Coalition over the last fifteen years. This paper focuses on how Pauline Hanson's One Nation Party has opposed privatisation of government assets on the basis that privatisation offers opportunities for subversive foreign capital to weaken national solidarity, which is conceived in ethnic and racial terms. The One Nation Party, this new anti-privatisation movement, is interpreted on two levels: 1as one of a growing number of ethnic nationalist movements across the globe which are recurrent outcomes of hegemonic decline and increasing multipolarity in the world-system (e.g., the current situation of declining American hegemony being similar to the crisis of British hegemony in the interwar period of the early twentieth century)2as the outcome of neo-liberal policies (including privatisation) which have failed to produce full employment or to arrest the decline of the petite bourgeoisie, which forms the primary basis of the support for Hanson and her One Nation party.

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McAllister, Ian, and Clive Bean. "Leaders, the Economy or Iraq? Explaining Voting in the 2004 Australian Election*." Australian Journal of Politics & History 52, no. 4 (December 6, 2006): 604–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2006.00435a.x.

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Tsokhas, Kosmas. "Dedominionization: the Anglo-Australian experience, 1939–1945." Historical Journal 37, no. 4 (December 1994): 861–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00015120.

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ABSTRACTThe role of decolonization in the decline of the British empire has received a great deal of attention. In comparison there has been little research or analysis of the process of dedominionization affecting Australia and the other dominions. During the Second World War economic ties were seriously weakened and there were substantial conflicts over economic policy between the British and Australian governments. Australia refused to reduce imports in order to conserve foreign exchange, thus contributing to the United Kingdom's debt burden. The Australian government insisted that the British guarantee Australia's sterling balances and refused to adopt the stringent fiscal policies requested by the Bank of England and the British treasury. Australia also took the opportunity to expand domestic manufacturing industry at the expense of British manufacturers. Economic separation and conflict were complemented by political and strategic differences. In particular, the Australian government realized that British military priorities made it impossible for the United Kingdom to defend Australia. This led the Australians towards a policy of cooperating with the British embargo on Japan, only to the extent that this would be unlikely to provoke Japanese military retaliation. In general, the Australians preferred a policy of compromise in the Far East to one of deterrence preferred by the British.

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McIntyre, Julie. "Nature, Labour and Agriculture: Towards Common Ground in New Histories of Capitalism." Labour History: Volume 121, Issue 1 121, no. 1 (November 1, 2021): 73–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jlh.2021.19.

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Goods developed and exchanged in the production of capital value are commodified nature that is acted upon by humans. Yet new histories of capitalism have for the most part ignored nature as impacted by this economic, social, and environmental system, and the agency of nature in commodification processes. This article responds to the call from a leading historian of capitalism to consider “the countryside” as a neglected geography of human-nature relations that is integral to generating capital value. It asks whether co-exploitation of “the soil and the worker,” as Marx stated of industrialising agriculture in Britain, also occurred in Australia. To answer this, I have drawn together histories of environment, economy, and labour that are concerned with soils and labour for agriculture, which has resulted in a twofold conclusion. First, it is a feature of capitalist production in Australia that the tenacity of “yeoman” or family farming as the model for Australian market-based agriculture did not exploit labour. Farming has, however, transformed Australian soils in many places from their natural state. This transformation is viewed as necessary from a resource perspective but damaging from an ecological view. Second, Australian historians of labour and environment do not participate in international debates about whether or how to consider the historical intersection of nature and labour, or, indeed, nature, labour, and capitalism. The reasons for this are historical and methodological. The environment-labour divide among historians is relevant as global environmental and social crises motivate the search for new sources and relational methods to historicise these connected crises.

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O’Sullivan, Dominic, Mubarak Rahamathulla, and Manohar Pawar. "The Impact and Implications of COVID-19: An Australian Perspective." International Journal of Community and Social Development 2, no. 2 (June 2020): 134–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2516602620937922.

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This article describes and discusses the spread of the coronavirus pandemic in Australia, its impact on people and the economy and policy responses to these impacts. It discusses the implications of these responses for post-pandemic recovery, though noting that the country’s response to the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic has, thus far, been among the most successful in the world. Australia’s early physical distancing measures, relatively high per capita testing rates, political stability, national wealth and geographic isolation are among the explanatory factors. This article summarises Australia’s socio-economic responses to the pandemic and shows what this means, especially, for vulnerable groups, and thereby for social inequality, which the pandemic has aggravated and which may become more apparent, still, as debates about paths to economic and social recovery are in some respects already polarising. Although it is relatively early to clearly identify lessons learnt from these responses, it is safe to conclude that further policy development needs to be carefully focused to avoid exacerbating existing inequalities.

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Mayes, Eve. "Radical reform and reforming radicals in Australian schooling." History of Education Review 48, no. 2 (September 26, 2019): 156–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/her-07-2018-0017.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to consider historical shifts in the mobilisation of the concept of radical in relation to Australian schooling. Design/methodology/approach Two texts composed at two distinct points in a 40-year period in Australia relating to radicalism and education are strategically juxtaposed. These texts are: the first issue of the Radical Education Dossier (RED, 1976), and the Attorney General Department’s publication Preventing Violent Extremism and Radicalisation in Australia (PVERA, 2015). The analysis of the term radical in these texts is influenced by Raymond Williams’s examination of particular keywords in their historical and contemporary contexts. Findings Across these two texts, radical is deployed as adjective for a process of interrogating structured inequalities of the economy and employment, and as individualised noun attached to the “vulnerable” young person. Social implications Reading the first issue of RED alongside the PVERA text suggests the consequences of the reconstitution of the role of schools, teachers and the re-positioning of certain young people as “vulnerable”. The juxtaposition of these two texts surfaces contemporary patterns of the therapeutisation of political concerns. Originality/value A methodological contribution is offered to historical sociological analyses of shifts and continuities of the role of the school in relation to society.

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Carr, Robert Anthony. "Political Economy and the Australian Government’s CCTV Programme: An Exploration of State-Sponsored Street Cameras and the Cultivation of Consent and Business in Local Communities." Surveillance & Society 14, no. 1 (May 9, 2016): 90–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v14i1.5372.

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This article explores the political economy of Closed-Circuit Television (CCTV) in Australia, providing new insights into the relationship between government policy and its economic implications. I have rationalised state-sponsored street cameras as a component in the cultivation of consent between the state and local communities; a mechanism for government to facilitate the flow of public funds to business through arrangements that are virtually unchecked and non-evidence based; a mechanism for government to facilitate profitable opportunities in and beyond the security technologies industry; and, a mechanism to normalise hegemonic social and political relations at the level of discourse. This article explores how government has assisted growth in the security industry in Australia. I draw on a case study about Kiama Municipal Council’s decision in 2014 to accept funding from the Abbott Government to install CCTV cameras through the Safer Streets Programme. This is despite historically low crime rates in Kiama and an inability to demonstrate broad support for the programme in the local community. This study reveals how politicians have cultivated support for CCTV at the local level and pressured councils to install these systems despite a lack of evidence they reduce, deter or prevent crime. Examined is how the footage captured on local council CCTV has been distributed and its meanings mediated by political and commercial groups. I argue that the politics of CCTV dissemination in Australia is entwined with the imperatives of electoral success and commercial opportunity—a coalescent relationship evident in the Safer Streets Programme. Furthermore, the efficacy of CCTV as an electoral tool in Australia is explained via the proposition that street cameras perform a central role in the discourses and political economy of the state.

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McKeough, Jill. "Copyright Review: Issues for Cultural Practice." Deakin Law Review 17, no. 2 (February 1, 2013): 309. http://dx.doi.org/10.21153/dlr2012vol17no2art81.

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The Australian Law Reform Commission (ALRC) has been asked by the Attorney-General to inquire into and report on current and further desirable uses of copyright material in the context of the digital economy. In this paper the focus is on the scope of the terms of reference of the ALRC and the importance of copyright in a modern digitally orientated world. The paper also analyses other important initiatives and reports in this area, focusing on the changing ‘political economy’ and cultural impact on copyright issues and, in particular the challenges for copyright law.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Australian political economy'

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