Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Australian political economy'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Australian political economy.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Australian political economy.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Ralston, Deborah Jane. "How to protect Australian workers within the APEC political-economy." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1996.
Find full textAbstract:
This thesis develops options and strategies for Australian unions in protecting and advancing the interests of Australian workers within an internationally competitive environment. Analysis of the APEC arrangements as the trading regime in which Australian workers will be exposed is pivotal to developing these strategies. Economic liberalism and market mechanisms within Australia were adopted during the period 1983 to 1996. Features of this
direction included the deregulation of trade and financial markets, and the shift toward a decentralised and deregulated labour market. This changed focus impacted on workers, in particular in regard to wage outcomes, cash income and wealth dispersion. Unions, and workers, who had traditionally operated within a national market, are required to develop a different approach to a decentralised and deregulated environment from an international perspective. Within an internationalised environment, a different set of responses are required. The capacity for unions to respond is hampered by the international
deregulatory climate, and the conflicting views of APEC member countries to institutionalising labour issues. This requires unions to develop a broader range of strategies to mitigate against the effects that APEC will have on
Australian workers. In considering these strategies, reference is made to the social clause, international unionism and collective bargaining, "good faith" arrangements such as Codes of Conduct, and tying environmental and labour standards to trade and investment restrictions. The ability to generate worker solidarity on an international basis is also discussed. The conclusion is that the combination of a decentralised labour market in Australia and the labour arrangements within APEC does not auger well for workers.
2
Sanderson, Donald Mark. "Food in an Australian primary school curriculum : a critical sociological study." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2013. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/63618/1/Donald_Sanderson_Thesis.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Food is a multidimensional construct. It has social, cultural, economic, psychological, emotional, biological, and political dimensions. It is both a material object and a catalyst for a range of social and cultural action. Richly implicated in the social and cultural milieu, food is a central marker of culture and society. Yet little is known about the messages and knowledges in the school curriculum about food. Popular debates around food in schools are largely connected with biomedical issues of obesity, exercise and nutrition.
This is a study of the sociological dimensions of food-related messages, practices and knowledge formations in the primary school curriculum. It uses an exploratory, qualitative case study methodology to identify and examine the food activities of a Year 5 class in a Queensland school. Data was gathered over a twoyear period using observation, documentation and interviews methods.
Food was found to be an integral part of the primary school's activity. It had economic, symbolic, pedagogic, and instrumental value. Messages about food were found in the official, enacted and hidden curricular which were framed by a food governance framework of legislation, procedures and norms. In the school studied, food knowledge was commodified as a part of a political economy that centred on an 'eat more' message. Certain foods were privileged over others while myths about energy, fruit, fruit juice and sugar shaped student dispositions, values, norms and action. There was little engagement with the cognitive and behavioural dimensions of food and nutrition. The thesis concludes with recommendations for a whole scale reconsideration of food in schools as curricular content and knowledge.
3
Cradduck, Lucy Margaret. "The future of the internet economy : addressing challenges facing the implementation of the Australian national broadband network." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2011. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/46636/1/Lucy_Cradduck_Thesis.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Innovation is vital for the future of Australia.s internet economy. Innovations rely on businesses. ability to innovate. Businesses. ability to innovate relies on their employees. The more these individual end users engage in the internet economy, the better businesses. engagement will be. The less these individual end users engage, the less likely a business is to engage and innovate. This means, for the internet economy to function at its fullest potential, it is essential that individual Australians have the capacity to engage with it and participate in it. The Australian federal government is working to facilitate the internet economy through policies, legislation and practices that implement high-speed broadband. The National Broadband Network will be a vital tool for Australia.s internet economy. Its .chief importance¡® is that it will provide faster internet access speeds that will facilitate access to internet services and content. However, an appropriate infrastructure and internet speed is only part of the picture. As the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development identified, appropriate government policies are also needed to ensure that vital services are more accessible by consumers. The thesis identifies essential theories and principles underpinning the internet economy and from which the concept of connectedness is developed. Connectedness is defined as the ability of end users to connect with internet content and services, other individuals and organisations, and government. That is, their ability to operate in the internet economy. The NBN will be vital in ensuring connectedness into the future. What is not currently addressed by existing access regimes is how to facilitate end user access capacity and participation. The thesis concludes by making recommendations to the federal government as to what the governing principles of the Australian internet economy should include in order to enable individual end user access capacity.
4
Windsor, Carol A. "Industry policy, finance and the AIDC : Australia from the 1950s to the 1970s." Thesis, University of Queensland, 2009. http://espace.library.uq.edu.au/view/UQ:189307.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis, conceived within a Marxist framework, addresses key conceptual issues in the writing and theorising on industry policy in post second world- war Australia. Broadly, the thesis challenges the way that industry policy on the left of politics (reflected in the social democratic and Keynesian positions) has been constructed as a practical, progressive policy agenda. Specifically, the thesis poses a direct challenge to the primacy of the ‘national’ in interpreting the history of industry policy. The challenge is to the proposition that conflicts between national industry and international finance arose only from the mid 1980s. On the contrary, as will be seen, this is a 1960s issue and any interpretation of the debates and the agendas surrounding industry policy in the 1980s must be predicated on an understanding of how the issue was played out two decades earlier. As was the case in the 1960s, industry policy in the 1980s has been isolated from two key areas of interrogation: the role of the nation state in regulating accumulation and the role of finance in industry policy. In the 1950s and more so in the 1960s and early 1970s there was a reconfiguration of financing internationally but it is one that did not enter into industry policy analysis. The central concern therefore is to simultaneously sketch the historical political economy on industry policy from the 1950s through to the early 1970s in Australia and to analytically and empirically insert the role of finance into that history. In so doing the thesis addresses the economic and social factors that shaped the approach to industry finance in Australia during this critical period. The analysis is supported by a detailed examination of political and industry debates surrounding the proposal for, and institution of, a key national intervention in the form of the Australian Industry Development Corporation (AIDC).
5
Beeson, Mark. "Neoliberalism and Australia's Economic Relationship with Japan: Policy Paradigms in a Global Political Economy." Thesis, Beeson, Mark (1996) Neoliberalism and Australia's Economic Relationship with Japan: Policy Paradigms in a Global Political Economy. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 1996. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/22952/.
Full textAbstract:
The increasing internationalisation and integration of global economic activity has meant that the way nations seek to manage and accommodate such external imperatives is a critical determinant of national economic welfare. There has, however, been a notable variety of responses to these ubiquitous forces. In Australia, neoliberal ideas came to exert a powerful ideational influence over policy-makers during the 1980s as they attempted to reposition 'Australia' in response to the exigencies of external competition.
This thesis will argue that Australian policy makers' commitment to neoliberal ideas meant that policy was constructed within a limited set of theoretical parameters, which were unable to take account of the specific corporate and governmental practices of major trading partners. The thesis analyses the utility and effect of neoliberal ideas on the conduct of Australia's international economic relations, with particular reference to Japan. Japan is Australia's principal trading partner, an important potential source of investment capital, and the dominant economic actor in a region with which Australian policymakers seek greater 'integration'. This important economic relationship provides an appropriate case study with which to test the efficacy of the neoliberal model and the assumptions that inform it.
It will be demonstrated that some of the central concepts and assumptions of neo-classical theory, which are central to the discourse of neoliberalism, bear little resemblance to commercial practices in the region of which Australia is a part. In the course of this study, it will be argued that the dominance of neoliberal ideas may be best understood by considering their discursive influence, particularly as this was reinforced by an influential group of academics and government officials. The theoretical assumptions of these ideas will be examined, and the preconditions that rendered them attractive at a specific historical juncture detailed. It will be suggested that neoliberal ideas informed a specific political rationality which had discernible effects on a range of policy issues in Australia, but which was especially evident in the area of external economic policy.
6
Nesadurai, Helen Sharmini. "The political economy of the ASEAN Free Trade Area : the dynamics of globalisation, developmental regionalism and domestic politics." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2001. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/36396/.
Full textAbstract:
This study examines how the interaction between globalisation and domestic politics shaped the evolution of the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) between 1991 and 2000. Previous studies have argued that AFTA, a project of open regionalism, was adopted to attract foreign direct (FDI) investment to the region. Accurate to a degree, this dissertation argues that the concern with FDI is only part of the AFTA story, albeit an important part. The FDI explanation is unable to explain why market access and national treatment privileges were offered to national (domestic) investors from the ASEAN countries at least ten years ahead of foreign (non-ASEAN) investors in AFTA's investment liberalisation programme. The dissertation explains this departure from open regionalism, which has yet to be accounted for in the literature, by advancing the notion of 'developmental' regionalism. Underwritten by strategic trade theory rather than neoclassical economics, developmental regionalism emphasises the nurturing of domestic capital by using the expanded regional market and temporary protection or privileges for domestic capital as the means to build up domestic firms capable of meeting global market competition. Unlike existing models of the globalisation-regionalism relationship, which do not integrate domestic politics or do so in a limited way, the model of developmental regionalism considers domestic capital to be a key analytical variable, and takes seriously its location within domestic politics and society. Using documentary research and elite interviews, and guided by these theoretical insights, the study shows that AFTA encompasses the features of both open and developmental regionalism due to the political significance of both foreign and domestic capital in the ASEAN economies. While both forms of regionalism were driven by the imperative of growth, distributive concerns were weaved into the concern with growth in developmental regionalism, as governments sought to nurture those segments of domestic capital that were important in sustaining elite rule.
7
SOLOMON, Russel Keith. "THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF AUSTRALIA'S TRADE POLICY-MAKING TOWARDS THE UNITED STATES." University of Sydney, Government and Public Administration, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/387.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this study is to explain how Australia has bargained for improved outcomes in its trade with the United States over the 1980s and into the early 1990s. This explanation is sought by means of an analysis of the forces which have shaped Australia's trade policy-making towards the U.S. in the five trading sectors of wheat, sugar, beef, steel and international air passenger transport. The study adopts a theoretical framework which postulates that state actors and institutions are principally responsible for trade policy-making and the concomitant bargaining strategies adopted to improve trade outcomes. However, a state-centred approach needs to be qualified by state actors' accomodation of societal-actor demands for policy action. While exogenous to this domestic bargaining process, influences emanating from the international political economy must also be taken into account. The relationship within and between state and societal actors, influenced as they are by international institutions and ideas, are critical to understanding the bargaining approaches made by one state towards another. It is argued that sectoral trading outcomes between Australia and the U.S. can be understood by reference to a bilateral bargaining process within each trading sector. Within each such bargaining process, Australia has, within broad bilateral and multilateral approaches, devised strategies by which it could mobilize sectorally-specific resources to seek to exploit opportunities and minimise problems so as to improve its trading outcomes. The nature of these sectoral strategies has been influenced by first, the nature of the U.S. policy and policy-making process; second, the Australian domestic bargaining process between state and societal actors; and third, and to a lesser extent, prevailing ideas and the perceptions of the negotiating parties.
8
Culshaw, T. A. "Political troglodytes and economic lunatics : is economic rationalism in Australia's best interests? /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1994. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arc968.pdf.
Full text
9
Ford, Daniel R. "Countering the resource curse: a comparative analysis of political economy for Chile and Australia." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/45854.
Full textAbstract:
Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedThis thesis attempts to explain how advanced economies with large mining sectors, like those of Australia and Chile, have managed to avoid the resource curse. Minerals (iron ore and coal) account for over two-thirds of Australia’s exports, and minerals (copper) amount to over two-thirds of Chilean exports as well. Hence, Australia and Chile have been labeled as commodity-based economies in the past. There is some validity to this claim, as Chile has gained significant fiscal revenues from copper sales, and Australia has experienced a mining boom over the past two decades, coupled with the rise of China. This work examines the relationship that natural resource mining and governance has to the political economy landscape of both countries. Using a historical institutionalist lens, various trends in the political economies of both nations are examined in relation to resource curse factors, such as developmental indicators, mining-specific policy and rents therefrom, and Dutch Disease. This thesis argues that the governments of both countries developed very different means to manage commodity market boom and bust cycles. Specifically, Chile has innovated counter-cyclical fiscal policies and copper funds, while Australia has pursued a more neutral fiscal policy with little intervention into mining by the commonwealth (until recently). The strengths and weaknesses apparent to both governments’ management of their mining sectors is explained and compared against resource curse factors. Forecasting is also presented to include possible ramifications from recent changes to the political economy of both countries in light of large downward swings in commodity prices and a slowdown in China.
10
Dugis, Vinsensio. "Australian-Indonesian relations : a study of political, economic and defence cooperation (1986-1996) /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1997. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ARM/09armd866.pdf.
Full text
11
Edgar, William. "The convict era in Western Australia: Its economic, social and political consequences." Thesis, Edgar, William (2014) The convict era in Western Australia: Its economic, social and political consequences. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2014. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/21436/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis assesses the economic, social and political consequences of the transportation of convicts to Western Australia from 1850 onward. The work examines firstly the initial trouble-free ‘bedding in’ process during the first five years. Matters then changed with the passing of the ‘Penal Servitude Act’ at Westminster in 1853. From mid 1854 onward a more serious criminal ‘type’ was loaded aboard the transports to Western Australia.
With the potential for social disaster, and to tighten the fiscal management of the colony, the authoritarian Dr John Hampton was appointed Governor in 1862. Despite popular perceptions, Hampton proved to be a capable administrator. Although he was blamed for many of the perceived ills of the convict system he transformed the fortunes of the colony, economically and politically.
While much has been handed down about the severity and iniquities of the convict system, much has been falsely mythologized. The Western Australian period of convict transportation from Great Britain was the end phase in a penal methodology that had started with the first transportation act in 1597. It metamorphosed from one of extreme cruelty in its earliest phases in the 17th century to one with rehabilitation rather than retribution as its central tenet during its Western Australian phase.
This thesis argues that the new environment played a considerable role in modification of attitudes and behaviour among the convicts, even among the formerly most intransigent. Though a penal colony, Western Australia remained, overall, a law-abiding society during the period. The relatively small free population against the relatively large residue of former convicts, however, was perceived as a limiting imbalance by conservative, ‘responsible’ citizenry and served to delay the granting of self-governing status until 1889. Yet overall the convict experience in Western Australia proved to be, economically and socially, a positive and progressive phase for both the free and bond elements within that struggling embryo society.
12
Fang, Zihan 1962. "Chinese city parks: Political, economic and social influences on design (1949-1994)." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/278614.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is an attempt to understand the purposes of modern Chinese park design. The goal of this work was to identify the social, economic, and political factors influencing contemporary park design. The primary approach was analysis of case studies. By analyzing characteristics of parks constructed at different stages in urban park history and in the cultural history of China, the results provide strong support for important political, economic, and social influences on park design.
13
Luo, Yinan. "Ideas in Practice: the Political Economy of Chinese State Intervention During the New Policies Period (1068-1085)." Thesis, Harvard University, 2015. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:14226107.
Full textAbstract:
I take the New Policies period (1068-1085) to be a critical juncture in Chinese history during which, for the first time, the Chinese state initiated systematic intervention into the market. This period witnessed the failure of plans to shape the collective action of bureaucrats and coordinate market actors through a host of organizing mechanisms. I explain why the policy makers in this historical process failed to incorporate and organize the ideas and interests of social actors, political elites and relevant bureaucracies into the state’s authoritative action.
I argue that this failure was an outcome of the interaction between the political philosophy of the drafters of the New Policies and their historical context. In particular, it was a result of the incapacity of the drafters’ worldview to correctly explain and resolve unexpected problems in the policy environment, including the influence of political philosophies that were in fundamental conflict with the ideas of Wang Anshi, as well as the reaction of political elites to the New Policies, the rationales and behavioral modes of bureaucrats in financial markets and state monopolies, and unpredictable changes in the marketplace that bedeviled bureaucrats.
14
Davutoglu, Mustafa. "The privatisation of state economic enterprises : an economic and political analysis of the Turkish case." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1997. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/106917/.
Full textAbstract:
This study is an economic and political analysis of the privatisation of state economic enterprises (SEEs) in Turkey between 1986-1996. A radical shift from planned to a market economy is observed in Turkish economic policy which occurred during the 1980s as a response to the crisis of the late 1970s. Privatisation has been one of the major elements of this new economic policy. The initial impetus towards privatisation sprang from dissatisfaction with the performance of SEEs. Attempts have been made to change the nature and the role of the public sector in the Turkish economy. It was hoped that privatisation would improve the economic performance of the SEEs by freeing them from direct state intervention and exposing them to the market forces. Within the above perspective, this thesis provides a case study of the Turkish experience with privatisation by examining the concept based on an analytical framework. After a decade of privatisation efforts, the results of the Turkish privatisation look disappointing. The study identifies political, economic and social factors as the major influences that determined the outcome of privatisation in the Turkish context. This work suggests that the implementation of successful privatisation policies hinges on the ability and capacity of the political leadership to control the bargaining process. It appears to be essential for governments to form a strong coalition which embraces support from the public and various interest groups to promote and implement the privatisation programme smoothly. The Turkish case shows that the government’s failure to control the process combined with other factors such as an unfavourable macroeconomic environment and an inefficient institutional framework all contributed to the unsuccessful outcome of its privatisation policy. In the empirical part of the research, the efficiency of the privatised firms in terms of their profitability and productivity are evaluated. The findings from the case studies show that there are significant improvements in the performance of the privatised enterprises in Turkey following privatisation. Though some poor financial performance is observed in the eight privatised enterprises studied, in general all of them have recorded significant improvements in labour productivity. There is also evidence that attempts to reduce the role of the public sector as the supplier of goods and services in Turkish cement, airline catering and telecom equipment manufacturing sectors have been largely successful. Hence, it is now widely acknowledged that the private sector can perform in these areas more efficiently and at a lower cost and offer better quality goods and services than the public sector. The study has two major conclusions. The first is that privatisation is an economic and political issue. As the Turkish case illustrates, politics plays the most important role in deciding whether or not to privatise and the outcome of privatisation policies. However, the economic justification of privatisation, which rests upon the potential improvements in efficiency, which come from greater competition, appear to be the main objective of most privatisation programmes. The second conclusion is that privatisation is not a panacea for all the economic problems that governments face, but as the successful privatisation examples show it is a way forward to promote economic efficiency at the both enterprise and macroeconomic levels. Most important of all, a radical privatisation programme can significantly reduce the state intervention in the management of the economy and eliminate the issues of political patronage, rent-seeking and favouritism especially in developing countries.
15
McCarthy, Nigel Thomas Fiaschi. "The development of economic and business news on Australian television." University of Sydney, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1773.
Full textAbstract:
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)Television is the favoured news source for most Australians and is regarded as having the potential to influence public opinion. From its inception however, television has been regarded as ill-suited to cover economic and business issues because of a perceived reliance on visual material and an inability to deal with complex issues. This tyranny of vision has been mitigated by technological developments such as electronic news gathering (ENG) and satellites that provide large amounts of varied material as well as improvements in production tools that assist the visual presentation of abstract concepts. The presentation of complex issues has also been enhanced by the increased skills and knowledge among newsworkers. Economic and business news has become a staple in television news programs and has evolved from ritualised reporting of data such as market indices and exchange rates to a genre that shares broader news values such as consequence, conflict, proximity, human interest, novelty, prominence, political controversy and scandal. Economic and business news also shares the normal imperatives of television such as a strong reliance on scheduled occasions and reliable and prolific sources. In between occasions of economic, business and political controversy or scandal, these programs are able to rely on a steady supply of economic, business and investment information. Dedicated economic and business segments and programs and now even whole channels meet two sets of demands. One is those of niche audiences seeking news and information on economic and business conditions, economic debate and policy making, the activities of economic and business leaders and an opportunity to hear and observe economic and business leaders. The other is from broadcasters seeking to maximise their profits by attracting viewers in the AB demographic (those with the greatest disposal income) to otherwise poorly-performing time slots, by broadcasters seeking an inexpensive and dependable supply of programming material and by broadcasters seeking to promote their institutional role and specific programs through presenting material that is followed up by other media. Economic and business reports however, continue to portray issues in a limited way that neglects business’s interaction with workers and the larger social environment. Economic events are often framed as political competition. These reports present a hierarchy of sources and privilege political and business elites. Television news favours debate that is presented by individuals as contrasting causal narratives. Political and economic sources have become adept at presenting brief causal narratives in response to the requirements of television. This approach highlights celebrities and favours the promotion of agency over structure. The increase in total economic and business reporting boosts the interdependence of television and political and economic sources. Technological development is continuing and traditional free-to-air television audiences are being eroded by pay television and the internet. Although these are altering the nature of political, economic and business debate their overall influence is difficult to determine.
16
Rey, Marie-Bénédicte. "La destinée asiatique de l'Australie." Thesis, Paris 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA030061.
Full textAbstract:
Avant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, l’Australie était fermée à l’Asie, motivée par la peur du "péril jaune" et un sentiment de supériorité raciale ; la majeure partie de sa population venait d’Europe et le pays se plaçait sous la protection britannique pour éviter l’"invasion asiatique". La Seconde Guerre mondiale et le processus de décolonisation bouleversèrent la géopolitique de l’Australie qui prit conscience de l’importance de son voisinage pour sa sécurité et pour sa prospérité. En tant que pays occidental situé au bord de l’Asie, l’Australie devait trouver sa place dans le nouveau contexte et se repenser pour adapter son histoire à sa géographie. C’est ainsi que le gouvernement développa les relations économiques et politiques avec les pays voisins et ouvrit le pays aux Asiatiques. Ce processus d’engagement régional, qui s’intensifia entre 1942 et 2002, allait changer la perception identitaire du pays et de son peupleBefore the Second World War, Australia’s borders were closed to Asia’s peoples and relations with the Asian countries were limited ; this was justified by the nation’s fear of the "yellow peril" and a sense of racial superiority. At that time, the vast majority of Australia’s population originated from Europe and the protection offered by Great Britain in part assisted in the avoidance of an "Asian invasion". World War Two and the process of decolonisation brought about a drastic change in the geopolitics of Australia, and the importance of the Asian region with respect to the nation’s security and prosperity began to be recognised. As a Western country on the fringe of Asia, Australia had to find its place in this new context and to reinvent itself to reconcile its history with its geography. In this respect, the Australian government soon developed economic and political relations with the neighbouring countries and opened immigration channels to people of the Asian region. This process of regional engagement, which intensified between 1942 and 2002, would change the perceived identity perception of the country and of its people
17
Harvey, Clare Lynette Eden, and clare harvey@flinders edu au. "Through the Looking Glass: The Politics of Advancing Nursing and the Discourses on Nurse Practitioners in Australia." Flinders University. School of Nursing and Midwifery, 2010. http://catalogue.flinders.edu.au./local/adt/public/adt-SFU20100708.110421.
Full textAbstract:
Nursing has a tradition of subservience and obedience. History provides an account of secular and religious orders of nursing shaping a view of virtuous and tireless dedication in carrying out the doctors orders. Nurse Practitioners were first introduced to the health care system in the 1960s as a solution to the medical shortage being experienced in United States of America at that time. They assumed clinical tasks, traditionally regarded as doctors work. Since then the Nurse Practitioner movement has expanded globally.
Australia introduced the Nurse Practitioner role in 1998, heralding a new era in the health system of that country. Its introduction has created diverging views which are influence role implementation. This study examines social and political discourses that are affecting the development of Nurse Practitioners in Australia, using text and language to identify discursive practices. It has set out to determine whether Nurse Practitioners have the autonomy that professional nursing leaders have described in policy, or whether the introduction of the role has merely shifted nursings sphere of influence within a traditional health care system.
Using Faircloughs notion of power behind discourse, the language and discourses of Nurse Practitioners were explored in relation to what was happening around role development and how Nurse Practitioners positioned themselves within the environment where they worked. The use of a Critical Discourse Analysis has allowed for the various social, historical and political perspectives of nursing to be examined. Faircloughs three levels of social organisation have been used to identify the divergent discourses between the truths of implementation of the role at individual and organisational level and comparing it to that of the rhetoric of health policy.
The discourses surrounding the creation of this advanced nursing role have been the focus of analysis. This analysis has revealed how role development is controlled by powerful groups external to the nursing profession. The dominant discourses use the traditional health care divisions of labour to maintain control through a financially driven focus on health care which does not necessarily revolve around clinical need. Further complicating the position of Nurse Practitioners is the internalisation of those dominant discourses by the nurses themselves. It reinforces Faircloughs view that the dominant power lies behind the discourse, using the system itself to maintain a status quo, rather than overtly opposing it.
Nurse Practitioners, despite being held out by the nursing profession as clinical leaders, are not able to influence change in health care or in their own roles. The results have further shown that nursing managers do not have an influence over the direction that health care and nursing takes. Further research is necessary to examine the broader leadership role of nursing within health care nationally and internationally, in order to establish the real position of nursing within the decision making framework of health care service development.
18
Wright, Christopher F. "Policy legacies and the politics of labour immigration selection and control : the processes and dynamics shaping national-level policy decisions during the recent wave of international migration." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/237050.
Full textAbstract:
The two decades preceding the global financial crisis of 2008 saw an increase in international migration flows. This development was accompanied by the relaxation of immigration entry controls for select categories of foreign workers across the developed world. The scale of labour immigration, and the categories of foreign workers granted entry, varied considerably across states. To some extent, these developments transcended the traditional classifications of comparative immigration politics. This thesis examines the reform process in two states with contrasting policy legacies that adopted liberal labour immigration selection and control policies during the abovementioned period. The instrumental role that immigration has played in the process of nation-building in Australia has led it to be classified as a 'traditional destination state' with a positive immigration policy legacy. By contrast, immigration has not been significant in the formation of national identity in the United Kingdom. It has a more negative immigration policy legacy and is generally regarded as a 'reluctant state'. Examining the reasons for liberal shifts in labour immigration policy in two states with different immigration politics allows insights to be gained into the processes of policy-making and the dynamics that underpin it. In Australia, labour immigration controls were relaxed incrementally and through a deliberative process. Reform was justified on the grounds that it fulfilled economic needs and objectives, and was consistent with an accepted definition of the national interest. In the UK, liberal shifts in labour immigration policy were the incidental consequence of the pursuit of objectives in other policy areas. Reform was implemented unilaterally, and in an uncoordinated manner characterised by an absence of consultation. The contrast in the manner in which reform was managed by the various actors, institutions and stakeholders involved in the process both reflected, and served to reinforce, the immigration policy legacies of the two states. Moreover, the Howard government used Australia's positive legacy to construct a coherent narrative to justify the implementation of liberal reform. This generated greater immediate and lasting support for its reforms among stakeholders and the broader community. By contrast, lacking a similarly positive legacy, the Blair government in the UK found it difficult to create such a narrative, which contributed to the unpopularity of its reforms. This thesis therefore argues that policy legacies had a significant impact on the processes and dynamics that shaped labour immigration selection and control decisions during the recent wave of international migration. The cases demonstrate that a nation's past immigration policy experiences shape its policy-making structures, as well as institutional and stakeholder policy preferences, which are core constituent components of a nation's immigration politics. The UK case shows that even when reluctant states implement liberal labour immigration policies, these characteristics tend to create feedback effects that make it difficult for reform to be durable. The relationship between immigration policy and politics thus becomes self-reinforcing. But this does not necessarily mean that states' immigration politics are rigid, since the institutions that help to make a nation's immigration policy and shape its politics will inevitably undergo a process of adaptation in response to changing contexts.
19
Hallam, Adrienne Louise, and n/a. "Globalisation, Human Genomic Research and the Shaping of Health: An Australian Perspective." Griffith University. School of Science, 2003. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20040812.114745.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines one of the premier "big science" projects of the contemporary era - the globalised genetic mapping and sequencing initiative known as the Human Genome Project (HGP), and how Australia has responded to it. The study focuses on the relationship between the HGP, the biomedical model of health, and globalisation. It seeks to examine the ways in which the HGP shapes ways of thinking about health; the influence globalisation has on this process; and the implications of this for smaller nations such as Australia. Adopting a critical perspective grounded in political economy, the study provides a largely structuralist analysis of the emergent health context of the HGP. This perspective, which embraces an insightful nexus drawn from the literature on biomedicine, globalisation and the HGP, offers much utility by which to explore the basis of biomedical dominance, in particular, whether it is biomedicine's links to the capitalist infrastructure, or its inherent efficacy and efficiency, that sustains the biomedical paradigm over "other" or non-biomedical health approaches. Additionally, the perspective allows for an assessment of whether there should be some broadening of the way health is conceptualised and delivered to better account for social, economic, and environmental factors that affect living standards and health outcomes, and also the capacity of globalisation to promote such change. These issues are at the core of the study and provide the theoretical frame to examine the processes by which Australian policy makers have given an increasing level of support to human genomic research over the past decade and also the implications of those discrete policy choices. Overall, the study found that globalisation is renewing and extending the dominance of the biomedical model, which will further marginalise other models of health while potentially consuming greater resources for fewer real health outcomes. While the emerging genomic revolution in health care may lead to some wondrous innovations in the coming decades, it is also highly likely to exacerbate the problems of escalating costs and diminishing returns that characterise health care systems in industrialised countries, and to lead to greater health inequities both within and between societies. The Australian Government has chosen to underwrite human genomic research and development. However, Australia's response to the HGP has involved both convergences and variations from the experiences of more powerful industrial nations. The most significant divergence has been in industry and science policy, where until the mid-1990s, the Australian Government displayed no significant interest in providing dedicated research funding, facilities, or enabling agencies to the emerging field. Driven by the threat of economic marginalisation and cultural irrelevance, however, a transformation occurred. Beginning with the Major National Research Facilities Program of the Department of Industry, Science and Technology, and then the landmark Health and Medical Research Strategic Review, support for human genomic research grew strongly. Comprehensive policy settings have recently been established to promote the innovation, commercialisation, promotion and uptake of the products of medical biotechnology and genomics. As such, local advocates of a broader model of health will be forced to compete on the political and economic stage with yet another powerful new area of biomedicine, and thus struggle to secure resources for perhaps more viable and sustainable approaches to health care in the 21st century.
20
Hurt, Stephen R. "Meeting the challenges of past and present : post-apartheid South Africa's reintegration into the global political economy, 1994-1997." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1999. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/50772/.
Full textAbstract:
The end of apartheid presents South Africa with an opportunity to realise its full potential as an important member of the global political economy. This follows a period of three decades of progressive isolation from the global community. The major external challenge facing South Africa now is that the world it is trying to integrate with is much changed from the one it was previously part of. It is of vital importance that as an emerging nation it fully appreciates the nature of this changed world. The global political economy has changed rapidly over the past decade. Mikhail Gorbachev became General Secretary of the Soviet Communist Party and after 1985 he gradually introduced the process of reconstructing the Soviet economy, known as perestroika. This, together with glasnost, began a process of rapid change culminating in the collapse of communism throughout Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union and an end to the Cold War. Thus, western ideas of democracy became dominant and democratic regimes (although not necessarily liberal democratic) became the world's dominant form. Economically, the most important global trend has been that of liberalisation together with what the literature calls globalisation. Rapid advances in transport and communications technology, combined with the trend towards market deregulation have lowered the barriers between national markets; technology and skills, rather than natural resources and cheap labour have become the crucial enabling factors for competing in the global economy. This thesis contends that such a background gives South Africa little choice but to integrate into the global system if it is to secure the best conditions for its economic, social and political development. It also argues, that as a middle-income developing country or economy in transition, the parameters within which it can achieve this integration are fairly narrowly defined. South Africa is quite unique in the nature of its structural problems due to the legacy of apartheid. It remains a deeply divided society with great extremes of wealth and poverty. Its economy has a dualistic nature with a formal industrial sector and a large underdeveloped informal sector. To compete in the global marketplace South Africa must be able to attract additional production factors and resources from outside. Due to the high levels of protectionism inherited from the apartheid era there is a need for a reorientation of South Africa's trade policy. Relations with its principal trading partner, the European Union, will be crucially important here. Finally, South Africa cannot avoid its geographical location in Africa. An underdeveloped and politically unstable Southern Africa would greatly reduce South Africa's chances of successful global integration. In contrast a stable, more integrated region, would be to the benefit of South Africa, not least in creating a regional bloc able to exert greater leverage at a global level. However, given that regionalisation may not be wholly compatible with greater global integration, at least in the short to medium term, South Africa faces some difficult policy choices ahead.
21
Norton, Paul C. R., and n/a. "Accord, Discord, Discourse and Dialogue in the Search for Sustainable Development: Labour-Environmentalist Cooperation and Conflict in Australian Debates on Ecologically Sustainable Development and Economic Restructuring in the Period of the Federal Labor Government, 1983-96." Griffith University. Australian School of Environmental Studies, 2004. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20040924.093047.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis seeks to provide a deeper understanding of the dynamics of interaction between the environmental and labour movements, and the conditions under which they can cooperate and form alliances in pursuit of a sustainable development agenda which simultaneously promotes ecological and social justice goals. After developing an explanatory model of the labour-environmentalist relationship (LER) on the basis of a survey of theoretical and case-study literature, the thesis applies this model to three significant cases of labour-environmental interaction in Australia, each representing a different point on the spectrum from LER conflict to LER cooperation, during the period from 1983 to 1996. Commonly held views that there are inevitable tendencies to LER conflict, whether due to an irreconcilable "jobs versus environment" contradiction or due to the different class bases of the respective movements, are analysed and rejected. A model of the LER implicit in Siegmann (1985) is interrogated against more recent LER studies from six countries, and reworked into a new model (the Siegmann-Norton model) which explains tendencies to conflict and cooperation in the LER in terms of the respective ideologies of labour and environmentalism, their organisational forms and cultures, the national political-institutional framework and the respective places of labour and environmentalism therein, the political economy of specific sectors and regions in which LER interaction occurs, and sui generis sociological and demographic characteristics of labour and environmental actors. The thesis then discusses the major changes in the ideologies, organisational forms and political-institutional roles of the Australian labour movement which occurred during the period of the study, and their likely influence on the LER. The two processes of most importance in driving such changes were the corporatist Accord relationship between the trade union movement and Labor Party government from 1983 to 1996, and the strategic reorganisation of the trade union movement between 1988 and 1996 in response to challenges and opportunities in the wider political-economic environment. The research hypothesis is that the net effect of these changes would have been to foster tendencies towards LER conflict. The hypothesis is tested in three significant case studies, namely: (a) the interaction, often conflictual, between the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) and the environmental movement in debates around macroeconomic policy, economic restructuring and sustainable development from the mid-1980s onwards; (b) the complex interaction, involving elements of cooperation, disagreement and dialogue, between the environmental movement and the unions representing coal mining and energy workers in the formulation of Australia's climate change policies; and (c) the environmental policy and campaign initiatives of the Australian Manufacturing Workers Union to improve workplace environmental performance and promote worker environmental education. The case studies confirmed the research hypothesis in the sense that, whilst the LER tended overall towards greater cooperation in the period of the study, the Accord relationship and union restructuring process worked to slow the growth of cooperative tendencies and sustain conflict over particular issues beyond what might otherwise have been the case. The Accord relationship served to maintain conflict tendencies due to the dominance of productivist ideologies within the ACTU, and the union movement's perseverance with this relationship after the vitiation of its progressive potential by neo-liberal trends in public policy. The tripartite Accord processes institutionalised a "growth coalition" of labour, business and the state in opposition to excluded constituencies such as the environmental movement. This was partially overcome during the period of the Ecologically Sustainable Development (ESD) process, which temporarily included the environmental movement as an insider in the political-institutional framework. The long-run effects of union reorganisation on the LER are difficult to determine as the new organisational forms of unions were not in place until almost the end of the period of the study. However, in the short term the disruptive effects of the amalgamations process restricted unions' capacity to engage with environmental issues. Pro-environment initiatives by the AMWU, and cooperative aspects of the coal industry unions' relationship with environmentalists, reflected the social unionist ideology and internal democratic practices of those unions, and the influence of the ESD Working Group process, whilst LER conflict over greenhouse reflected the adverse political economy of the coal industry, but also the relevant unions' less developed capacity for independent research and membership education compared to the AMWU. The LER in all three cases can be satisfactorily explained, and important insights derived, through application of the Siegmann-Norton model. Conclusions drawn include suggestions for further research and proposals for steps to be taken by labour and environmental actors to improve cooperation.
22
Soko, Milford Sibusiso. "Re-engaging with the global trading system : the political economy of trade policy reform in post-apartheid South Africa, 1994-2004." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2004. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/50693/.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis examines the political economy of trade policy reform in post-apartheid South Africa. It challenges mainstream accounts of contemporary trade policy in South Africa, which have advanced a solely economic rationale to explain the policy choices made by the ANC governments since 1994. The thesis argues that, far more than these accounts concede, international and domestic political economy considerations have also played a central part in the ANC governments' calculations to undertake trade reform to the degree it has. Trade reform in South Africa has been the linchpin of a global adjustment strategy pursued by the domestic political elites by which they have sought to fulfill South Africa's global, regional and domestic political and economic objectives. At the global level, the South African state has vigorously pursued trade liberalisation in order to shed its past image of international pariah and reintegrate itself into the global economy on the basis of outward-oriented growth. Restoring South Africa's international political respectability has been as important as reversing its economic marginalisation in the international division of labour. At the regional level, the South African state has used trade policy reform as a foreign economic policy tool not only to rebuild political and diplomatic relations with African countries strained during the apartheid era - but also to advance its hegemonic ambitions, particularly in Southern Africa, as well as reinforce the region's ability to engage with the forces of economic globalisation. The extent to which South Africa's regional hegemonic ambitions can be achieved, however, lies ultimately with how adeptly the country can reconcile these regional aspirations with its domestic pressures. At the domestic level, trade reform has been deployed by the decision-making elites not only to lock in the government's austere macroeconomic policy but also to curtail the power of domestic interests that have benefited from trade protectionism in the past. In return for their co-operation, the South African state has allowed these interests, notably business and labour, enhanced institutional representation in economic policymaking. In this sense trade policy has been employed to serve domestic as much as foreign political and economic policy ends.
23
Manning, Elizabeth Sophie Mary. "Local content and related trade policy: Australian applications /." Title page, abstract and table of contents only, 2004. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phm2832.pdf.
Full text
24
Whittaker, William Joshua, and joshua whittaker@rmit edu au. "Vulnerability to bushfires in south-eastern Australia: a case study from East Gippsland, Victoria." RMIT University. Mathematical and Geospatial Sciences, 2009. http://adt.lib.rmit.edu.au/adt/public/adt-VIT20090401.122025.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is an analysis of human vulnerability to bushfires in the Wulgulmerang district of East Gippsland, Victoria, in south-eastern Australia. On January 30, 2003, bushfires devastated the small population of this isolated farming district. The fires destroyed homes, livelihood assets and public infrastructure. They also adversely affected the health, livelihoods and social lives of many local people. Australian bushfire research has traditionally focused on the geophysical dimensions of fire hazards and disasters, with little consideration of how cultural, economic, political and social factors shape people's exposure to hazards and their capacities to cope and adapt to bushfire impacts. To date, there have been no systematic, social science analyses of human vulnerability to bushfires. The vulnerability analysis presented in this thesis concentrates on two key research questions: (1) How and why were people exposed to hazards during the bushfires? and (2) How and why were people differentially capable of coping and adapting to the fires' impacts? Qualitative methods were primarily used to investigate these questions, including semi-structured interviews with residents and landholders of the Wulgulmerang district, representatives of government departments and authorities, and others who participated in responses to the fires. The thesis develops a multifaceted understanding of how and why people were vulnerable to the January 30 fires. Vulnerability is shown to arise from the circumstances of people's day to day lives, which are shaped by factors both within and beyond their control. Local pressures and challenges - such as drought, declining farm incomes, depopulation, limited access to essential services, and political marginality - are shown to increase people's exposure to bushfire hazards and reduce their capacities to cope and adapt. The thesis demonstrates the fundamental importance of sustainable livelihoods and regional economic and social vitality to the long-term goal of vulnerability reduction.
25
Jones, Sharon L. "The economic trend in immigration policy: a comparative analysis of the entrepreneur/investor program in Canada, United States and Australia." Related Electronic Resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
Full text
26
Chang, Hung. "Cross-strait relations in the process of economic integration : same game, but different logic." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2017. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/91137/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis provides a theoretical and empirical examination of the contentious “sovereignty” dispute between Taiwan and China, especially following the signing of the Cross-Strait Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) in 2010. Distinctive from many contemporary studies of cross-Strait relations, this research analyzes Beijing’s and Taipei’s political agendas regarding sovereignty in the broader context of East Asian economic integration, as the ECFA is in fact the byproduct of their regional strategies. Commercial diplomacy and interdependence theory constitute the theoretical framework of this thesis. Moreover, this thesis employs various definitions of sovereignty in order to evaluate the extent to which China has impacted upon Taiwan’s sovereignty in the process of economic integration. By employing document analysis and elite interview methodologies, this thesis finds that Taipei has a limited ability to protect its sovereignty from China’s commercial diplomacy in the post-ECFA era. This outcome can be explained by Beijing’s efforts to marginalize Taiwan during the construction of East Asian regionalism, which has driven Taipei to shift its strategy from confrontation to cooperation with Beijing so as to secure its economic and sovereignty interests. To date, economic integration features centrally in Taiwan’s new Mainland policy. This has increased the degree of Taiwan’s economic dependence on China, which gives greater scope for Beijing to wield commercial diplomacy to infringe upon Taiwan’s domestic, functional, and de jure sovereignty. This thesis makes two overall contributions. The most significant contribution of this thesis is its pioneering research approach, which analyzes how China and Taiwan reconcile their economic interests and sovereignty concerns through the lens of commercial diplomacy. Furthermore, by categorizing sovereignty according to its different aspects, this thesis also contributes to the understanding of the effectiveness of China’s commercial diplomacy in furthering its sovereignty interests with regards to Taiwan.
27
Edwik, A. A. "Oil dependency, economic diversification and development a case study of Libya." Thesis, University of Salford, 2007. http://usir.salford.ac.uk/2189/.
Full textAbstract:
The Libyan economy relies heavily on increasing oil revenues, which may deteriorate with a future oil price decline. The Libyan economy performed as well as resource poor countries over the past few decades. The oil booms of 1973 and 1979 brought unprecedented income to Libya but, despite the substantial oil revenues, much of the potential benefit of the windfall has been dissipated. Libya relies heavily on oil receipts, the price of which tends to fluctuate widely in the international market. Also, the Libyan economy is dominated by hydrocarbons and the public sector. Sizeable oil wealth has supported a decent living standard for Libya's population, and socio-economic development compares favourably with standards in other Middle Eastern and North African countries. Libya has the potential to raise oil production and revenues significantly in coming years, given its large reserve. The reliance of public finance on a single sector means that shocks threaten the economy's fiscal balance and stability. Libya has over-consumed in response to windfalls from surges in world prices. Libyan government spending has outstripped the gain in revenues. These sharp increases in government spending are difficult to reverse when the boom ends and often lead to large fiscal deficits rather than surplus. However, the main challenge for Libya is to promote growth of the non-oil sector and spur diversification of its economy. Non-hydrocarbon GDP growth has been weak and oil revenue volatility has been transmitted to non-hydrocarbon GDP. Weak non-oil GDP growth reflects both insufficient private investment and low productivity of capital importing efficiency. Productivity growth is a precondition for faster growth and greater investment effort. Strong productivity growth is also a prerequisite for competitive diversification out of hydrocarbon. Projected high oil revenue will provide the finance for growth but will not necessarily spur sustained growth in the non-oil sector. Overoptimistic predictions of future oil revenues are shown to have seriously adverse consequences, particularly if the non-oil economy adjusts to falling demand through underdevelopment and capital flight is provoked. Policy options for protecting the economy from volatility in oil revenues, without eliminating the benefits from rising prices include the formation of a stabilization fund and hedging strategies in the international markets. The stabilization fund would smooth consumption and reduce the costs associated with volatile spending. Libya needs sound economic management and to address the problems associated with oil windfalls. Market processes are required to help allocate public resources, and governments and others responsible must take account of risk and uncertainty when selecting projects, and formulating plans for development. Consequently, there is a macroeconomic need to diversify the economy to avoid the pitfalls which so often plague developing countries with vast natural resources. The decisions concerning public investment in a social economic infrastructure would be better if unconnected to the presence of hydrocarbon windfalls. To speed up non-oil growth and job creation, the oil windfalls should be used strategically, with the aim of facilitating the transition to a competitive, market-led economy. Over the long-term, the intermediation of hydrocarbon windfalls through the household and business sectors might produce superior long-term growth, but it should go in tandem with considerable strengthening of the investment climate. Enhancing the quality of Libya's human resources will also be essential to improve productivity and diversify out of oil - especially into services - and compete in the global economy. Improving the quality of governance deserves particular attention, because it underlies the development reform agenda. Libya would probably have seen a larger benefit from its windfalls had it saved a higher proportion abroad and limited domestic investment through applying market criteria more rigorously. Quite clearly, good fiscal control of periodic boom episodes enables the boom to temporarily accelerate the rate of economic development. In addition, such questions as the magnitude of the windfalls, how Libya has used them and their impact on non-oil a sector have been addressed in this research. The adoption of sound economic policies and the good management of oil windfall gains will allow Libya to continuously manage growth and become one of the greatest success stories of all developing countries.
28
Kao, Yuk-chun. "Democratisation and law of Taiwan : with special reference to United States economic pressures." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1995. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3993/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis discusses the impact of the United States' foreign economic policy on the legal and political systems of Taiwan. Its focus is the bilateral negotiations between Taiwan and the United States and the evolution of the legal and political systems on Taiwan. The widely acknowledged economic miracle of Taiwan has been combined, in recent years, with a deliberate attempt to transform the country's political structures in a democratic direction. Paradoxically, Taiwan's move towards democracy has seriously strained Taiwan / United States relations. For many years, the special relations between the two countries were characterised by Taiwan's almost total dependency on the United States both as a market for its products as well as a protector of its territorial integrity. The end of the Cold War, the new role of the People's Republic of China and the globalisation of the international economy have brought this special relation to an end. The changing nature of the relationship between the United States and Taiwan has not, however, brought an end the traditional behaviour of the United States towards Taiwan which was characterised by aggressive unilateralism. This thesis argues that in the changing context of the 1990s as the negotiating agenda between the two countries expand, the aggressive unilateralism of the United States is undermining the process of democratisation and eroding the rule of law on Taiwan. In order to comply with American pressure, the government of Taiwan is forced to resort to authoritarian measures based on the old corporatist framework that the transition to democracy is meant to supersede. Interestingly, the implications of the undemocratic consequences of these pressure do not seem to concern the United States, as short term economic advantage takes precedence over other considerations. For Taiwan, the way out of this vicious circle of external pressure - undemocratic response - external pressure is to diversify its international economic links. The problems and implications of this policy options are discussed in the thesis. The specific policy areas analysed in this thesis are commodity trade, trade in services and intellectual property protection.
29
Millar, Anthony. "An economic/financial, environmental/health and political analysis of the impact of replacing coal-fuelled power stations with renewable technology in Australia." Thesis, Millar, Anthony (2016) An economic/financial, environmental/health and political analysis of the impact of replacing coal-fuelled power stations with renewable technology in Australia. Masters by Coursework thesis, Murdoch University, 2016. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/33985/.
Full textAbstract:
The question to be examined in this dissertation involves the analysis of the economic/financial, environmental/health and political impact of replacing Australia’s coal fuelled power stations with renewable technology mix. The quantitative analysis was conducted using RETScreen software package and raised some fascinating results.
The RETScreen extensive quantitative analysis of the financial and economic impact of renewable energy for Australia has been conducted in this report. It shows the Net Present Value (NPV) for solar thermal was $26,061,592,811; a positive amount indicating a good investment proposition; and a reasonable Levelised Cost of Electricity (LCOE) of $3,683.37p.a. Solar thermal also offered a relatively high Internal Rate of Return (IRR) of 12.1%, as well as a short Simple Payback Period (SPP) of 7.4 years. The NPV for solar photovoltaic was $43,686,592,811 making it an economically viable proposition; and a LCOE of $6,174.37 p.a. Solar PV also offered a high IRR of 20.7%, as well as a short SPP of 4.7 years. The NPV for wind was $122,850,329,916, making it a highly economically viable proposition, and a LCOE of $8,681.42. Wind also offered a high IRR of 50.1% and an extremely short SPP of 2.0 years [19]. The macroeconomic impact of the replacement of coal-fuelled power stations with renewable technology has also been calculated in this report. The switch from coal fuelled power stations to renewables would result in; 318,563 additional jobs for Australia, and increase of $24,591,152,220 annually to GDP or an increase of 1.206%.
The environmental/health aspects of the switch to renewables have been ascertained in this report. In the extraction of the coal, there is the inherent land degradation for open cut mines and the land subsidence issues for underground mines. The spontaneous combustion of coal occurs with alarming regularity in Australia with the interaction of oxygen in the air and the pulverised coal powder. The contamination of the water supply is also an issue of major concern in the extraction process. Then the issues of carbon dioxide (and other GHG’s) released into the atmosphere when the coal is combusted in the power plant solar thermal and solar PV will each save 12,252,065 tCO2 per annum, and wind will save 24,504,129 tCO2 annually; a total of 49,008,259 tCO2 annually. Other gases released from burning coal include sulphur dioxide, mercury and other particulates. These are known to cause respiratory health problems as well as acid rain and could be the direct result of human death and increase this mortality by up to 4% [46].
The current political standing and Renewable Energy Target (RET) have been assessed in this report. As at 23/02/2016, the most current renewable energy target (RET) for Australia is from the Department of the Environment (DET) media release from 23 June 2015. It states that the new target for large scale generation of “33,000GWh in 2020 will double the amount of large scale renewable energy being delivered...compared to current levels” [48]. This means the current level of large scale renewable energy in the mix of 13.47% [49] will almost double to 23.5% of the total energy supply. However, some exemptions in the RET legislation have resulted in a redistribution of wealth from retail consumers of electricity to the manufacturing export sector.
The findings of this report is that an energy mix of 50% wind, 25% solar thermal and 25% solar photovoltaic would suit Australia’s climate and economic standing. The replacement of coal fuelled power stations with 100% renewable is in the best interests for the Australian people in an economic/financial, environmental/health, and political aspects. While the rest of the planet is embracing the renewable energy renaissance, Australia has the resources and opportunity to move forward but seems to lack only motivation; the onus is on the people to demand change via their elected politicians.
30
Karlová, Markéta. "Australská imigrační politika a její vliv na ekonomiku země." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-17661.
Full textAbstract:
This paper describes trends in Australian immigration policy and analyses impacts of immigrants and immigration on the Australian economy. The first part defines the term of international migration and its categories. The second section is devoted to the description and explanation of particular migration theories, which are used during the study of international migration. Assumptions, causes and effects of migration are investigated in detail. Impacts of migration on the economy are further explored in the third part of the thesis. The influence of immigrants on the labor market, wages and unemployment, economic growth and international trade are continued to be examined. Fiscal effects of immigration and a problem of population aging are also described. The next part talks about Australian immigration policy, its evolution and current situation. It analyses different waves of immigration to Australia from 1788 to present. The beginnings of the White Australia Policy are portrayed as well as the change to multiculturalism. The last chapter analyses the composition of Australian immigration population and covers the impacts of the Australian immigration policy on the Australian economy, growth and international trade.
31
Sung, Ki-Young. "Security crisis and economic interdependence : a case study of inter-Korean trade (2002-2006)." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2010. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/55779/.
Full textAbstract:
Modern security studies have demonstrated that military insecurity or confrontation create crucial obstacles in trade relationships between states. Unlike this widely accepted conclusion, the trade relationship between the ROK and the DPRK from 2002 to 2006 showed a stable growth despite increasingly hostile political confrontation and military tension caused by the North Korean nuclear program. This study analyzes under what conditions the security instability did not undermine economic interdependence and which factors predominantly affected the actors' behavior by focusing on South Korean SMEs. It will conclude that substantial change of inter-Korean relations after the summit talks in 2000 enabled the SMEs to continue to engage with the DPRK under the nuclear crisis. In terms of what actually motivated SMEs in these transactions, it will argue that South Korean businessmen's desperate desire to took for lower-cost production provided a key driving force for them to risk the military instability. This study will substantiate this argument by providing a result of structured survey of South Korean entrepreneurs who actually were involved in the inter-Korea trade in this particular period. By analyzing how security agenda and economic interest relates each other, this study will overcome either security-dominated or economy-centered bias in capturing the changed essence of inter-Korean relations.
32
Dönmez, Pınar E. "Politics of depoliticisation : a re-assessment of the post-2001 restructuring of the state and economic policy making in Turkey." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2012. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/49269/.
Full textAbstract:
The major motivation behind this thesis comes from an interest in the processes of depoliticisation and re-politicisation in economic management. The focus on the interaction between the national state and the global social relations positions the main problematic of the thesis within critical international political economy (IPE). This interaction is investigated in the context of the specific case study of Turkey. Given the fact that the existent literature on depoliticisation largely builds on the experiences of the advanced capitalist states and their managers, the thesis aims to contribute to this body of literature and assess the applicability of the conceptual framework in a different domestic political setting. On the other hand it aims to build on and contribute to the critiques of the existent literature on Turkey in the sense that the latter is often portrayed within an exceptional outlook and treated as a stand-alone case. The second chapter provides a critical overview of the literature on the conceptualisation of state and social relations in Turkey. The third chapter reviews the place of the state and the political and defines (de)politicisation not only as a governing strategy of the state managers to manage capitalist social relations but also in broader terms; as open-ended process in so far as its effects extend beyond the governmental realm. Chapter four proceeds to demonstrate the applicability of such a framework in the Turkish case through an evaluation of governing tactics and strategies in the post-WWII context. The subsequent three chapters explore the evolution of crisis and restructuring of social relations for the periods 1994-2001, 2002-2005 and 2006-present in an attempt to investigate the effects of the governing strategy and process in material and perceptional terms.
33
Mitchell, Andrew Hunter. "Institutions and endowments : state credibility, fiscal institutions and divergence, Argentina and Australia, c.1880-1980." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2006. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/835/.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis compares Argentine and Australian fiscal systems from the late nineteenth to the late twentieth centuries. It uses institutionalist and endowments approaches to evaluate the importance of state credibility and taxation on long run economic development. After rapid convergence in the early twentieth century, Argentina and Australia clearly diverged in the latter twentieth century. Divergence emanated from different institutional experiences, which ultimately originated from dissimilar experiences of state credibility. State credibility is the extent to which society trusts the state to act in its interests. Fiscal institutions are a clear and comparable measure of state credibility over time as they frankly express underlying political economy. As Argentina and Australia were once similarly successful settler economies with comparable geographic prospects for development, the comparison promises to transcend geographically deterministic explanations for development. Geography primarily consists of factor endowments and location. In fact Argentina was better placed to succeed in geographic terms than Australia. Yet Australia, not Argentina, secured the status of a developed country. Australia and Argentina exemplify the relative insignificance of geography in shaping development. Divergence resulted from a failure of Argentine institutions to generate sufficient space for negotiation and compromise, and a ‘latent civil war’ was entered from the 1930s until the early 1980s. A key finding of the thesis is that divergence in fiscal institutions, especially differing capacities to embed progressive systems of direct taxation was crucial to divergence in development. This finding is based upon the discovery of new evidence and the harmonisation of fragmented time series which enable comparison over a long period of time. Argentina and Australia took different paths in the latter half of the twentieth century due to distinct institutional environments and their legacies for social consensus and development.
34
Bettini, Federico Alberto <1981>. "Il processo di Internazionalizzazione economica ed il processo di internazionalizzazione aziendale: Il caso studio Australiano." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/1520/.
Full text
35
Pongatichat, Panupak. "The alignment between performance measurement and strategy in central government agencies." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2005. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2601/.
Full textAbstract:
This research involved an investigation of the alignment between performance measurement and strategy in central government agencies. A review of the literature suggested that, although the topic is of great interest and importance, it has been underresearched. The context of the existing studies appears to be based primarily on for-profits/business rather than not-for-profit/public sector domain. Moreover, the existing research is mainly normative lacking supporting empirical evidence. The objectives of this research were to (1) develop greater understanding of performance measurement in the public sector, and (2) provide supporting empirical evidence in place of the normative arguments regarding the alignment between performance measurement and strategy. This research aimed to answer the question, ‘how, in central government agencies, is the alignment between performance measurement and strategy managed?’ This interpretive multiple-case research comprised of the studies of four central government agencies in Thailand. The primary data source was interview data supported by documentation. The interpretational analyses were conducted both at intra-case and inter-case levels. This research found that public officials often regarded, ‘strategy’ as equivalent to ‘policy’ and that these terms were used interchangeably. The research also found that the existing definitions of fundamental performance measurement/management terminologies did not fit comfortably with public sector management owing mainly to their lack of practical perspectives. This research proposed refined terminologies. Additionally, the research found eight advantages of stategy-misaligned performance measurement despite the absence of their recognition in the existing literature. As a result, misalignment could be preferable in some circumstances. However, public managers were under pressure to demonstrate alignment between performance measurement and strategy thus ‘alignment tensions’ occurred in practice. In order to deal with these tensions, three strategies were identified including (1) neglecting the tensions (as in ‘do-nothing strategy’), (2) attempting to realign performance measurement with strategy (as in ‘realigning strategy’), and (3) directing attention from the alignment issue (as in ‘distracting strategy’).
36
Raftery, David Jonathon. "Competition, conflict and cooperation : an ethnographic analysis of an Australian forest industry dispute." Title page, contents and abstract only, 2000. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ARM/09armr139.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Bibliography: leaves 135-143. An anthropological analysis of an industrial dispute that occurred within the East Gippsland forest industry, 1997-1998 and how the workers strove to acheive better working conditions for themselves, and to share in the wealth they had created.
37
Ogaji, Ofinjite Joy. "The viability of applying alternative dispute resolution processes in the Niger Delta conflict." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2013. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/60366/.
Full textAbstract:
As the resource related conflict in the Niger Delta area of Nigeria escalates at a furious pace, it is becoming clear that traditional means of dispute resolution (such as litigation and violence) are no longer applicable. Research has also shown that no method of dispute resolution can be efficient, equitable and administratively practicable without the collective effort of all parties involved; individuals, institutions and non-governmental organizations need to work together to develop a countrywide ability to design an effective conflict resolution system. While there is a perceived need for a viable dispute resolution process, to date, no concerted effort has been made to harness relevant experiences and build a network of practitioners skilled in the management of such conflicts. The emerging Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) methods (which do not involve litigation) may offer opportunities to resolve disputes in the Niger Delta region more effectively than litigation-based means. In view of this, this research assesses indigenous dispute resolution processes in terms of their potential applicability as alternative dispute resolution processes for the Niger Delta conflict. The review also provides insights into the criteria used to support decision making as it relates to choosing the most appropriate dispute resolution process. To do this, this research advocates a hybrid model (an integration of both customary indigenous process and westernised mediation process). The choice of a hybrid model is predicated on the assumption that the Niger Delta is a hub for investors, where both locals (indigenes) and outsiders (foreigners) interact and relate together in pursuit of a common goal. Experience at the grass roots level in one community may also provide guidance for conflict resolution at similar levels in other communities.
38
Costello, Diane Ingrid. "A substantive examination of rural community resilience and transition - A social justice perspective of a civil society." Thesis, Curtin University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11937/2360.
Full textAbstract:
It is well established that rural regional Australians have borne the brunt of globalization in terms of the adverse impacts caused by social and economic restructuring resulting from global, national and local forces. In response governments and communities have embraced sustainability and civil society for promoting local community action and responsibility for social, economic and environmental issues. This research focuses on community narratives about the social change processes as they engage the forces of neo-liberal policies. Applying a qualitative, grounded theoretical approach to data collection and analysis this study also adopts a multi-perspective, multi-disciplinary framework to gain more holistic, contextual understandings of community functioning and change. In echoing the principles of community psychology, the foundational, multidisciplinary concepts of sense of community, social capital, civil society, empowerment and conscientization have informed understandings of this communitys process and outcome towards transformational change. This study offers a critical reflection of transformational change in an effort to promote more peaceful, collaborate relationships between dominant and oppressed groups in expanding our understandings and solutions for community change. Identified by Newbrough (1992, 1995) as the Third Force Position, the ideals of political community are visibly expressed as they attempt to pursue transformational change towards a just and sustainable future for the community. However, while civil society has made a positive contribution, also apparent are the processes and outcomes which affect those most vulnerable. Those most powerless continue to suffer from exclusion, marginalization and as a result are denied access to vital resources to meet their needs.
39
Costello, Diane Ingrid. "A substantive examination of rural community resilience and transition - A social justice perspective of a civil society." Curtin University of Technology, School of Psychology, 2007. http://espace.library.curtin.edu.au:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=17603.
Full textAbstract:
It is well established that rural regional Australians have borne the brunt of globalization in terms of the adverse impacts caused by social and economic restructuring resulting from global, national and local forces. In response governments and communities have embraced sustainability and civil society for promoting local community action and responsibility for social, economic and environmental issues. This research focuses on community narratives about the social change processes as they engage the forces of neo-liberal policies. Applying a qualitative, grounded theoretical approach to data collection and analysis this study also adopts a multi-perspective, multi-disciplinary framework to gain more holistic, contextual understandings of community functioning and change. In echoing the principles of community psychology, the foundational, multidisciplinary concepts of sense of community, social capital, civil society, empowerment and conscientization have informed understandings of this communitys process and outcome towards transformational change. This study offers a critical reflection of transformational change in an effort to promote more peaceful, collaborate relationships between dominant and oppressed groups in expanding our understandings and solutions for community change. Identified by Newbrough (1992, 1995) as the Third Force Position, the ideals of political community are visibly expressed as they attempt to pursue transformational change towards a just and sustainable future for the community. However, while civil society has made a positive contribution, also apparent are the processes and outcomes which affect those most vulnerable. Those most powerless continue to suffer from exclusion, marginalization and as a result are denied access to vital resources to meet their needs.
40
Kinuthia, Wanyee. "“Accumulation by Dispossession” by the Global Extractive Industry: The Case of Canada." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/30170.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis draws on David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession” and an international political economy (IPE) approach centred on the institutional arrangements and power structures that privilege certain actors and values, in order to critique current capitalist practices of primitive accumulation by the global corporate extractive industry. The thesis examines how accumulation by dispossession by the global extractive industry is facilitated by the “free entry” or “free mining” principle. It does so by focusing on Canada as a leader in the global extractive industry and the spread of this country’s mining laws to other countries – in other words, the transnationalisation of norms in the global extractive industry – so as to maintain a consistent and familiar operating environment for Canadian extractive companies. The transnationalisation of norms is further promoted by key international institutions such as the World Bank, which is also the world’s largest development lender and also plays a key role in shaping the regulations that govern natural resource extraction. The thesis briefly investigates some Canadian examples of resource extraction projects, in order to demonstrate the weaknesses of Canadian mining laws, particularly the lack of protection of landowners’ rights under the free entry system and the subsequent need for “free, prior and informed consent” (FPIC). The thesis also considers some of the challenges to the adoption and implementation of the right to FPIC. These challenges include embedded institutional structures like the free entry mining system, international political economy (IPE) as shaped by international institutions and powerful corporations, as well as concerns regarding ‘local’ power structures or the legitimacy of representatives of communities affected by extractive projects. The thesis concludes that in order for Canada to be truly recognized as a leader in the global extractive industry, it must establish legal norms domestically to ensure that Canadian mining companies and residents can be held accountable when there is evidence of environmental and/or human rights violations associated with the activities of Canadian mining companies abroad. The thesis also concludes that Canada needs to address underlying structural issues such as the free entry mining system and implement FPIC, in order to curb “accumulation by dispossession” by the extractive industry, both domestically and abroad.
41
Smyrk, Lindsay Victor. "The political economy of, and modelling the demand for, Australian passenger motor vehicles." Thesis, 2000. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/15454/.
Full textAbstract:
As with many other nations, the passenger motor vehicle industry has long been central to the economic health of Australia. In addition, the purchase of a motor vehicle is a commitment of considerable magnitude to most consumers. As
a result, the passenger motor vehicle industry has attracted the attention an interest of a wide and diverse range of groups who have brought to bear a multitude of often-conflicting concerns and interests. Nowhere has this been more apparent that in the development and execution of industry policy. This thesis examines the development and application of Australian passenger motor vehicle industry policy from the turn of the twentieth century until the mid-1990s.
42
Schaap, Robert Wout. "Privatising the public : an international political economy perspective on contexts and comparisons in Australian Institutional Telecommunications Policy 1972-1997." Phd thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150702.
Full text
43
Chiveralls, Keri. "Exploring the missing links : a critical inquiry into the role of social capital in Australian regional development." 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/52443.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the role of social capital in Australian regional development. It does so though a case study of one of the most socio-economically disadvantaged regions in Australia, the City of Playford, (perhaps best known as the former City of Elizabeth and home of South Australian Manufacturing). The approach taken involves an examination of the historical roots, more recent academic and political debates, along with the structural political and economic conditions which have inspired the rise of social capital. This is accompanied by an exploration of the application and implications of the social capital approach to development in the City of Playford. Recent years have seen an explosion of interest in social capital theory. Of particular interest to policy makers has been the suggestion that there is a link between social capital and economic development. This argument has lent support to the idea that inequality in regional economic development can be tackled by building social capital in disadvantaged regions. In this thesis I take a critical approach to both the concept ‘social capital’ and the link between social capital and economic development. I suggest that the popularity of social capital may be due more to the political and academic environment in which the concept was spawned, than its ability to address issues of inequality in regional development. The results of the case study in the City of Playford highlight the continuing importance of issues of class and structural inequality in Australian regional development. I argue that contemporary applications of social capital in regional development are not only unable to adequately address such issues, but may also be contributing to their exacerbation. Having drawn attention to the inherently problematic nature of the concept, I then discuss the implications of the research findings for the future of social capital in both policy and social theory.http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1345130
Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Adelaide, School of Social Sciences, 2008
44
Elton, Judith. "Comrades or competition? : union relations with Aboriginal workers in the South Australian and Northern Territory pastoral industries, 1878-1957." 2007. http://arrow.unisa.edu.au:8081/1959.8/45143.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines internal union and external factors affecting union relations with Aboriginal workers in the wool and cattle sectors of the South Australian and Northern Territory pastoral industries, from union formation in the nineteenth century to the cold war period in the 1950s.PhD Doctorate
45
Ray, Krittibas. "The political economy of Pax Nipponica: Pacific Asia, Japanese economic expansion and elite perception." Thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1911/16872.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis addresses the issue of Japan's economic expansion in East and Southeast Asia and its regional political implications. Both quantitative and qualitative approaches are employed to capture the significance of Japan's economic role in the world's most dynamic and productive region. This thesis tests the relationship between elite perception of dependence on Japan and the statistical reality and evidence of Japanese economic linkages in the region. More importantly from the methodological point of view, this thesis incorporates the phenomenon of Japan's economic expansion in Asia into the political economy paradigms of development. Advanced statistical analyses are used to capture the impact of Japanese investment and trade on three standard development indicators--the economic growth rate, employment generation and human capital development in Pacific Asia. This quantitative treatment of the topic is then supplemented by 98 in-depth elite interviews taken between September 1992 and January 1993 in Singapore, Thailand and Malaysia. Going beyond the questions related to dependency and Southeast Asian elites' concern about Japanese ventures in the region, the survey attempted to understand whether the elites regarded Japan as a potential political and military leader in Asia. Thesis findings provide access to the opinions of a powerful core group of current Asian leaders. The results from statistical analyses generally support the neo-classical model in the context of regional development experience and economic linkages with Japan. The interview analyses reveal a perception among Malaysian and Thai elites of dependence on Japan. The Asian elites are concerned about technology transfer and opening up of management in Japanese corporations. A substantial percentage of the elites perceive a Japanese economic empire in Asia. A significant finding of this research is the divergence between statistical evidence of a lack of dependent development and the Southeast Asian elites' perception of economic dependence on Japan. Another important finding is that while an overwhelming number of the elites considered Japan to be the economic leader and a potential political leader of Pacific Asia, a slight majority of the interviewed elites disagreed with the general statement that Japan could emerge as a military leader of the region.
46
Hardy, Robyn Mary. "Cost shifting : an Australian perspective." Phd thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150827.
Full textAbstract:
This is a study about cost shifting and how it might be more precisely defined and explained. Cost shifting is essentially a public policy issue, although it can and does occur between private sector agents. Cost shifting has been variously defined by academics and practitioners, however, the definitions to date mix cost shifting with cost sharing and subsidisation. Mostly they mention the transfer of costs from one level of government to another through direct or indirect action. The definitions to date concentrate on a few claimed causal factors such as unclear roles and responsibilities in government, multiple tiers of governance, and budget maximising behaviour. These are not satisfactory explanations because they do not provide sufficient depth of analysis about the parties to cost shifting, the drivers nor the policy conditions in which cost shifting transactions take place in Australia. Despite the numerous claims made by government actors in Australia about cost shifting to and from other governments, it is usually not recognised as a significant policy issue; although it is regarded as contentious. Where it is recognised as an issue, it is addressed through the application of rules of funding and inter-governmental agreements. Cost shifting is closely associated with government and policy power and inter-governmental power relationships. This thesis suggests that cost shifting begs further analysis because it continues to be regularly raised as a public policy issue. The exact quantum of cost shifting is unknown, but the Australian Local Government Association would argue that it is in the order of $1 billion per annum in terms of cost shifting to local government from higher levels of government - Commonwealth and state (House of Representatives, 2003). Even if this is remotely accurate, this is not an inconsiderable sum. The contribution of this thesis is a better definition of cost shifting. Direct and indirect, deliberate and unintentional cost shifting are all examined in this study. Three case studies are provided to demonstrate different facets of cost shifting in Australia. These explorations will show the original contribution of this thesis in providing a deeper definition and a more comprehensive explanation of the sites and scope of cost shifting in Australia.
47
Reid, Ian C. "Auditing the entrepreneurial university : a study of the role of quality assurance and online education in Australian Higher Education, 2002-2005." 2007. http://arrow.unisa.edu.au:8081/1959.8/43053.
Full textAbstract:
At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the Australian Universities Quality Agency (AUQA) began to audit Australian universities. At the same time, universities were increasingly using online technologies for teaching and learning. Little is known about how these two significant changes in teaching and learning might be acting and interacting at a time of increasing focus by universities on the educational marketplace. This thesis investigates the AUQA audits carried out in 2002 of three Australian universities which had different locations in the Australian higher education marketplace and had different approaches to the use of online technologies. I use Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to analyse a range of artefacts produced between 2002 and 2005 by and about the universities. I analyse the first three editions of the AUQA manual, the universities' web sites before and after their audit, the submissions of those universities to AUQA, and the audit reports by AUQA on them. I explore the role that representations of the "online university" discourse play in constructions of a "quality university" discourse within these texts. I discovered a number of shifts in emphasis in the texts over time. Notions of the "online university", while prevalent in the texts produced early in the time frame of the study, were absent from later texts. Also, texts produced early in the study represented the three universities as very different institutions. However texts examined towards the end of the study represented the universities to be more similar in nature. Given the diverse nature of the institutions' market locations, I found that quality assurance processes work to reduce the representation of institutional diversity. There was evidence that the "online university" discourse came to be used more as a marketing tool and less as a marker of quality education over the time period of the study. I argue that AUQA's audits do not support institutions? various market positionings as described by Marginson and Considine (2000), but rather provide the imprimatur of "brand Australia" by producing representations of each institution that are safe and amenable to the audit process. The "online university" discourse speaks of new and borderless teaching strategies, while the "quality university" discourse speaks of containment and control of university activities. The bounding and limiting effect of the "quality university" discourse over the outward reaching "online university" discourse resulted in the three universities representing themselves in increasingly isomorphic ways. My analysis shows that over the time frame of the study, the surveillance of a national quality audit body, through self-audit by universities and the subsequent publication of reviews of universities by that body, produced more cautious representations of the universities and ironically, less direct influence by the audit body over universities? actions in the marketplace. The study suggests that the degree of influence which the ?online university? discourse and the "quality university" discourse have on the representations of universities is dependent largely on the degree to which they can impel universities within the market.Thesis (PhD)--University of South Australia, 2007
48
Renwick, Neil. "Multinational corporations and Australia : the political economy of corporate-government bargaining relations." Phd thesis, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/123112.
Full textAbstract:
This study seeks to identify the nature of the bargaining relationship
between manufacturing multinational corporations and a host government, to
assess the distributive pattern of power and authority in such a relationship
and the independence of government policy-making, and to evaluate the viability
of the modern State in the contemporary international system.
These objectives are pursued through an examination of the Australian
Government's relationship with manufacturing multinationals. Particular
attention is given to the motor vehicles industry.
The study advances the propositions that (1) the balance of bargaining
power between manufacturing multinationals and host governments is to the
advantage of the governments in the initial stages and to the advantage of the
corporations in the mature stages of the relationship (2> the distribution of
power and authority at each stage of the relationship reflects the respective
power bases of the actors, the degree of mutual need and the international
context of the relationship and (3) the viability of the modern State is not
undermined by the operations of manufacturing multinationals.
The research suggests that <1) the manufacturing multinationals have an
initial bargaining advantage over host governments with the latter gaining the
advantage as the relationship matures (2) the weight of the respective power
bases, mutual need and international relations does support these dynamic
bargaining positions and <3) the viability of the modern State is not
compromised by the activities of manufacturing multinationals.
49
Robinson, Marcus Laurence. "Economists and politicians : the influence of economic ideas upon labor politicians and governments, 1931-1949." Phd thesis, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/109804.
Full textAbstract:
Throughout the period 1931-1949, the Australian Labor Party tended to be
preoccupied with the role of money as a cause of, and cure for, economic
instability. The party was very much influenced by a long tradition of economic
thought which saw the business cycle as an essentially monetary phenomenon. In
part, this tradition affected the A.L.P. through the influence of 'quack' writers in
the 'monetary radical' tradition, who combined a monetary view of the business
cycle with a fear of financial manipulation and a commitment to the abolition of
interest. At least as significant as this unorthodox. influence was, however, the
impact upon Labor thinking of the monetary views of the main school of
expansionist economics of the 1920s. Labor's preoccupation with money was due
in no small measure to the way in which much of the 'mainstream' economic
debate focussed upon money in the 1920s and into the 1930s.
Labor economic thinking was not suddenly transformed as a result of a
'Keynesian revolution' following the publication of the General Theory in 1936.
The party had absorbed much of the 'Keynesian' policy message - in particular,
about the centrality of counter-cyclical public works - well before 1936.
Nevertheless, because of its long attachment to purely monetary theories of
capitalist economic instability, Labor did not readily absorb the 'Keynesian' view
of the way in which the economic mechanism operates. The party was, for
example, inclined to view public works not so much as an instrument of 'fiscal'
policy, as a conduit for monetary expansion. Even in the 1940s, the A.L.P.
remained deeply imbued with the traditional view that monetary mechanisms
played an all-important role in the economy. In government, Labor's ideological
zeal was directed towards banking reform. By contrast, Labor politicians were
not greatly interested in the issues (concerning the role of planning in normal
peacetime economic management, and the form and social content of a full
employment program) which were dividing economists and public servants at the
time.
50
Herd, N. "Changing channels : an historical political economy of commercial television in Australia : 1954-1998." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10453/37847.
Full textAbstract:
University of Technology, Sydney. Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences.NO FULL TEXT AVAILABLE. This thesis contains 3rd party copyright material. The hardcopy may be available for consultation at the UTS Library.
NO FULL TEXT AVAILABLE. This thesis contains 3rd party copyright material. ----- In this thesis I outline the theoretical framework within which this history of commercial television is analysed. I start with a consideration of the role of theory in historiography and argue the necessity of making clear the theoretical background, without becoming hostage to theory. Choosing from a number of historical approaches that could inform this preparatory work to a more complete history, I ague that commercial television has become an institution of 'historically contingent social relations' (Mohr 2000, Introduction: Structures, institutions and cultural analysis', Poetics, 27, p.S8). Therefore, this is the history of the creation and development of a social institution. From its start commercial television was conceived of as a form of broadcasting undertaken for profit and funded by advertising, in contrast to the public service broadcasting sector financed by state mechanisms. Both activities are economic, but with different characteristics. This is not the history of the businesses that made up commercial television, but I argue it is necessary to consider the frames that can be drawn from political economy and mainstream economics, because questions of economics and politics are at the heart of the creation and maintenance of the commercial television system. To do this I attempt to broaden what has to date been regarded as the political economy approach to media history by turning to the in sights offered by economic sociology and field theory. My argument is that these insights allow a move away from the unproductive synchronic structuration of the base/ superstructure model towards the diachronic structuration of fields or networks. Here the work of Neil FIigstein (e.g. FIigstein N 2001, The Architecture of Markets: An economic sociology of 21st Century capitalist societies, Princeton University Press, Princeton) and his sociology of markets as fields of socially structured exchange is central. This, I argue, gives a better account of the structure or structuring of commercial television as a social institution, the agency of those who inhabited or acted upon that structure and the means by which it was reproduced and transformed from one period to the next. This work allows me to advance the argument that commercial television is a network of three connected markets - audience commodity, program supply and station/broadcast licence markets. By tracing the trajectories of emergence, stability and crisis in each of these markets the shape of the history of commercial television as a social institution can be fleshed out. In so doing the crucial role of the state in the formation and maintenance of this institution is also examined. It is also recognised that commercial television is importantly a form of cultural production. Using the term cultural production I mean to include the processes involved in the production, exchange and consumption of programs, (Williams 1974; Miege 1989; Lacroix and Tremblay 1997). Specifically it is a form of large scale cultural production within a capitalist economy. I will argue that the creative team, whether within the broadcast organisation or in the network of independent producers that formed around the broadcasters, is an essential element in large scale cultural production. The management of the creative team, through the practice of formatting, provides an efficient means by which large scale capitalist cultural production is managed and commodified. This means that concepts of genre assume a new importance in the analysis of the history of commercial television as cultural production. Three hypotheses about the transformation of the markets are examined in the main body of the work. Hypothesis 1 The program station market emerged between 1956 and 1964 with the extension of commercial television to the country and the licensing of the third capital city stations. It then entered a period of relative stability until approximately 1980 when the increasing speculative investment in stations and the ownership policy changes of 1986/87 precipitated a period of crisis, before stability was restored after 1992 and tenure was established by 1998. Hypothesis 2 The audience commodity market emerged quickly between 1956 and 1958 remaining relatively stable until the entrance of the third capital city stations instituted a growing crisis of competition, in combination with the move of advertising strategy towards market segmentation. Stability was restored by the advent of colour television in 1975 and the effect that had upon viewing, but the market entered another period of crisis in the late eighties over the change in the way of calculating the audience commodity with the use of people meters. Hypothesis 3 a) The program supply market has been the most subject to instability and in parts subject to market failure that provoked state intervention. The foreign program supply part of the market emerged quickly, became stable, but became unstable in the early sixties when it entered a crisis of competition. This was resolved only by collusion to restore stability until further crises occurred in the early seventies and late eighties. b) The local program supply market has had varying periods of emergence depending upon the generic type of program, with those programs supported by regulation being subject to market failure, chronic instability and periodic crisis. To explain why this was so, I propose a frame with a more complex notion of cultural production, which will lead later in the thesis to the proposition that, over the long run, regulatory intervention has failed to adequately support the market.