Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Australian policy'
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1
McMaster, Don. "Detention, deterrence, discrimination : Australian refugee policy /." Title page, abstract and contents only, 1999. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phm167.pdf.
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2
Murphy, Terence I. "The origins of Australian aid policy." Thesis, Murphy, Terence I. (1990) The origins of Australian aid policy. Masters by Research thesis, Murdoch University, 1990. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/51226/.
Full textAbstract:
In 1950 at a Commonwealth Foreign Minsters conference held in Colombo, Ceylon, Percy Spender, Australia’s representative, called for a program of action to alleviate the poverty and economic stagnation of Asia, which he saw as a threat to future peace in the region. The outcome of this call, the Colombo Plan, was the beginning of Australia’s overseas aid program.
The initial stimulus for a program of economic assistance was fear among the Western democracies that communism would become widely established as an alternative ideology in the former colonies, thereby increasing Russian and later Maoist Chinese power in the international system of states. Although Australia initially feared a resurgence of Japanese power, after 1950 its attention turned to South and Southeast Asia where large rural populations living in relative poverty were seen to provide fertile soil for communist propaganda.
Given the difficulty of mounting a credible continental defence, the newly elected Coalition government of Robert Menzies sought security in a system of alliances which would provide security in the short term through defensive treaties with the U.S. and others, and longer-term security through peaceful economic development in Asia.
Although strategic concerns shifted from South to Southeast Asia in the late 1950s and early 1960s, security remained the primary force in determining the direction and flow of Australian aid, the focus shifting again in the direction of the South Pacific in the 1970s as the small island states achieved independence. In the 1980s, the international and Australian debates over the meaning and function of aid notwithstanding, political pragmatism and a growing trade deficit led to increased use of the aid budget to support trade subsidies.
The evidence supports the thesis that, in spite of a widespread public belief that aid was given to support humanitarian and developmental objectives, Australian aid, throughout its history has been consistently used in support of the foreign policy objectives of strategic and economic security.
3
LAMARCA, CLAUDIA. "THE AUSTRALIAN FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS EAST TIMOR." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2003. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=4246@1.
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COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIORA presente dissertação constitui um estudo da política externa australiana para o Timor Leste desde a invasão indonésia em 1975, até a intervenção internacional no território em 1999. O principal objetivo do trabalho é explicar como a política australiana para o Timor se modificou, de uma posição conivente com a invasão e o domínio indonésio durante mais de vinte anos, para uma postura de engajamento na discussão sobre o status futuro do território, que culmina com a participação do país na intervenção internacional, assumindo o papel de liderança da força multinacional.
This work constitutes a study of the Australian foreign policy towards East Timor, from the Indonesian invasion in 1975, to the international intervention in the territory in 1999. The main goal is to explain how the Australian foreign policy towards East Timor changed from a position that was conniving with the Indonesian invasion and rule for more than twenty yeras, to a stance of engagement in the debate on the future status of the territory. With that change, Australian eventually took participation in the international intervention and assumed the role of leader of the multinacional force.
4
Whelan, Kathryn M. "Australia's foreign relations with Indochina : the evolution of an independent Australian foreign policy? /." Title page, table of contents and conclusion only, 1993. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arw566.pdf.
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5
Bakir, Caner 1970. "The politics of banking policy in Australia: The Wallis Inquiry, the Australian Prudential Regulation Authority and the "four pillars" policy." Monash University, Dept. of Politics, 2002. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/7574.
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6
Reynolds, Catherine Janet, and n/a. "HIV/AIDS and public policy : an Australian perspective." University of Canberra. Administrative Studies, 1993. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20061107.124018.
Full textAbstract:
This study analyses the influence the HIV/AIDS epidemic has had on the
development of public policy in Australia, and evaluates the effect this policy is
having on preventing the spread of this disease. According to Waites (1993 p.7)
Australia's integrated reaction to the issue of HIV/AIDS has been amongst the
finest in the world. This has been due to the cooperation of government health
authorities and the first affected groups, especially the gay male population in
urban areas. The purpose of this study is to investigate how, and if, this
integrated response to policy development occurred, and then discover whether or
not the outcome has resulted in the implementation of effective public policy.
The method chosen to conduct this study was to apply a variety of models to the
research. The epidemic, Posner, political, and the implementation and evaluation
models have been developed and applied in order to gain more understanding of
a particular public policy process. These models are used as A framework to
analyse some of the complexities involved; the intention is to separate out some of
the complex interactions. The paradigms chosen to direct this study in policy
analysis do not encompass all the aspects, nor provide all the answers, because
there are multiple complex political, sociological and economic issues within the
HIV/AIDS policy process.
The influence of the HIV/AIDS epidemic on the development of public policy in
Australia has been remarkable. This has been due to the active responses from
government health authorities, the gay lobby, the media, community groups,
committees, and specific individuals. These include Neal Blewett a former Federal
Minister for Health, a previous Queensland Minister for Health. and Professor
Penington. At times there have been divergent opinions, but the integrated
Australian approach involved in developing the HIV/AIDS National strategy has
ensured that this public policy has received extensive community support Australia
wide (National Evaluation Steering Committee 1993 p.83).
The effect of the National Strategy and associated public policy is difficult to
evaluate. The cost of the human and financial resources involved is also hard to
justify, due to the unknown factors still involved. Evidence suggests that the
HIV/AIDS epidemic has stabilised. Yet no one really knows how many individuals
are currently infected with HIV. The future progress of the HIV/AIDS epidemic is
somewhat of an enigma, and there is no known cure.
7
Dockery, Michael. "The Evaluation of Australian Labour Market Assistance Policy." Curtin University of Technology, School of Economics and Finance, 2002. http://espace.library.curtin.edu.au:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=13384.
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This thesis is comprised of a series of published papers relating to the evaluation of active assistance measures for the unemployed in Australia. It offers both applied evaluations of active assistance measures as well as critical assessment of the evaluation approaches that have dominated the literature and policy formation in Australia. "Active" assistance for the unemployed is distinguished from "passive" assistance, such as income support.The motivation behind the work lies in the fact that a very large amount of public expenditure is directed to active assistance for the unemployed. Over $2 billion dollars was spent on labour market programs at the height of the Working Nation package in each of 1995-96 and 1996-97, and $1.5 billion was allocated to "labour market assistance to jobseekers and industry" in the most recent (2001-02) Commonwealth budget. Despite this considerable past and ongoing expenditure, the evaluation effort in Australia has been far short of international best practice. As a consequence, there is no convincing empirical evidence as to how effectively these public resources are being used, or of the relative merits of various options in the design of active interventions for the unemployed.Ultimately, the goal of the research is to improve supply-side policies designed to address unemployment. As stated, it aims to do this through original empirical evaluations of programs and through critical assessment of existing evaluations and institutional arrangements.
8
Hesch, Susan. "Australian immigration policy : displaced persons, contracts and camps /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 1985. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arh584.pdf.
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9
Manning, Elizabeth Sophie Mary. "Local content and related trade policy: Australian applications /." Title page, abstract and table of contents only, 2004. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phm2832.pdf.
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10
Dockery, Alfred Michael. "The Evaluation of Australian Labour Market Assistance Policy." Thesis, Curtin University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11937/872.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is comprised of a series of published papers relating to the evaluation of active assistance measures for the unemployed in Australia. It offers both applied evaluations of active assistance measures as well as critical assessment of the evaluation approaches that have dominated the literature and policy formation in Australia. "Active" assistance for the unemployed is distinguished from "passive" assistance, such as income support.The motivation behind the work lies in the fact that a very large amount of public expenditure is directed to active assistance for the unemployed. Over $2 billion dollars was spent on labour market programs at the height of the Working Nation package in each of 1995-96 and 1996-97, and $1.5 billion was allocated to "labour market assistance to jobseekers and industry" in the most recent (2001-02) Commonwealth budget. Despite this considerable past and ongoing expenditure, the evaluation effort in Australia has been far short of international best practice. As a consequence, there is no convincing empirical evidence as to how effectively these public resources are being used, or of the relative merits of various options in the design of active interventions for the unemployed.Ultimately, the goal of the research is to improve supply-side policies designed to address unemployment. As stated, it aims to do this through original empirical evaluations of programs and through critical assessment of existing evaluations and institutional arrangements.
11
Dockery, Alfred Michael. "The evaluation of Australian labour market assistance policy /." Full text available, 2002. http://adt.curtin.edu.au/theses/available/adt-WCU20030116.162443.
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12
Koshy, Paul Malcolm. "Equity Policy and Participation in Australian Higher Education." Thesis, Curtin University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11937/70567.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis undertakes an analysis of key issues in Australian higher education equity policy in view of current policy settings and empirical research on the determinants of undergraduate higher education participation. Equity policy is defined to include government initiatives to promote higher education participation amongst groups who have been historically disadvantaged in their access (‘equity student groups’) and the categorisation and measurement tools used to identify students belonging to these groups.
13
Auton, Luke Thomas Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "'A sort of middle of the road policy' : forward defence, alliance politics and the Australian Nuclear Weapons Option, 1953-1973." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. Humanities & Social Sciences, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40319.
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This thesis is about the importance of nuclear weapons to Australian defence and strategic policy in Southeast Asia between 1953 and 1973. It argues that Australia's approach to nuclear issues during this period, and its attitude towards the development and acquisition of nuclear weapons in particular, was aimed exclusively at achieving narrowly defined political objectives. Australia was thus never interested in possessing nuclear weapons, and any moves seemingly taken along these lines were calculated to obtain political concessions - not as part of a 'bid' for their acquirement. This viewpoint sits at odds with the consensus position of several focused studies of Australian nuclear policy published in the past decade. Although in general these studies correctly argue that Australia maintained the 'nuclear weapons option' until the early 1970s, all have misrepresented the motivation for this by contending that the government viewed such weapons in exclusively military terms. The claim that Australia was interested only in the military aspect of nuclear weapons does not pay due attention to the fact that defence planning was based entirely on the provision of conventional forces to Southeast Asia. Accordingly, the military was interested first and foremost with issues arising from extant conventional planning concepts, and the government was chiefly concerned about obtaining allied assurances of support for established plans. The most pressing requirement for Australia therefore was gaining sway over allied countries. However, the Australian government was never in a position to overtly influence more powerful allies against an undertaking that could escalate into limited war, and was similarly incapable of inducing its allies to retain forces in the region in spite of competing pressures. It was for this reason that Australia would seek to manipulate the nuclear weapons option. Indeed, access to such weapons offered Australia the opportunity to achieve greater integration in formulating allied planning, while the threat to manufacture them provided a means of convincing regional partners to maintain a presence in the area. The thesis therefore concludes that Australia carefully presented its options for procuring nuclear weapons to gain influence over its allies in response to strategic developments in Southeast Asia.
14
Murphy, T. A. "The Snowy Mountains Engineering Corporation as an instrument of Australian foreign policy." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/130322.
Full textAbstract:
Australia's foreign policy may be drafted in Canberra, but it is
implemented in the jungles of Java and the bazaars of Dar-es-Salaam,
as well as in the offices and boardrooms in Washington, London or Bonn.
The aim of this sub-thesis is to examine the role of the Snowy
Mountains Engineering Corporation (SMEC) as an instrumentality for the
practical implementation of Australia's foreign policy, particularly in
relation to developing countries, and more specifically in the AsiaPacific
Region. Towards this end a comparison and contrast will be
made of two SMEC overseas projects. As well as covering some specific
details, it is hoped that these two case studies will present SMEC's
overseas operations in microcosm.
15
Potter, Anna. "Internationalising Australian Children's Television Drama: The Collision of Australian Cultural Policy and Global Market Imperatives." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2005. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/16016/1/Anna_Potter_Thesis.pdf.
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When considering the effects of cultural policy on international trade in television programming there is an area that is frequently overlooked, that of classification and censorship. The role that classification and censorship play as tools of cultural policy is poorly understood, as is their impact on the ease with which television programs can be traded. A broad definition of cultural policy has been used here, in order to
encompass both its theoretical and practical elements. Cultural policy as expressed through television classification and censorship is seen here as having three layers. These layers are legislative policy such as local content quotas, the content gate keeping carried out by television producers prior to production, and program classification, that is the implementation of local programming codes by broadcasters.
It is important to understand the effects of television regulatory regimes, including those that govern content classification, on the international trade in programs for two reasons. One is the precedence international economic agreements generally take over cultural policy, because classification and censorship can quietly undermine this precedence in a way which currently receives little attention. The second is the importance of the export market to the Australian television production industry, which
is unable to fully fund its program output from local markets.
Australian children's drama and its export to the UK are the focus of this research as this provides an excellent example of the current tensions between cultural policy and economic imperatives. Australian children's drama is tightly regulated through government policy, particularly the demands of the 'C' (children's) classification. It is argued here that the demands of current Australian cultural policy are making it extremely difficult for Australian producers to internationalise their product and thus cultivate a competitive advantage in international markets.
With the advent of digital technology and the end of spectrum scarcity, the television landscape is changing rapidly. Australian producers of children's programming are facing commercial challenges that have been created by the proliferation of children's channels in the UK and particularly the popularity on those channels of American animation. While the need to cultivate a competitive advantage is pressing, Australian producers of children's programming are also having to accommodate the three layers of cultural policy described earlier, that is the demands of government policy regarding the 'C' classification, the local programming codes of their export market, in this case the United Kingdom, and their own internalised cultural values as expressed through
their gate keeping roles.
My Industry experience in a senior compliance role in the pay television industry led to an awareness of the impact of local classification procedures on international trade in programming and provided the initial starting point for this research. Through scholarly investigation and interviews with three key producers of Australian children's programs and a senior UK programmer, certain findings regarding the impact of regulatory regimes on the export of Australian children's programs have been reached.
The key findings of this research are firstly, that the rationales and operations of national classification schemes seem to be fundamentally untouched by supranational trade agreements and arguably are able to act as restraints on international trade. Additionally, programs that do not conform to the societal values of the countries to which they are being exported, will not sell. Secondly, multi-channelling is having the unexpected effect of driving down prices achieved for children's programs which is a cause for concern, given the importance of international sales to Australian producers.
Part of this decline in pricing may be attributed to the rise in popularity of inexpensive animation, which now dominates children's channels in the UK. Thirdly, this research finds that Australian cultural policy is preventing Australian producers cultivating a
competitive advantage in international markets, by making demands regarding content and quality that render their programs less attractive to overseas channels.
If the Australian government believes that certain culturally desirable forms of television such as high quality, children's programming should continue to exist, it may in future have to modify its cultural policy in order to attain this objective.
16
Potter, Anna. "Internationalising Australian Children's Television Drama: The Collision of Australian Cultural Policy and Global Market Imperatives." Queensland University of Technology, 2005. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/16016/.
Full textAbstract:
When considering the effects of cultural policy on international trade in television programming there is an area that is frequently overlooked, that of classification and censorship. The role that classification and censorship play as tools of cultural policy is poorly understood, as is their impact on the ease with which television programs can be traded. A broad definition of cultural policy has been used here, in order to encompass both its theoretical and practical elements. Cultural policy as expressed through television classification and censorship is seen here as having three layers. These layers are legislative policy such as local content quotas, the content gate keeping carried out by television producers prior to production, and program classification, that is the implementation of local programming codes by broadcasters. It is important to understand the effects of television regulatory regimes, including those that govern content classification, on the international trade in programs for two reasons. One is the precedence international economic agreements generally take over cultural policy, because classification and censorship can quietly undermine this precedence in a way which currently receives little attention. The second is the importance of the export market to the Australian television production industry, which is unable to fully fund its program output from local markets. Australian children's drama and its export to the UK are the focus of this research as this provides an excellent example of the current tensions between cultural policy and economic imperatives. Australian children's drama is tightly regulated through government policy, particularly the demands of the 'C' (children's) classification. It is argued here that the demands of current Australian cultural policy are making it extremely difficult for Australian producers to internationalise their product and thus cultivate a competitive advantage in international markets. With the advent of digital technology and the end of spectrum scarcity, the television landscape is changing rapidly. Australian producers of children's programming are facing commercial challenges that have been created by the proliferation of children's channels in the UK and particularly the popularity on those channels of American animation. While the need to cultivate a competitive advantage is pressing, Australian producers of children's programming are also having to accommodate the three layers of cultural policy described earlier, that is the demands of government policy regarding the 'C' classification, the local programming codes of their export market, in this case the United Kingdom, and their own internalised cultural values as expressed through their gate keeping roles. My Industry experience in a senior compliance role in the pay television industry led to an awareness of the impact of local classification procedures on international trade in programming and provided the initial starting point for this research. Through scholarly investigation and interviews with three key producers of Australian children's programs and a senior UK programmer, certain findings regarding the impact of regulatory regimes on the export of Australian children's programs have been reached. The key findings of this research are firstly, that the rationales and operations of national classification schemes seem to be fundamentally untouched by supranational trade agreements and arguably are able to act as restraints on international trade. Additionally, programs that do not conform to the societal values of the countries to which they are being exported, will not sell. Secondly, multi-channelling is having the unexpected effect of driving down prices achieved for children's programs which is a cause for concern, given the importance of international sales to Australian producers. Part of this decline in pricing may be attributed to the rise in popularity of inexpensive animation, which now dominates children's channels in the UK. Thirdly, this research finds that Australian cultural policy is preventing Australian producers cultivating a competitive advantage in international markets, by making demands regarding content and quality that render their programs less attractive to overseas channels. If the Australian government believes that certain culturally desirable forms of television such as high quality, children's programming should continue to exist, it may in future have to modify its cultural policy in order to attain this objective.
17
Di, Francesco Michael Francis, and not available. "Program Evaluation and Policy Management in Australian Central Agencies." The Australian National University. Public Policy Program, 1997. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20010726.162328.
Full textAbstract:
Of the many components of reform to Australian government administration in the
1980s, the introduction of systematic program evaluation is perhaps one of the least
examined. This thesis seeks to assess the Federal Labor Government's evaluation
strategy as an instrument for enhancing what are here termed the policy management
capacities of central agencies. It proceeds in two steps. First, the thesis traces in detail
the development of program evaluation policy in Australian federal government from
the effectiveness reviews of the Coombs Report of 1976 to the current evaluation
strategy, and argues that, despite competing purposes for it, evaluation was intended
primarily to serve decision making in central government. This policy aim was
cemented by the economic crisis of the mid 1980s and framed around budgetary issues
by its steward, the Department of Finance. Second, in order to assess the impact of the
evaluation strategy, the thesis develops a framework for analysing program evaluation
as one instrument for strengthening the core policy management functions of central
agencies. In this context, policy management is essentially a coordination task. The
contribution of evaluation to two aspects of policy management-resource
coordination, and policy development and coordination-is examined. The findings
confirm that attempts to formalise evaluation processes have had a variable impact-
central budgetary processes remain dependent on relatively informal assessment
procedures, although recent attempts to enhance policy coordination through the
evaluation of policy advising processes have proved potentially to be more influential.
In conclusion, the thesis argues that the evaluation strategy represented a credible
attempt to better inform policy making in central government, but suffered for want of
clear policy design and firm execution that resulted in only a marginal impact on these
processes.
18
au, Iain Browning@det wa edu, and Iain W. P. Browning. "Western Australian Education Policy and Neo-classic Economic Influences." Murdoch University, 2002. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20051129.112230.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is primarily an historical examination of how neo-classic economics influenced WA education policy formation from the mid 1980s until the release of the Curriculum Framework (1998). It first aims to examine and explain the context and origins of neo-classic economic influences globally, and then explores the process and impact of its introduction to WA policy-making in general, and to education policy in particular.
Within the thesis some fundamental propositions put forward by other theorists are built upon. The most significant is the view that between 1983 and 1998, there has been a distinct and well documented shift in the primary ideological forces driving education policy throughout the western world. This is attributable to a strengthened link between education and national economic goals which has resulted in an economic imperative and the use of an economic discourse to describe educational aims. From these understandings this thesis explores whether neo-classic economics has played a significant influence in shaping education policy in WA, as it has done in many parts of the world.
The methodological approach principally involves the textual analysis of major policy documents preceding and including the Curriculum Framework (1998). The focus is on primary and secondary sources, essentially to discover, analyze, and demonstrate how neo-classic economics had influenced education policy in WA by 1998.
Taking a pragmatic approach, this professional doctorate makes a specific contribution to research through synthesizing the impact of neo-classic economics on WA schools policy via a range of principally secondary sources. In particular, it explores how neo-classic economics influenced WA education policy by seeking to answer four fundamental research questions:
1. Was the influence of neo-classic economics evident internationally, and if so did it impact on education policy?
2. How did neo-classic economics influence Australian Commonwealth Government schools policy?
3. Were there clear neo-classic economic influences evident within other Australian states, and, if so, did they influence schools policy?
4. In whose interests were neo-classic economic education policies?
Neo-classic economic approaches were espoused widely as a solution to the apparent failure of in economics from the early 1970s onwards. Beare (1995) argued that in many countries policy perspectives for education and other welfare services changed in a number of 'profound' ways, the most significant was the use of an economic rationale to justify almost every significant policy initiative.
Within the Anglo-democracies, specifically the US and UK, the pursuit of neo-classic economic policies involved the adoption of initiatives allowing the 'market' to dictate what should or should not occur within the economy. As a part of the neo-classic economic drive, governments endeavoured to improve efficiency within the public services. Consequently, education policy became driven by an economic imperative often to the detriment of educational aims.
This study demonstrates that neo-classic economic policy came to dominate government decision making in Australia following the election of the Hawke Labor Government in 1983 (Dudley and Vidovich 1995).This was similar to neo-classic economic patterns in the US and UK. By 1985 neo-classic economic trends at the Commonwealth level were clearly evident and become overt and robust with the passage of time. Under Minister Dawkins Commonwealth education policy was fumy linked to national economic goals.
An examination of the Victorian context demonstrates neo-classic economic trends within the other Australian states' education policies. Under the Kennett Liberal Government the shift to neo-classic economic education policy resulted in reductions in educational spending, staffing cuts and school closures. The prime motivation for the reforms was the reduction of costs and the aligning of education through a focus on vocational subjects and employment related skills.
Concomitant with the rise of neo-classic economics was a commensurate growth in the attention of Australian business and industry to education policy. Business and industry groups increasingly promoted the notion of human capital theory by linking education and economic growth. This can be partly attributed to employers' growing interest in having schools produce individuals suitably prepared for positions in the workplace, a phenomenon which has been reflected in WA secondary schools through a shift to a vocationalised curriculum (Browning 1977). In effect business was able to defray expending capital on training workers through hiring school leavers tailored for workplace positions. From at least the early 1980s there was accelerating evidence of a more active and open involvement of business in the major education inquiries which also contributed to policy formation dominated by neo-classic economics.
The exploration of the global and national context of neo-classic economics confirms that neo-classis economic influences within WA Qd not occur in isolation. From at least 1987 it is evident that neo-classic economics influenced WA education policy. The consequence was a curriculum shaped predominantly by economic interests as opposed to educational concerns.
19
Kavanagh, John. "Australian foreign policy under Hawke : "New fiddler - same tune" /." Title page and contents only, 1991. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09ark216.pdf.
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20
Browning, Iain W. P. "Western Australian education policy and neo-classic economic influences /." Access via Murdoch University Digital Theses Project, 2002. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20051129.112230.
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21
May, Harvey Brian. "Australian Multicultural Policy and Television Drama in Comparative Contexts." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2004. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/15835/1/Harvey_May_Thesis.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines changes which have occurred since the late 1980s and early 1990s with respect to the representation of cultural diversity on Australian popular drama programming. The thesis finds that a significant number of actors of diverse cultural and linguistic background have negotiated the television industry employment process to obtain acting roles in a lead capacity. The majority of these actors are from the second generation of immigrants, who increasingly make up a significant component of Australia's multicultural population. The way in which these actors are portrayed on-screen has also shifted from one of a 'performed' ethnicity, to an 'everyday' portrayal. The thesis develops an analysis which connects the development and broad political support for multicultural policy as expressed in the National Agenda for a Multicultural Australia to the changes in both employment and representation practices in popular television programming in the late 1990s and early 2000s. The thesis addresses multicultural debates by arguing for a mainstreaming position. The thesis makes detailed comparison of cultural diversity and television in the jurisdictions of the United States, the United Kingdom and New Zealand to support the broad argument that cultural diversity policy measures produce observable outcomes in television programming.
22
May, Harvey Brian. "Australian Multicultural Policy and Television Drama in Comparative Contexts." Queensland University of Technology, 2004. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/15835/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines changes which have occurred since the late 1980s and early 1990s with respect to the representation of cultural diversity on Australian popular drama programming. The thesis finds that a significant number of actors of diverse cultural and linguistic background have negotiated the television industry employment process to obtain acting roles in a lead capacity. The majority of these actors are from the second generation of immigrants, who increasingly make up a significant component of Australia's multicultural population. The way in which these actors are portrayed on-screen has also shifted from one of a 'performed' ethnicity, to an 'everyday' portrayal. The thesis develops an analysis which connects the development and broad political support for multicultural policy as expressed in the National Agenda for a Multicultural Australia to the changes in both employment and representation practices in popular television programming in the late 1990s and early 2000s. The thesis addresses multicultural debates by arguing for a mainstreaming position. The thesis makes detailed comparison of cultural diversity and television in the jurisdictions of the United States, the United Kingdom and New Zealand to support the broad argument that cultural diversity policy measures produce observable outcomes in television programming.
23
Browning, Iain W. P. "Western Australian education policy and neo-classic economic influence." Thesis, Browning, Iain W. P. (2002) Western Australian education policy and neo-classic economic influence. Professional Doctorate thesis, Murdoch University, 2002. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/471/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is primarily an historical examination of how neo-classic economics influenced WA education policy formation from the mid 1980s until the release of the Curriculum Framework (1998). It first aims to examine and explain the context and origins of neo-classic economic influences globally, and then explores the process and impact of its introduction to WA policy-making in general, and to education policy in particular.
Within the thesis some fundamental propositions put forward by other theorists are built upon. The most significant is the view that between 1983 and 1998, there has been a distinct and well documented shift in the primary ideological forces driving education policy throughout the western world. This is attributable to a strengthened link between education and national economic goals which has resulted in an economic imperative and the use of an economic discourse to describe educational aims. From these understandings this thesis explores whether neo-classic economics has played a significant influence in shaping education policy in WA, as it has done in many parts of the world.
The methodological approach principally involves the textual analysis of major policy documents preceding and including the Curriculum Framework (1998). The focus is on primary and secondary sources, essentially to discover, analyze, and demonstrate how neo-classic economics had influenced education policy in WA by 1998.
Taking a pragmatic approach, this professional doctorate makes a specific contribution to research through synthesizing the impact of neo-classic economics on WA schools policy via a range of principally secondary sources. In particular, it explores how neo-classic economics influenced WA education policy by seeking to answer four fundamental research questions:
1. Was the influence of neo-classic economics evident internationally, and if so did it impact on education policy?
2. How did neo-classic economics influence Australian Commonwealth Government schools policy?
3. Were there clear neo-classic economic influences evident within other Australian states, and, if so, did they influence schools policy?
4. In whose interests were neo-classic economic education policies?
Neo-classic economic approaches were espoused widely as a solution to the apparent failure of in economics from the early 1970s onwards. Beare (1995) argued that in many countries policy perspectives for education and other welfare services changed in a number of 'profound' ways, the most significant was the use of an economic rationale to justify almost every significant policy initiative.
Within the Anglo-democracies, specifically the US and UK, the pursuit of neo-classic economic policies involved the adoption of initiatives allowing the 'market' to dictate what should or should not occur within the economy. As a part of the neo-classic economic drive, governments endeavoured to improve efficiency within the public services. Consequently, education policy became driven by an economic imperative often to the detriment of educational aims.
This study demonstrates that neo-classic economic policy came to dominate government decision making in Australia following the election of the Hawke Labor Government in 1983 (Dudley and Vidovich 1995).This was similar to neo-classic economic patterns in the US and UK. By 1985 neo-classic economic trends at the Commonwealth level were clearly evident and become overt and robust with the passage of time. Under Minister Dawkins Commonwealth education policy was firmly linked to national economic goals.
An examination of the Victorian context demonstrates neo-classic economic trends within the other Australian states' education policies. Under the Kennett Liberal Government the shift to neo-classic economic education policy resulted in reductions in educational spending, staffing cuts and school closures. The prime motivation for the reforms was the reduction of costs and the aligning of education through a focus on vocational subjects and employment related skills.
Concomitant with the rise of neo-classic economics was a commensurate growth in the attention of Australian business and industry to education policy. Business and industry groups increasingly promoted the notion of human capital theory by linking education and economic growth. This can be partly attributed to employers' growing interest in having schools produce individuals suitably prepared for positions in the workplace, a phenomenon which has been reflected in WA secondary schools through a shift to a vocationalised curriculum (Browning 1977). In effect business was able to defray expending capital on training workers through hiring school leavers tailored for workplace positions. From at least the early 1980s there was accelerating evidence of a more active and open involvement of business in the major education inquiries which also contributed to policy formation dominated by neo-classic economics.
The exploration of the global and national context of neo-classic economics confirms that neo-classic economic influences within WA did not occur in isolation. From at least 1987 it is evident that neo-classic economics influenced WA education policy. The consequence was a curriculum shaped predominantly by economic interests as opposed to educational concerns.
24
Wood, Justin. "Policy interactions of an Australian ETS and expanded MRET." Thesis, Wood, Justin (2008) Policy interactions of an Australian ETS and expanded MRET. Masters by Coursework thesis, Murdoch University, 2008. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/3799/.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation examines the simultaneous operation of an emissions trading scheme (ETS) and the expanded Mandatory Renewable Energy Target (MRET) in Australia. Focussing on the electricity generation sector, I seek to answer the question as to whether MRET can be regarded as complementary or in conflict with an ETS. A brief overview of the expanded MRET and the likely form of an ETS is given, the latter comparing the two key climate change mitigation policy initiatives: The Garnaut Climate Change Review and the Commonwealth‘s Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme Green Paper. The pervasive normative bias in favour of coal in both documents is highlighted.
A range of key economic interactions between the two policy instruments are evaluated. An important conclusion is that electricity prices are subject to three complex counteracting influences: MRET‘s downwards pressure on ETS permit prices while ETS permits simultaneously exert upwards pressure on fossil fuel generation costs, and MRET‘s additional cost impost on electricity retailers.
The importance of systemic interactions in technological innovation is examined, highlighting the barriers to entry for renewable energy represented by incumbent fossil fuel dominance. A crucial and perhaps surprising finding is that a carbon price signal alone is insufficient to stimulate structural change in energy technologies due to the ‗locked-in‘ nature of existing fossil fuel generation technologies and their enabling social and institutional context. Other complementary policy mechanisms are needed throughout the ‗innovation chain‘.
I further discuss the political nature of policy instruments such as the ETS and MRET, and examine the implications of a full rendering of the Precautionary Principle. A key argument is that an over-reliance on coal and the promise of geosequestration can be tempered by policies such as MRET.
On balance, I conclude that MRET is indeed necessary and is complementary to an ETS.
25
Moloney, Cathy Anne. "Profit and Proliferation: A Study of Australian and Canadian Nuclear Policy." Thesis, Griffith University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366235.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis will investigate how Australia and Canada developed the nuclear export and non-proliferation policies, challenging the idea that middle powers behave similarly in the nuclear realm. Australia and Canada are active participants in the nuclear fuel cycle. Whilst there are some exceptions, there is surprisingly little discussion in contemporary literature comparing Australian and Canadian nuclear policy, and the literature in this area fails to focus on their nuclear policies as a whole. Thus far, there have been cursory attempts at analysing and evaluating certain aspects of their policies, but no substantiative examination has covered the broad framework and key drivers that underpin these policies. This thesis seeks to fill a gap in the literature by providing a study of Australian and Canadian nuclear export and non-proliferation policy.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Business School
Griffith Business School
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Goldthorpe, Ward Hilary. "Carbon capture and storage and the Australian climate policy framework. /." Connect to thesis, 2009. http://repository.unimelb.edu.au/10187/7058.
Full text
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Mohr, Alison, and n/a. "A New Policy-Making Instrument? The First Australian Consensus Conference." Griffith University. School of Humanities, 2003. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20030707.075312.
Full textAbstract:
Consensus conferences evolved as a response to the public's increasing dissatisfaction with technocratic decision-making processes that are judged to have repeatedly failed to serve its interests. The staging of the first Australian consensus conference at Old Parliament House in Canberra in March 1999 therefore presented an ideal opportunity to analyse the evolution of this new kind of policy input from its conception through to its implementation and subsequent evaluation. This thesis set out to provide an analysis of that trajectory using elements of the theoretical approach known as actor-network theory (ANT). Previous analyses of consensus conferences have generally provided only limited evaluations of single aspects of the entire process of setting up, implementing and evaluating such a conference. Furthermore, many of the early evaluations were conducted by reviewers or units which were themselves internal to the consensus conference under scrutiny. My own analysis has tried to offer broader, although inevitably less detailed, coverage, using a perspective from contemporary social theory that offers particular advantages in analysing the creation of short-term networks designed for specific purposes. By describing and analysing the role of this relatively new policy-making instrument, I have explored the different sub-networks that operate within the consensus conference process by focussing on the ways in which the conference was organised and how the relationships between the organisers and the participants helped to shape the outcomes. Thus the entire consensus conference sequence from idea to outcome can be thought of as a construction of a network to achieve at least one immediate goal. That goal was a single potential policy input, a consensus position embodied in the report of the lay panel. To realise that goal, the network needed to be recruited and stabilised and its members made to converge on that collective statement. But how is it that a range of disparate actors, including lay and expert, are mobilised to achieve that particular goal and what are the stabilisation devices which enable, or fail to enable this goal to be reached? In the context of the first Australian consensus conference, three key alignment devices emerged: texts, money and people. Yet it is clear from the evidence that some of these network stabilisation devices functioned poorly or not at all. This thesis has drawn attention to the areas in which they were weak and what importance that weakness had for the kind of policy outcome the consensus conference achieved. The role and extent of these powerful stabilisation devices in networks was therefore a vital issue for analysis. If one of the criteria to evaluate the success of a consensus conference is that it provides the stimulus to hold another, then the Australian conference must be deemed so far a failure. No further Australian consensus conference is planned. However, Australia stands to forfeit a number of advantages if no further consensus conferences or similar occasions are organised. Policy formation in contemporary democracies has had to accommodate an increasing array of new participants in order to track more effectively the diversity of potentially significant opinions on complex policy issues. This process requires new and transparent ways to educate and inform the public on policy issues and to ensure that policy makers are better informed about the needs and concerns of their community. As the evidence presented in thesis for the Australian example and its predecessors overseas suggests, consensus conferences have the potential to play a role in the contemporary policy-making context. But the realisation of that potential will vary according to their institutional contexts and the capacity of the actors to create the temporarily most stable and productive network out of the heterogeneous human and material resources to hand.
28
Eberhard, Rachel. "The metagovernance of Australian water policy: Practices, rationales and outcomes." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2018. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/118143/1/Rachel_Eberhard_Thesis.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines how governments work with stakeholders to develop and implement water policy in Australia. Evidence from the Great Barrier Reef and the Murray Darling Basin showed the challenges involved, and how this can affect environmental outcomes. Results show how government can work more effectively with stakeholders, and the potential of non-government organisations to help broker better policy outcomes.
29
Pyle, Elizabeth Ann. "Problematising the wickedness of 'disadvantage' in Australian Indigenous affairs policy." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2018. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/122956/1/Elizabeth_Pyle_Thesis.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
In this thesis 'Indigenous disadvantage' is examined through historical and contemporary discourses, including as a 'wicked' or intractable problem, within Australian Indigenous Affairs policy. Policies, programs and the views of policy actors working in Australian Indigenous Affairs were interrogated through themes of deficit and strength-based discourses. It is argued in this thesis that strength-based discourses which include genuine engagement and co-design with Indigenous Australians, can provide more meaningful and inclusive policy outcomes by challenging the current power structures that exclude and marginalise Aboriginal people and Torres Strait Islander people in policy development and implementation.
30
Mohr, Alison. "A New Policy-Making Instrument? The First Australian Consensus Conference." Thesis, Griffith University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366462.
Full textAbstract:
Consensus conferences evolved as a response to the public's increasing dissatisfaction with technocratic decision-making processes that are judged to have repeatedly failed to serve its interests. The staging of the first Australian consensus conference at Old Parliament House in Canberra in March 1999 therefore presented an ideal opportunity to analyse the evolution of this new kind of policy input from its conception through to its implementation and subsequent evaluation. This thesis set out to provide an analysis of that trajectory using elements of the theoretical approach known as actor-network theory (ANT). Previous analyses of consensus conferences have generally provided only limited evaluations of single aspects of the entire process of setting up, implementing and evaluating such a conference. Furthermore, many of the early evaluations were conducted by reviewers or units which were themselves internal to the consensus conference under scrutiny. My own analysis has tried to offer broader, although inevitably less detailed, coverage, using a perspective from contemporary social theory that offers particular advantages in analysing the creation of short-term networks designed for specific purposes. By describing and analysing the role of this relatively new policy-making instrument, I have explored the different sub-networks that operate within the consensus conference process by focussing on the ways in which the conference was organised and how the relationships between the organisers and the participants helped to shape the outcomes. Thus the entire consensus conference sequence from idea to outcome can be thought of as a construction of a network to achieve at least one immediate goal. That goal was a single potential policy input, a consensus position embodied in the report of the lay panel. To realise that goal, the network needed to be recruited and stabilised and its members made to converge on that collective statement. But how is it that a range of disparate actors, including lay and expert, are mobilised to achieve that particular goal and what are the stabilisation devices which enable, or fail to enable this goal to be reached? In the context of the first Australian consensus conference, three key alignment devices emerged: texts, money and people. Yet it is clear from the evidence that some of these network stabilisation devices functioned poorly or not at all. This thesis has drawn attention to the areas in which they were weak and what importance that weakness had for the kind of policy outcome the consensus conference achieved. The role and extent of these powerful stabilisation devices in networks was therefore a vital issue for analysis. If one of the criteria to evaluate the success of a consensus conference is that it provides the stimulus to hold another, then the Australian conference must be deemed so far a failure. No further Australian consensus conference is planned. However, Australia stands to forfeit a number of advantages if no further consensus conferences or similar occasions are organised. Policy formation in contemporary democracies has had to accommodate an increasing array of new participants in order to track more effectively the diversity of potentially significant opinions on complex policy issues. This process requires new and transparent ways to educate and inform the public on policy issues and to ensure that policy makers are better informed about the needs and concerns of their community. As the evidence presented in thesis for the Australian example and its predecessors overseas suggests, consensus conferences have the potential to play a role in the contemporary policy-making context. But the realisation of that potential will vary according to their institutional contexts and the capacity of the actors to create the temporarily most stable and productive network out of the heterogeneous human and material resources to hand.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Humanities
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de, Somer Gregory John Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "The Redefinition of Asia : Australian Foreign Policy and Contemporary Asian Regionalism." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2003. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38666.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis set out to ascertain the position of recent Australian Governments on the latest instalments of Asian regionalism in the context of an assessment of whether there has been a redefinition of Asia and thus a redefinition of Australia???s engagement with Asia. It will concentrate on the broad themes of politico-strategic and economic engagement. Whilst there has been extensive research and documentation on the Asian economic crisis there has been less work on the issue of a new Asian regionalism and the implications for Australia???s complex and variable engagement with the region. This is the basis for the claim to originality of this thesis, a claim supported by its focus on the practical and policy implications of Australia???s engagement, or lack of it, with regional institutions. The process of regional integration has been extremely slow, thus supporting the conclusion that there is no evidence of a major redefinition of Asia. Efforts at Asian regionalism are meeting obstacles that pose immense challenges. Asian regionalism remains nascent and poorly defined. This reflects the diversity and enormous disparities in cultures, political systems and the levels of economic development and differences over economic philosophies within East Asia. What is discernible is that the regionalism is proceeding more rapidly on financial issues than on trade, and in the security area it is conspicuously absent. This research highlights the fact that the question of Asian engagement remains a sensitive issue in Australia and continues to grow more complex. Australia???s engagement with Asia since 1996 has been variable because of the Howard Government???s broader balance of priorities between global and regional issues, and because of the changing nature of the Asian region. The perception gleaned from sources is that, for the Australian Government, regionalism initiatives are characterised by much discussion but lack substance. Consequently, this appears to have led the Government to the position that exclusion from some manifestations of regionalism is not so important. Australia is excluded from some of the regional architectures being constructed. In its efforts to seek inclusion in ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, Australia is facing the same barriers that have stood in the way of an AFTA-CER agreement. Exclusion would be important if the performance of regional groupings was not so indifferent. Exclusion from ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, however, does not equate to Australia???s exclusion from the region.
32
Economou, Nicholas. "Greening the Commonwealth : the Australian Labor Party government's management of national environmental politics, 1983-1996 /." Connect to thesis, 1998. http://eprints.unimelb.edu.au/archive/00000333.
Full text
33
Schaap, Rob, and n/a. "Pay television : overseas experiences and Australian options." University of Canberra. Communication, 1991. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20061107.171016.
Full textAbstract:
The issue of pay television has generated a plethora of reports and
submissions from politicians, bureaucrats and industrialists for a decade.
That the issue is not yet resolved is the result of many factors, all of which
serve to highlight the structural complexities of the Australian electronic
media system. At the political level, social policy is in a state of transition
and broadcasting policy has reflected this. The Australian Broadcasting
Corporation (ABC) and the Special Broadcasting Service (SBS) have been
forced to reappraise their roles as public broadcasters. The commercial
networks have seen their reserves and their profitability deteriorate
drastically in an environment of poor management, fluctuating government
policy and a depressed national economy. The Australian Broadcasting
Tribunal (ABT), the federal regulator of commercial broadcasting, is
struggling to adapt to these new circumstances, and is confronted by new
challenges to its powers and responsibilities.
Ideally, a discussion on the introduction of pay television would be conducted
within the context of a comprehensive and established federal broadcasting
policy. Basic to this thesis is the perception that no such policy exists. It is
left to the analyst to speculate as to the intentions evident in Government
initiatives, suggest the potential impact of pay television in that light, and
offer constructive criticism accordingly.
This thesis recognises that pay television seems inevitable as both major
political parties are committed, in principle at least, to its introduction. This
thesis sets itself the following objectives: to identify the salient components
that serve to define pay television; to develop and employ a methodology to
extract lessons from the experiences of others with pay television, whilst
remaining sensitive to historical and structural context; to apply those
lessons to the Australia condition; and to make recommendations on the
introduction of pay television, based on both the definitional and comparative
work of this thesis, within the context of contemporary Government
deliberations, as evident in the Report from the House of Representatives
Standing Committee on Transport, Communications and Infrastructure of
November 1989.
34
Fleming, Brian James. "The social gradient in health : trends in C20th ideas, Australian Health Policy 1970-1998, and a health equity policy evaluation of Australian aged care planning /." Title page, abstract and table of contents only, 2003. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phf5971.pdf.
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35
Orchard, Lionel. "Whitlam and the cities : urban and regional policy and social democratic reform." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1987. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pho641.pdf.
Full text
36
Meredyth, Denise Lee, and n/a. "Education and its Critics: Principles and Programmes in Australian Education Policy." Griffith University. School of Curriculum, Teaching and Learning, 1994. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20050901.095322.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is concerned with the relationship between the education system and its critics - with the terms in which programmes of educational reform are viewed by critical intellectuals, and with the claims and limitations of a particular mode of 'principled' critique. It explores this concern in relation to a number of recent developments in Australian education policy, describing the debates that they have engendered and identifying the political ambiguities that attend them. Three case studies are developed. The first is drawn from reactions to the recent bureaucratic reorganisation of higher education, especially those responses concentrated on the defence of the humanities. The second concerns developments in post-compulsory education, especially the construction of the new national credentialling system based on the assessment of 'Key Competencies'. The third addresses the endemic problem of educational assessment and equity. While each of these case studies is discussed in its own right, the three areas of discussion supplement one another within an overall argument concerning the relationship between the education system and a particular mode of 'principledt critique. In exploring this relationship, the thesis puts the case that we require a more historically-informed understanding of current problems in Australian education and a more pragmatic appreciation of the achievements of the existing education system. The issues raised are timely ones. Matters of educational policy have become particularly pressing over the past decade, as Australian education has undergone significant changes. In recent years, we have seen the effects of the drive towards a national education system, of the reorganisation of higher education, of the development of schemes for national credentialling and of the reconstruction of links between schooling, training and industry. These reforms have been driven by some pressing imperatives: to produce a trained and flexible workforce; to monitor levels of literacy and numeracy at a national level; and to satisfy the 'unmet demand' for increased educational places, while managing a limited educational budget.
37
Galea, Pauline. "Responding to the competitive challenge : Australian and Canadian industrial policy compared /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 1993. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arg152.pdf.
Full text
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Lunn, Peter. "Telecommunications industrial policy : the Canadian and Australian cases in the 1980s /." Title page, abstract and contents only, 1993. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arl963.pdf.
Full text
39
Marshall, Helen. "Australian foreign policy and Cambodia : international power, regionalism and domestic politics." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112135.
Full textAbstract:
The Hawke Labor government came to power in March 1983 committed to playing a more active
role in finding a solution to the Cambodian conflict, improving bilateral relations with Vietnam
and restoring Australian aid. This signalled a departure from the Fraser government's
minimal involvement in the issue, and reflected a closer identification of Australia's interests
with the Asia-Pacific region. As Foreign Minister, Bill Hayden, explained:
The war in Cambodia, in all its many dimensions, is the greatest unresolved source of
tension in Southeast Asia...The future of Australia lies in developing a mature and
balanced set of relationships with its neighbours in Southeast Asia. Indochina is part of that neighbourhood.
40
Wilding, Derek. "AIDS and pro-social television : industry, policy and Australian television drama." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1998. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/36314/6/36314_Digitised%20Thesis.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the intersection of popular cultural representations of HIV and
AIDS and the discourses of public health campaigns. Part Two provides a
comprehensive record of all HIV related storylines in Australian television drama
from the first AIDS episode of The Flying Doctors in 1986 to the ongoing narrative
of Pacific Drive, with its core HIV character, in 1996. Textual representations are
examined alongside the agency of "cultural technicians" working within the
television industry. The framework for this analysis is established in Part One of
the thesis, which examines the discursive contexts for speaking about HIV and AIDS
established through national health policy and the regulatory and industry
framework for broadcasting in Australia. The thesis examines the dominant liberal
democratic framework for representation of HIV I AIDS and adopts a Foucauldian
understanding of the processes of governmentality to argue that during the period of
the 1980s and 1990s a strand of social democratic discourse combined with
practices of self management and the management of the Australian population. The
actions of committed agents within both domains of popular culture and health
education ensured that more challenging expressions of HIV found their way into
public culture.
41
Meredyth, Denise. "Education and its Critics: Principles and Programmes in Australian Education Policy." Thesis, Griffith University, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367565.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is concerned with the relationship between the education system and its critics - with the terms in which programmes of educational reform are viewed by critical intellectuals, and with the claims and limitations of a particular mode of 'principled' critique. It explores this concern in relation to a number of recent developments in Australian education policy, describing the debates that they have engendered and identifying the political ambiguities that attend them. Three case studies are developed. The first is drawn from reactions to the recent bureaucratic reorganisation of higher education, especially those responses concentrated on the defence of the humanities. The second concerns developments in post-compulsory education, especially the construction of the new national credentialling system based on the assessment of 'Key Competencies'. The third addresses the endemic problem of educational assessment and equity. While each of these case studies is discussed in its own right, the three areas of discussion supplement one another within an overall argument concerning the relationship between the education system and a particular mode of 'principledt critique. In exploring this relationship, the thesis puts the case that we require a more historically-informed understanding of current problems in Australian education and a more pragmatic appreciation of the achievements of the existing education system. The issues raised are timely ones. Matters of educational policy have become particularly pressing over the past decade, as Australian education has undergone significant changes. In recent years, we have seen the effects of the drive towards a national education system, of the reorganisation of higher education, of the development of schemes for national credentialling and of the reconstruction of links between schooling, training and industry. These reforms have been driven by some pressing imperatives: to produce a trained and flexible workforce; to monitor levels of literacy and numeracy at a national level; and to satisfy the 'unmet demand' for increased educational places, while managing a limited educational budget.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Curriculum, Teaching and Learning
Arts, Education and Law
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42
Nguyen, Lan T. "Australian Private Health Insurance: Industry Performance, Market Failure and Government Policy." Thesis, Griffith University, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/403643.
Full textAbstract:
Australia has a mixed public–private health system. The core of its funding is universal public health insurance supplemented by voluntary private health insurance (PHI), which despite being smaller, remains critical to the sustainability of the health system. In addition to injecting funding into the health system and thereby increasing capacity, PHI offers choice for consumers and enhances the responsibility of individuals for good health. Nonetheless, in common with many other developed countries around the world, there are several challenges currently facing the Australian health system, including an ageing population, increased chronic disease conditions, and ever more costly medical technologies. To cope with these pressures, the improvement of all sectors within the health care system is necessary.
The Australian PHI industry is currently under pressure due to constantly rising premiums and the declining affordability of insurance. Questions have long been raised, not only about the long-term profitability and sustainability of many insurers and the industry, but also whether the mixed public–private healthcare system can continue in its existing form and still meet its wider policy objectives. To address this, this thesis examines three separate yet related dimensions of the performance, sustainability, and stability of the Australian PHI industry using three different empirical analyses.
The first analysis investigates the efficiency and productivity growth of Australian private health insurers during the period 2010–2017. The findings suggest that the adoption of innovation and technologies in operations would help insurers to improve their productivity. In addition, there is significant scope for regulatory reform and structural change in this industry to improve the efficiency and productivity of the sector overall.
The second analysis examines the phenomenon of adverse selection in the private health insurance, testing whether unhealthy people are more likely to hold hospital PHI. The findings indicate that while adverse selection remains high, it has decreased over time because of government policy, industry conditions and the heterogeneous preferences and risk aversion of individual and potential policyholders. The results also document the emergence of a tendency for advantageous rather than adverse selection in the insured pool.
The third and final analysis considers moral hazard in policyholder behaviour. As both adverse selection and moral hazard are examples of market failure, there is the potential for loss of wellbeing for consumers, taxpayers, and citizens. While the approach considers just a single specific aspect of healthcare, namely, dental services, it is by far the largest ancillary healthcare service covered by PHI in Australia. The analysis employs a simultaneous equation framework to examine the relationship between PHI cover and the frequency of dental visits. The findings indicate the existence of moral hazard and the level of moral hazard in PHI has been quite stable over the longer term.
The thesis contributes to industry practice and government policy in several ways. First, the current crisis in the Australian PHI industry has pressured all stakeholders to find solutions to cope with the steadily increasing premiums and to provide affordable PHI. Higher levels of efficiency and productivity within this industry would certainly reduce some of the pressure on premiums. The analysis identifies the most and least efficient and productive insurers, and this helps identify firm- and industry-level factors likely to affect insurer and industry performance. The analysis also reveals the nature of the economies of scale within this industry and the prospects for structural reform.
Second, adverse selection is a serious problem in determining PHI cover participation, especially among young and healthy members likely to drop their policies when insurers equalize premiums between members not based on individual health risks. Adverse selection death spiral drives insurers to raise premiums even further to cover for the higher healthcare costs of aged and unhealthy insured members, thereby threatening the stability of the PHI system. This thesis addresses this by providing comprehensive evidence of adverse selection and its trend overtime.
Third, the thesis documents the existence of moral hazard in dental services, the largest component of ancillary healthcare treatment in Australia. The analysis considers moral hazard using a unique and comprehensive dataset, reflecting the insured’s behaviour pattern over time, which is useful to understand factors contributing to currently rising premiums.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Dept Account,Finance & Econ
Griffith Business School
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Shafiullah, Muhammad. "Export-Led Growth and Dutch Disease: A Case Study of Australia and its Regions." Thesis, Griffith University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366021.
Full textAbstract:
The Australian economy has enjoyed several mining booms over the past few decades. As an export-orientated economy, Australia has experienced several mining booms since the 1960s, including one in the early 1980s and, most notably, the unprecedented boom of the 2000s. This latest mining boom began in the early 2000 when the demand for natural resources such as coal and iron ore soared in response to increasing demand in Asia, particularly China. This unprecedented demand has contributed to Australia’s robust economic performance over the past decade, especially during the Global Financial Crisis. However, the 2000s boom may have also had some detrimental effects on other tradable sectors of the Australian economy, such as agriculture and manufacturing. Moreover, from a regional (intra-country) perspective, the economic benefits and costs of the mining boom are not identically distributed across the country. While only certain regions benefited from the growth in minerals and resources exports, the cost of the mining boom appear to be much more widespread.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Business School
Griffith Business School
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Kazi, Mazharul Haque, of Western Sydney Nepean University, and Faculty of Commerce. "Economic development in regional perspective: policy implications for Australia." THESIS_FCOM_XXX_Kazi_M.xml, 1997. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/693.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis aims to ascertain the pivotal issues that are of most significance for economic development in regional Australia. To understand these issues, it is necessary to understand prevailing economic development theories which have been traditionally considered in a nation’s policymaking. A review of a wide range of theories revealed that no single theory or set of theories provides desired outcomes from the perspective of long-term economic development of a nation given its existing structure. Researchers and policymakers throughout the world are engaged in searching for suitable options, and the ‘regional economic development with local planning’ approach for regional policymaking has been identified as a suitable option for a developed nation. The tested hypothesis of this thesis indicates that to help accelerate a smooth long-term development process of regional Australia, a suitably designed local planning approach is necessary. Simultaneously, providing an improved coordination mechanism is vital. Establishing an independent regional institutional setup throughout regional Australia should be given greater consideration as a priority issueMaster of Commerce (Hons)
45
Thomas, Natalie Kim. "The Politics of Partnership: The Role of Non-Government Organisations in Australian Drug Policy." Thesis, Griffith University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366598.
Full textAbstract:
The concepts of ‘partnership working’ and ‘intersectoral collaboration’ have become increasingly central to contemporary policy discourse on drugs and crime in Western liberal states, and the non-government sector now plays an integral role in the drug policy systems of many countries. Governments have actively sought to partner with non-government organisations in addressing drug problems and formulating effective drug policy. There has, however, been little empirical investigation of non-government policy work and their relationships with the bureaucratic state in the drugs field. This thesis responds to this gap by providing an account of the development of the idea of government/non-government ‘partnerships’ in the Australian drugs field, and presents new data on the broader role of non-government organisations in drug policy.
Informed by governmentality and critical policy studies literature, this thesis adopts a qualitative approach that engages with three major sources of data: 1) Primary governmental documents including national and state and territory drug policy documents; 2) semi-structured interviews with 19 representatives from Australian non-government organisations; and 3) documents produced by non-government organisations.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Criminology and Criminal Justice
Arts, Education and Law
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Silva, Withmory Daniel E. "Essays In Australian Macroeconomic Policy." Phd thesis, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/247699.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is a collection of three essays on macroeconomic policy for the Australian economy, which are contained in Chapters 2, 3 and 4. This thesis makes three main contributions. First, the thesis presents the estimation of fiscal expenditure and net revenue multipliers, taking into account the external sector and the government budget constraint. The incorporation of the government budget constraint allows a better estimation of the effect of fiscal policy on the components of GDP. Second, this thesis contributes to the understanding of the interaction of monetary policy, asset prices and credit and the implications on real activity. Finally, the thesis decomposes total hours worked into average hours worked and employment in order to estimate the responses of output, average hours worked and employment to shocks that have permanent (technology shocks) and transitory (average hours worked and employment shocks) effects on output. Chapter 2 analyses the effect of fiscal policy on real activity and debt dynamics using a SVAR model with short run restrictions. The estimates of government spending and net revenue multipliers are statistically significant. The model shows that the effect of fiscal policy on output is of short duration and takes place basically during the first quarter. When debt feedback is included in the model, the shock to government spending generates higher GDP on impact and over time as well as higher government revenue and exchange rate than the corresponding responses in the model without debt feedback. The GDP and net revenue
responses in the model with debt feedback contribute to the gradual reduction of the debt-toGDP ratio. The composition of the change of GDP is also affected with more investment and less net exports over time. The results also support the Keynesian view that a positive shock to government spending increases private consumption. Chapter 3 assesses the relationship between monetary policy, credit and asset prices using a
FAVAR model. The results indicate that a positive shock to the cash rate has a negative effect on asset prices. This chapter also presents estimates of the negative effects of this policy on GDP, GNE and employment, which should be taken into account in policy implementation. The effect of an increase in credit on asset prices is not statistically significant and is negative for share prices and positive for house prices. The response of the
interest rate is almost zero for the whole projection period, which could be explained by an elastic supply of loans in Australia, as the international funds market is an important source of financing for bank loans. This study also finds a statistically significant positive response of credit to an increase in share and housing prices, providing evidence that supports the financial accelerator hypothesis. Chapter 4 analyses the responses of output and hours worked to shocks that have permanent
and transitory effects on output. The permanent and transitory shocks are identified using an SVAR with long-run restrictions, assuming that only technological shocks can have a permanent effect on labour productivity and that hours worked per working-age population follows a stationary process. Hours worked is decomposed into average hours worked and employment. The results show a negative response of total hours to a positive, neutral
technology shock and that total hours adjust mainly through employment. Additionally, when the model is extended to include the price of investment, a positive investment-specific technology shock produces a positive response of average hours worked and employment,
with average hours having a more relevant role in the adjustment of total hours than in the case of the responses to a neutral technology shock. Labour productivity decreases temporarily after an average hours shock and increases after an employment shock.
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Stewart, Jennifer Beryl. "Australian manufacturing industry policy : 1965-1985." Phd thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/131454.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis argues that Australian federal governments have failed to
produce coherent policies for the development of manufacturing. It is
further argued that the principal reason for this failure was
fragmentation: industrial, bureaucratic, political and ideological.
The argument is sustained by formulating a general empirical model of
the policymaking system, and then showing how its particular structural
form in Australia produced the effects described. A lack of collective
will among industry organisations, poor bureaucratic coordination and
ideological confusion combined to produce inconsistent and disjointed
responses to changes in the economic environment.
The study raises, and sheds some light on, a number of theoretical
issues: the nature of policy, the problem of collective action, and the
role of ideas in political systems.
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Henry, Adam. "Manufacturing Australian foreign policy 1950 - 1966." Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150822.
Full textAbstract:
The transition from the liberal foreign policy approach of the Chifley Labor Government to the more strident anti-communism of the conservative Menzies Government after 1949 is a significant event in 20th Century Australian history. During the period 1950-1966 the Menzies Government faced a range of challenges such as relations with the USA, responses to the USSR and China and the question of Indonesia and decolonisation in post-war Southeast Asia. In response the Menzies Government developed new foreign policies, encouraged a particular style of diplomacy and helped to establish a new Cold War attitude towards Australian international affairs. In the 1950s, the Cold War, the United Nations (UN) and the establishment of new overseas diplomatic missions (particularly in Asia) placed growing administrative and bureaucratic demands on the machinery of Australian diplomacy. From the mid 1950s the Department of External Affairs (DEA) was restructured in order to meet such demands. This process allowed the Department to establish what were considered to be the defining characteristics and attitudes of a new professional Australian diplomacy. The selection and training of new diplomatic recruits is one such area in which this occurred. This period saw growing interest from politicians, diplomats and academics for developing new types of foreign policy analysis about communism in South East Asia, or the Cold War in general. While some networks between politics, bureaucracy and academia linked to foreign policy analysis had existed in the 1930s and 1940s, from the 1950s new and more powerful relationships were being established. Various academics, many from the Australian Institute of International Affairs (AlIA) and the Australian National University (ANU) forged close and ongoing contacts with the DEA. The relationships between small groups of key individuals and institutions ultimately wielded significant influence on issues such as the Cold War and Australian foreign policy debates. By the 1960s this small foreign policy network had built a vital relationship with the Ford Foundation of New York. This relationship certainly helped to define dominant attitudes towards Australian foreign policy debates. The ANU, AIIA, DEA and Ford Foundation network established a style of foreign policy analysis that was openly (or at least cautiously) sympathetic to the policies of Canberra and Washington often accepting the official justifications at face value.
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Welshe, Gillian. "Joint US-Australian defence facilities : some implications for Australian defence policy." Thesis, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/144284.
Full text
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Jansen, Robert. "Australian foreign policy and Africa, 1972-1983." Phd thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/10916.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines Australian foreign policy with a focus on relations
with Africa. I contrast the foreign policy position of the Whitlam Labor
Party government with the international policies of the Fraser Liberal and
Country Parties government. The structure of analysis demonstrates the
links between general and specific elements of foreign policy. I discuss
Australia's relations with the United States, approach on the Indian Ocean
region, voting pattern at the United Nations, and role in the
Commonwealth. I also examine Australia's policies in relation to the
demands of developing countries in general, and study the positions of
Whitlam and Fraser on China, Vietnam, Cambodia, Indonesia and Papua
New Guinea. This narrowing of analysis culminates with an investigation
into Australian foreign policy on Africa, particularly South Africa and
Rhodesia. The comparison of the foreign policies of the Whitlam and
Fraser governments illustrates the extent of change and continuity in
Australia's international position over time. I argue that Whitlam and
Fraser produced similar foreign policy positions on Africa from different
political perspectives. I also argue that Whitlam and Fraser established an
anti-racist and anti-colonial foreign policy for Australia.