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Journal articles on the topic 'Australian Nationalism'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 21 February 2023

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1

Rajkhowa, Arjun. "'Team Australia': Reviewing Australian nationalism." Pacific Journalism Review 21, no. 1 (May 1, 2015): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v21i1.150.

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This essay reviews different notions about and approaches to nationalism in Australia in the year 2014 as seen through media commentary generated by the incumbent conservative Coalition government’s declaration of new anti-terror initiatives (September-October 2014) and Prime Minister Tony Abbott’s use of the metaphor ‘Team Australia’. The aim is to shed light on divergent understandings of the place of nationalism in contemporary Australian politics and society. Nationalism can be both a means of engendering electoral and political affiliation and a more diffuse sentiment that pervades broader community ties in ways that go beyond mediated mobilisation. Multiculturalism as a trope, construct and category of political analysis serves as a useful context within which competing claims of national identity and nationalism may be examined. Multiculturalism is a well-embedded notion in Australia. However, continuing conflicts and international events constantly re-inflect understandings of nationalism and national unity against the backdrop of Australian multiculturalism. This essay surveys approaches to Abbott’s declarations and poses queries for future research on discourse and nationalism in Australia.

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2

McNeill, David. "`Black magic', nationalism and race in Australian football." Race & Class 49, no. 4 (April 2008): 22–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396808089285.

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In 1993, Aboriginal Australian rules footballer Nicky Winmar mounted a protest against racism in the game by approaching abusive supporters of an opposing team, lifting his jersey and pointing to his black skin. The now famous photograph which captured the incident condenses in a single image a key moment in the long history of struggle by Indigenous Australians for cultural recognition and economic equality. Taking the photograph as its cue, this article explores the ways in which Australia's residual white-settler culture continues to exclude certain groups from national belonging. In particular, it is argued that Winmar and other black sports stars of the early 1990s were able to challenge the unofficial code of `mateship' in Australian male culture which, more recently, has been an important bulwark of the country's post-9/11 neo-nationalist mood.

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3

Walsh, Mary, and Alexander C. Karolis. "Being Australian, Australian Nationalism and Australian Values." Australian Journal of Political Science 43, no. 4 (December 2008): 719–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361140802429296.

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4

Hokari, Minoru. "Globalising Aboriginal Reconciliation: Indigenous Australians and Asian (Japanese) Migrants." Cultural Studies Review 9, no. 2 (September 13, 2013): 84–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/csr.v9i2.3565.

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Over the last few years, I have attended several political meetings concerned with the refugee crisis, multiculturalism or Indigenous rights in Australia, meetings at which liberal democratic–minded ‘left-wing’ people came together to discuss, or agitate for change in, governmental policies. At these meetings, I always found it difficult to accept the slogans on their placards and in their speeches: ‘Shame Australia! Reconciliation for a united Australia’, ‘Wake up Australia! We welcome refugees!’ or ‘True Australians are tolerant! Let’s celebrate multicultural Australia!’ My uncomfortable feeling came not only from the fact that I was left out because of my Japanese nationality but also because I had never seen or heard words like ‘shame Japan’, ‘wake up Japan’ or ‘true Japanese are ...’ at Japanese ‘left-wing’ political gatherings. In Japan, these are words used only by right-wing nationalists. Indeed it is difficult to even imagine liberal-left intellectuals in postwar Japan calling for a ‘true Japanese’ political response (as if such a response was positive), such is the extent to which the idea of ‘good nationalism’ is now regarded as an oxymoron. This is my starting point for an essay in which I want to be attentive to the different roles played by national(ism) in the Japanese and Australian political environments.

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Feng, Chongyi. "The changing political identity of the "Overseas Chinese" in Australian Politics." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 3, no. 1 (April 15, 2011): 121–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v3i1.1865.

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This paper explores the role played by the Chinese communities in the Australian politics of multicultural democracy from the perspective of political socialisation and resocialisation. It argues that there is no such a thing as inherent “cultural values” or “national values” that differentiate ‘the Chinese” politically from the mainstream Australian society. This paper focuses on the Chinese nationalism of Han Chinese migrants in Australia. Within the “new mainland migrants” who have come to Australia directly from the PRC since the 1980s, nationalism is much weaker among the Tiananmen/ June 4 generation who experienced pro-democracy activism during their formative years in the 1980s. Nationalism is much stronger among the Post-Tiananmen Generation who are victims of the “patriotism campaign” in the 1990s when the Chinese Communist party-state sought to replace discredited communism with nationalism as the major ideology for legitimacy.

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6

Beasley, Chris, Chilla Bulbeck, and Gregory McCarthy. "Ambivalent globalization, amorphous vulnerable nationalism." Journal of Sociology 46, no. 1 (November 20, 2009): 5–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783309337672.

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Debates about nation and national positioning within the global exemplified in the Australian culture, history and literacy ‘wars’ have tended to be definitive and apparently oppositional in tone. Yet these debates have proceeded in the absence of a concretized notion of Australian identity and do not adequately address the complexities of political identification and allegiance. Despite intense concerns in these ‘wars’ about the views of young people and the role of their schooling, young people do not necessarily have less well-developed conceptions of Australia’s place in a globalizing world than their elders. Our research on young people’s responses to globalization, global cultural products and national identity offers some suggestive new directions for considering these issues and the school curriculum, directions which are built upon the actual ways in which young Australians express uncertainty about US—Australian relations, while simultaneously identifying with American cultural products.

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7

Fozdar, Farida, Brian Spittles, and Lisa K. Hartley. "Australia Day, flags on cars and Australian nationalism." Journal of Sociology 51, no. 2 (March 31, 2014): 317–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783314524846.

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8

Judd, Barry, and Christopher Hallinan. "Indigeneity and the Disruption of Anglo-Australian Nationalism in Australian Football." Review of Nationalities 9, no. 1 (December 1, 2019): 101–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2019-0008.

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AbstractSituated in the overall context of the ideals of the nation, this article outlines the formation of Anglo-Australian nationhood and its strong connection to sport, the historical treatment of Indigenous Australians as ‘others’, and the inherent racism within the nation and within sports systems. The vocal antagonism directed at a leading player who was also named Australian of Year is described and analyzed within the framework of conditional contemporary change, protests by the general public, and the emerging resistance by leading Indigenous Australians to Anglo-idealized nationhood.

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9

Whiley, Shannon. "The Experiences of Nikkei-Australian Soldiers During World War II." New Voices in Japanese Studies 10 (July 3, 2018): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.21159/nvjs.10.01.

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This paper is a biographical case study that explores the distinct experiences of three Australian-born Japanese (hereafter, Nikkei-Australians) who volunteered for Australian military service during World War II: Mario Takasuka, Joseph Suzuki and Winston Ide. It examines the social and political context in which these soldiers lived, concluding that they faced a disconnect between the way they were viewed by the government, their local communities and themselves. Notions of identity and nationalism are also explored in the context of World War II and the White Australia Policy, and are compared with the experiences of non-European soldiers in Australia and Nikkei soldiers abroad. The paper also highlights the ambiguous position of Nikkei-Australian soldiers with respect to military enlistment. At the time, legislation allowed for Nikkei-Australians to be variously classified as loyal citizens capable of enlistment, as not sufficiently ‘Australian’ for duty, or as enemy aliens, depending upon how it was applied in each case. Because there was no uniform approach within the government for applying these laws, the experiences of Nikkei-Australians vastly differed, as illustrated by the stories of the individuals profiled in this study. These stories are important as they add to the growing body of knowledge around non-white Australians who served in World War II, and remind us of how the pro-white, anti-Japanese atmosphere within Australia at the time affected those within the community who did not fit the mould of the White Australian ideal.

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10

Piccini, Jon. "Transnationalism, Nationalism and Australian History." Australian Journal of Politics & History 64, no. 1 (March 2018): 152–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12439.

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Allbrook, Malcolm. "Transnationalism, Nationalism and Australian History." Australian Historical Studies 49, no. 3 (July 3, 2018): 417–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1031461x.2018.1495144.

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12

WARD, RUSSEL. "Social Roots of Australian Nationalism." Australian Journal of Politics & History 1, no. 2 (April 7, 2008): 179–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1956.tb00991.x.

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13

Waters, Christopher. "Nationalism, Britishness and Australian history." History Australia 10, no. 3 (January 2013): 12–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14490854.2013.11668476.

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McQuilton, John, Stephen Alomes, Catherine Jones, and Brian Hocking. "Australian Nationalism: A Documentary History." Labour History, no. 64 (1993): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27509178.

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Flannery, Belinda J., Susan E. Watt, and Nicola S. Schutte. "Looking Out For (White) Australia." International Perspectives in Psychology 10, no. 2 (April 2021): 74–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/2157-3891/a000008.

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Abstract. We conceptualized and developed a measure of right-wing protective popular nationalism (RWPPN) – a specific form of popular nationalism where people seek to protect the national culture from outgroup influences. RWPPN is derived from a sociological analysis of right-wing popular nationalism in Australia and is theoretically related to several key psychological constructs, including right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), social dominance orientation (SDO), and symbolic threat. We conducted two surveys using nationally representative samples of Australian citizens. In study 1 ( n = 657), participants completed measures of RWPPN and related constructs. Exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis resulted in a 10-item scale. Construct validity was tested and confirmed across divergent, convergent, predictive, and concurrent validation domains. Additional convergent validation with RWA and SDO was tested in study 2 ( n = 316). Together, RWPPN was found to relate to expressions of national identity, prejudice, perceived outgroup threat, opposition to multiculturalism, and aggressive tendencies toward ethnic minorities. These effects remained significant when controlling for nationalism (measured as a concern for national superiority) and blind patriotism. In study 2, the effect on aggressive tendencies held when controlling for RWA and SDO and RWPPN mediated the relationship between RWA and aggressive tendencies. Reflecting the conservative nature of Australian popular nationalism, RWPPN correlated with right-wing political alignment. The research was conducted in Australia, but given the rise in right-wing populism internationally, RWPPN may be a phenomenon in other countries. Therefore, this paper offers a new construct and scale to investigate it in Australia and internationally.

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Archer, Jeff. "“But Is It Australian Nationalism?”1." Australian Journal of Politics & History 36, no. 1 (June 28, 2008): 84–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1990.tb00646.x.

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BRYAN, DICK. "AUSTRALIAN ECONOMIC NATIONALISM: OLD AND NEW." Australian Economic Papers 30, no. 57 (December 1991): 290–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8454.1991.tb00546.x.

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18

Trinh, Huong Thu. "Ned Kelly’s legend through the series of paintings of Sidney Nolan." Science & Technology Development Journal - Social Sciences & Humanities 1, no. X1 (June 30, 2017): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdjssh.v1ix1.429.

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The paper approaches cultural studies in a way which tells us about a life-time story of Ned Kelly, who is a legend, an Australian hero and beloved by many Australians, through the series of 27 paintings of Sidney Nolan. Ned Kelly is an Australian icon man. Both the painter and the main character of the novel are famous and express Australianness well. In this paper, the writer bases on figurative language, the colour of paintings and the life story of the main character to show the Australian nationalism, national myth and Australianness.

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19

White, Leanne. "“It’s time”: revolution and evolution in Australian political advertising." Journal of Historical Research in Marketing 8, no. 3 (August 15, 2016): 375–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jhrm-08-2015-0034.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine two significant political advertising campaigns which used the “It’s Time” slogan and to reflect on how these related to official, popular and commercial nationalism in Australia. The paper is primarily concerned with two main issues: identifying and examining the variety of images of Australia in two key television advertisements, and exploring the methods by which advertising agencies created positive images of Australia and Australians in the two campaigns. It specifically highlights the significance of the “It’s Time” campaign, which is relevant for scholars and advertisers seeking to understand effective political communication. Design/methodology/approach This paper examines television advertisements by using semiotics as the principal methodology. The research methodology devised for the advertisements consists of two main components: a shot combination analysis, also known as a shot-by-shot analysis, and a semiological reading of the visual and acoustic channels of the advertisement. Findings This paper examines the use of commercial nationalism in television advertising. As one of many social and cultural influences, advertisements assist the individual in understanding their notion of themselves and their relationship with the wider community – be it local, national, regional or global. The primary focus of this research is the phenomenon of commercial nationalism – the adoption of national signifiers in the marketplace. However, by examining the more general discourse on nationalism, particularly the voice of official nationalism – the promotion of nationalism by the nation-state (or those aspiring to power), the symbiotic relationship between these two complementary brands of nationalism is explored. Originality/value The methodology adopted for analysing the two political advertising campaigns offers conceptual and practical value. It provides a consistent set of terms and concepts for further research to build upon. The paper provides insights for the marketing or examination of advertising campaigns. The paper demonstrates the power of market research to inform a framing strategy for a political campaign. The paper contributes to the body of knowledge in this area and thus society’s understanding of these important periods in the nation’s history. In particular, the paper provides an exploration into the “It’s Time” campaign and how it mobilised a broader cultural awakening to engineer success at the ballot box in 1972. The two case studies examined in this paper are relevant to political scientists and media and communication scholars.

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Wilczyńska, Elżbieta. "The Return of the Silenced: Aboriginal Art as a Flagship of New Australian Identity." Australia, no. 28/3 (January 15, 2019): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.7311/0860-5734.28.3.07.

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The paper examines the presence of Aboriginal art, its contact with colonial and federation Australian art to prove that silencing of this art from the official identity narrative and art histories also served elimination of Aboriginal people from national and identity discourse. It posits then that the recently observed acceptance and popularity as well as incorporation of Aboriginal art into the national Australian art and art histories of Australian art may be interpreted as a sign of indigenizing state nationalism and multicultural national identity of Australia in compliance with the definition of identity according to Anthony B. Smith.

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Cooper, Melinda J. "‘A Masterpiece of Camouflage’: Modernism and Interwar Australia." Modernist Cultures 15, no. 3 (August 2020): 316–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/mod.2020.0299.

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Interwar Australia has often been seen as geographically and culturally distant from the centres of modernity, with 1930s Australian literary culture viewed through the tropes of isolation, insularity and quarantine. Through a reading of Eleanor Dark's experimental novel Prelude to Christopher (1934), I contest this idea, arguing that interwar Australia contained its own latent modernisms and modernities, which were often hidden alongside anti-modernist positions and inside other discourses such as cultural nationalism. This essay contributes to recent reinvestigations of the cosmopolitanism/nationalism binary and calls for these categories to be rethought in more interconnected terms. It also examines Dark's modernist and gendered critique of eugenics in light of the larger project of settler colonialism.

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22

Dodds, Klaus. "‘Awkward Antarctic nationalism’: bodies, ice cores and gateways in and beyond Australian Antarctic Territory/East Antarctica." Polar Record 53, no. 1 (October 11, 2016): 16–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247416000516.

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ABSTRACTThis paper explores ‘awkward Antarctic nationalism’ and builds on the critical scholarship that explores the contours and contradictions of everyday, mundane, banal and even hot polar nationalisms. The emphasis on ‘awkward’ is designed to draw attention to the resonances and affordances that are associated with Australian polar nationalism in and beyond the Australian Antarctic Territory/East Antarctica. Using the 2016Australian Antarctic strategy: 20 year action planas a starting point, it considers how bodies, ice cores and gateways are put to work in order to address a fundamental pressure facing all claimant states. That is how to reassure domestic audiences that claims to territory and access are safe, sovereign and secure without alienating others with whom one wishes to do business within a particular area of Antarctica. More broadly, the paper concludes that both claimant states and non-claimant states are rubbing up against one another in areas such as custodianship, environmental stewardship and polar science and logistics. This has implications for how we interrogate the ideals and practices of the Antarctic Treaty.

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Kuo, Mei-fen. "Confucian Heritage, Public Narratives and Community Politics of Chinese Australians at the Beginning of the Twentieth Century." Journal of Chinese Overseas 9, no. 2 (2013): 212–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17932548-12341260.

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Abstract This paper focuses on the meanings of Confucian heritage for the Chinese ethnic community at the time Australia became a Federation. It will argue that public narratives about Confucian heritage provided a new agency for mobilizing urban Chinese Australian communities. These narratives politicized culture, helped to shape Chinese ethnic identity and diasporic nationalism over time. The appearance of narratives on Confucian heritage in the late 19th century reflected the Chinese community’s attempt to differentiate and redefine itself in an increasingly inimical racist environment. The fact that Chinese intellectuals interpreted Confucian heritage as symbolic of their distinctiveness does not necessarily mean that the Chinese community as a whole aligned themselves with the Confucianism revival movement. By interpreting Confucian heritage as a national symbol, Chinese Australian public narratives reflected a national history in which the Chinese community blended Confucian heritage into a nationalist discourse. This paper argues that this interpretation of Confucian heritage reflects the Chinese community’s attempts to redefine their relationship with the non-Chinese culture, they were a part of, in ways which did not draw on colour or race.

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Levey, Geoffrey Brahm. "Liberal nationalism and the Australian citizenship tests." Citizenship Studies 18, no. 2 (February 17, 2014): 175–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13621025.2014.886394.

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Gibson, Padraic John. "Imperialism, ANZAC nationalism and the Aboriginal experience of warfare." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 6, no. 3 (February 25, 2015): 63–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v6i3.4190.

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Aboriginal protest played a key role in undermining the celebratory settler-nationalism of the bicentennial in 1988. In the lead up to another major nationalist mobilisation, the centenary of the Gallipoli invasion on ANZAC Day 2015, extensive official efforts are being made to incorporate Aboriginal experiences into the day, through celebration of the role of Aboriginal people who served in Australia’s armed forces. This article provides a critical analysis of the 2014 NAIDOC theme as a way of exploring some of the tensions in this process. The NAIDOC theme, ‘Serving Country: Centenary and Beyond’, presented a continuity between Aboriginal soldiers in WW1 and Aboriginal warriors who fought in defence of their land during the 19th Century Frontier Wars. In contrast, this article argues that the real historical continuity is between the massacres on the frontier, which often involved Aboriginal troopers fighting for the colonial powers, and the invasions undertaken by Australian soldiers in WW1. New research documenting the horrific scale on which Aboriginal people were killed by Native Police in Queensland in the second half of the 19th Century is integrated with studies of the political economy of Australian settler-capitalism in this period. This analysis is used to demonstrate how capitalist class interests drove both the Frontier Wars and the development of an Australian regional empire, which was consolidated by the mobilisation of Australian troops in WW1.

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Bulbeck, Chilla. "The ‘white worrier’ in South Australia." Journal of Sociology 40, no. 4 (December 2004): 341–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783304048379.

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In his analysis of ‘paranoid nationalism’, Hage (2003: xii, 2) coins the figure of the ‘white worrier’ to identify how white Australians marginalized by the inequalities of economic rationalism and globalization displace their anxieties onto even weaker ‘others’, Aboriginal people and migrants, particularly refugees. Hage’s ideas are applied to the discourses used by young South Australians when they discuss Australian multiculturalism, immigration and reconciliation. Hage’s suggestion that white worrying is the response of the white working class male to his economic and ideological marginalization is only partially supported in this sample of young people. While those from non-English speaking and Indigenous backgrounds are much less likely to be ‘paranoid nationalists’, fear and loathing of the other are expressed across the socio-economic spectrum of young ‘white’ Australians, with exposure to a university education, either on the part of respondents or their parents, being the main antidote to hostile attitudes to the ‘other’.

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Freebury, Jane. "Screening Australia: Gallipoli — A Study of Nationalism on Film." Media Information Australia 43, no. 1 (February 1987): 5–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x8704300102.

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Before Crocodile Dundee it seemed that only the frenzied energy of a film like Mad Max could get results in the lucrative markets outside Australia. Now it seems a feature film with Australian content in large measure can do this after all. Now is probably a good time to ask ourselves some questions: Do we want to produce films made to a formula for international success? Or do we want to produce films that have special meaning for us, films that we can ‘participate’ in? Is it possible to make films that trade in both currencies, national and international?

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Miller, Benjamin. "A. B. Original's “Dumb Things”: Decolonizing the Postcolonial Australian Dream." ab-Original 4, no. 1-2 (December 2020): 103–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/aboriginal.4.1-2.0103.

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ABSTRACT In 2016, Aboriginal hip-hop duo A. B. Original joined Paul Kelly live on radio to cover his iconic song “Dumb Things” (1987). Kelly's original version presented a critique of nationalist rhetoric in the lead up to the Australian bicentenary celebrations. Kelly's development of an itinerant counter-dreamer as a voice against nationalism, however, fashioned a brand of innocent, postcolonial whiteness and, thereby, remained complicit with colonial domination of Indigenous people. This article explores A. B. Original's commentary on institutional, systemic, and discursive racism, and their criticism of postcolonial whiteness through a close reading and contextualization of their music output in 2016. With particular emphasis on “Dumb Things” in its original context and its most recent context, this article argues that A. B. Original issues a call for, and demonstrates, the decolonization of postcolonial narratives of the Australian dream.

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Castles, Stephen, Bill Cope, Mary Kalantzis, and Michael Morrissey. "The Bicentenary and the failure of Australian nationalism." Race & Class 29, no. 3 (January 1988): 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030639688802900304.

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GRIMSHAW, CHARLES. "Australian Nationalism and the Imperial Connection 1900-1914." Australian Journal of Politics & History 3, no. 2 (April 7, 2008): 161–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1958.tb00380.x.

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Kuhn, Rick. "The Australian Left, Nationalism and the Vietnam War." Labour History, no. 72 (1997): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516471.

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Lattas, Andrew. "Primitivism, nationalism and individualism in Australian popular culture." Journal of Australian Studies 16, no. 35 (December 1992): 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443059209387117.

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Fitzpatrick, Peter. "After the Wave: Australian Drama since 1975." New Theatre Quarterly 2, no. 5 (February 1986): 54–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x00001913.

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THE PUBLICATION of Theatre Quarterly's feature on Australian theatre in its Summer 1977 number seemed at the time one of a number of tokens of the coming of age of ‘the new Australian drama’. It is probably a truer sign of maturity that the present revisiting of the subject offers a form of international recognition which, though still very welcome, seems now a less important and alluring prospect. Australia's cultural cringe – the over-dependence on the models and approval of the parent country which was one of our more notorious legacies of colonialism – is not as noticeable in the theatre these days as it was even in the mood of heady self-conscious nationalism of the early 'seventies.

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Potter, Anna. "You've Been Pranked: Reality Tv, National Identity and the Privileged Status of Australian Children's Drama." Media International Australia 146, no. 1 (February 2013): 25–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1314600106.

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Australian children have always been considered a special television audience. In November 2009, Australia's public service broadcaster the ABC launched Australia's first dedicated free-to-air children's channel. Within a year of its launch, ABC3's most popular program was a local version of the transnational reality format, Prank Patrol. The popularity of reality television with children challenges policy settings, including the Children's Television Standards (CTS), that privilege drama in the expression of the goals of cultural nationalism. While public service broadcasting ideology is expressed and applied to Australian commercial free-to-air channels through the CTS, public service media compete with pay TV channels for the child audience using a range of genres. Thus contemporary Australian children's television is characterised by an abundance of supply, pan-platform delivery and a policy regime that has remained largely unchanged since the late 1970s.

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Lencznarowicz, Jan. "“The Coming Event!”." Politeja 16, no. 4(61) (December 31, 2019): 463–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.61.25.

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John Dunmore Lang’s Vision for an Independent Australia John Dunmore Lang, the Scottish Presbyterian clergyman who settled in Sydney in 1823, until his death in 1878 played an important role in the religious, political and cultural life of New South Wales and helped to create two new colonies: Victoria and Queensland. His writings as much as his political and educational activities significantly contributed to the rise of early Australian nationalism. Lang envisaged a great future of a federal Australian republic – the United Provinces of Australia. Drawing on Lang’s books, pamphlets and his articles and speeches published in the colonial and metropolitan press, this paper analyses the religious, ideological, political and economic ideas that led him to present and espouse the cause of the future America of the Southern Hemisphere.The focus is on the fundamental political and social principles on which Lang wanted to establish the independent Australian nation. The paper also discusses planned political institutions, as well as expected or desired social and economic

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Meaney, Neville. "Britishness and Australian identity: The problem of nationalism in Australian history and historiography∗." Australian Historical Studies 32, no. 116 (April 2001): 76–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10314610108596148.

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Holbrook, Carolyn. "Federation and Australian Nationalism: Early Commemoration of the Commonwealth." Australian Journal of Politics & History 66, no. 4 (November 26, 2020): 560–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12702.

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38

Murphy, John. "Populism and Democracy: a reading of Australian Radical Nationalism." Thesis Eleven 16, no. 1 (February 1987): 85–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/072551368701600107.

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Hay, James. "The new resources nationalism: implications for Australian energy assets." APPEA Journal 48, no. 2 (2008): 485. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj07075.

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Parent, Joseph M. "Institutions, Identity and Unity: The Anomaly of Australian Nationalism*." Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 7, no. 2 (March 18, 2008): 2–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-9469.2007.tb00116.x.

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Alomes, Stephen. "Australian Nationalism in the Eras of Imperialism and ‘Internationalism’." Australian Journal of Politics & History 34, no. 3 (June 28, 2008): 320–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1988.tb01182.x.

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Kingston, Beverley, and Noel McLachlan. "Waiting for the Revolution: A History of Australian Nationalism." Labour History, no. 58 (1990): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27508989.

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Berryman, Jim. "Nationalism, Britishness and the ‘Souring’ of Australian National Art." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 44, no. 4 (July 3, 2016): 573–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086534.2016.1210250.

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Fozdar, Farida, and Brian Spittles. "Of cows and men: Nationalism and Australian cow making." Australian Journal of Anthropology 25, no. 1 (January 28, 2014): 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/taja.12067.

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Tout, Dan. "Encountering Indigeneity: Xavier Herbert, ‘Inky’ Stephensen and the Problems of Settler Nationalism." Cultural Studies Review 23, no. 2 (November 27, 2017): 141–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/csr.v23i2.5823.

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The 1930s in Australia was a period marked by rising awareness of and attention to Australia’s ‘half-caste problem’. Released and promoted in tandem with the 1938 sesquicentenary of Australia’s settler colonisation, Xavier Herbert’s novel Capricornia appeared as a searing protest against the exclusion of so-called ‘half-castes’ from white Australia. The novel itself was published by the Publicist Publishing Company, platform for rationalist and businessman W.J. Miles and editor and polemicist P.R. ‘Inky’ Stephensen, both strict advocates of a racially pure white Australia. Yet together, Herbert and his patrons capitalised on the sesquicentenary, and the Day of Mourning protests they helped organise, to promote what they proclaimed the ‘Great Australian Novel’. This article reads Herbert’s racial understandings in relation to those of Stephensen, and reads them both in relation to the prevailing circumstances of 1930s Australia, as well as the underlying dynamics of settler colonialism. Whereas Stephensen subscribed to the ‘Aryan Aborigines’ hypothesis and emphasised Australia’s supposed racial purity, Herbert celebrated instead the potentiality of ‘Euraustralian’ hybridity. While these approaches are ostensibly at odds, this article argues instead that they share a common drive towards settler indigenisation and independence as their ultimate aims.

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Zhang, Chunyan. "The Countryside as an Inhospitable Frontier in Australian and Chinese Films." English Language and Literature Studies 10, no. 3 (July 14, 2020): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ells.v10n3p39.

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The Countryside as an inhospitable frontier, as a place where human beings live a harsh life, frequently appeared in both Australian film and Chinese leftist films in the period of nationalism, the 1920s and 1930s. In Australia, this construction manifests itself in the old idea of human beings in conflict with nature, working in an unfriendly environment to make the barest living. In China, it is a new construction, differing from the old motif of a “pastoral” countryside blessed by nature. In Australia, despite its challenges, the countryside was still regarded as a peaceful homeland for human beings to return to, but in Chinese leftist culture, the construction of a negative image of the countryside was so extreme that it was depicted as a totally wretched world.

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Homan, Shane. "A contemporary cultural policy for contemporary music?" Media International Australia 158, no. 1 (February 2016): 37–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x15622077.

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Creative Nation confirmed the shift by federal governments to viewing popular music as part of the Australian cultural economy, where the ‘contemporary music’ industries were expected to contribute to economic growth as much as providing a set of creative practices for musicians and audiences. In the 19 years between Creative Nation and Creative Australia, much has changed. This article examines relationships between the music industries, governments and audiences in three areas. First, it charts the funding of popular music within the broader cultural sector to illuminate the competing discourses and demands of the popular and classical music sectors in federal budgets. Second, it traces configurations of popular music and national identity as part of national policy. Third, the article explores how both national policy documents position Australian popular music amid global technological and regulatory shifts. As instruments of cultural nationalism, Creative Nation and Creative Australia are useful texts in assessing the opportunities and limits of nations in asserting coherent national strategies.

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D’arcens, Louise, and Chris Jones. "Excavating the Borders of Literary Anglo-Saxonism in Nineteenth-Century Britain and Australia." Representations 121, no. 1 (2013): 85–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.2013.121.1.85.

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Comparing nineteenth-century British and Australian Anglo-Saxonist literature enables a “decentered” exploration of Anglo-Saxonism’s intersections with national, imperial, and colonial discourses, challenging assumptions that this discourse was an uncritical vehicle of English nationalism and British manifest destiny. Far from reflecting a stable imperial center, evocations of “ancient Englishness” in British literature were polyvalent and self-contesting, while in Australian literature they offered a response to colonization and emerging knowledge about the vast age of Indigenous Australian cultures.

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Wade, Matthew. "Tactics of the ‘Ugly Australian’: Morality, masculinity, nationalism and governance amid a cheating controversy in sport." Journal of Sociology 55, no. 3 (March 11, 2019): 528–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783319833466.

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Cricket occupies an ambivalent place in the Australian cultural imaginary, caught between former colonial origins and current pluralist aspirations, and retaining conservative leanings that can veer into ‘ugly assimilationism’. Elite representatives are variably celebrated as national icons or uneasy sources of collective identity, given tendencies to become ‘Ugly Australians’. Within the Australian cricket team, this combustive mix of nationalism, moralism, masculinity and instrumental deviance coalesced into a win-at-all-costs ethos, culminating in brazen cheating and causing apparent diplomatic embarrassment. More significant, however, were underlying strategies of self-confessedly brutal degradation of opponents. Strategic aggression and humiliation were abetted by governing bodies that demanded success but neglected to uphold ethical standards. Moral hazards and regulatory gaps incentivized players to self-set ‘the line’ of acceptable conduct, enabling injurious tactics that included intimidation, emasculation, mockery and mass invective. A complementary argument discusses populist posturing and moral hypocrisy that were emergent during the cheating scandal, for more worthy grievances languished amid the ‘crisis in cricket’.

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Hogben, Paul. "NATIONALISM IN AUSTRALIAN ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY, 1890–1920: A Discourse Analysis." Architectural Theory Review 5, no. 2 (November 2000): 94–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13264820009478403.

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