Journal articles: 'Australian liberalism'

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Patience, Allan, Mark Finanne, Terry Wood, Frank Cain, A. W. Martin, Ciaran O'Faircheallaigh, Peter Williams, et al. "Australian liberalism and corporatism." Politics 20, no. 1 (May 1985): 134–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00323268508401946.

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Watson, Virginia. "Liberalism and Advanced Liberalism in Australian Indigenous Affairs." Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 29, no. 5 (November 2004): 577–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030437540402900506.

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Wear, Rae. "Australian Liberalism, Past and Present." Australian Journal of Politics and History 51, no. 3 (September 2005): 473–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2005.0388a.x.

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Gerrand, Peter. "The Trollope of Australian Telecommunications." Australian Journal of Telecommunications and the Digital Economy 4, no. 3 (August 31, 2016): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.18080/ajtde.v4n3.60.

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Trevor Barr’s page-turner of a novel Grand Intentions tackles the ugly side of the neo-liberalism sweeping Australia in the 1990s and 2000s. It examines the privatisation of an incumbent telecommunications carrier, and the drastic impact of its imported US corporate culture on several individuals. He deploys a cast of plausible fictional characters while allowing the narrative to be driven by an echo of real events in the Australian telecommunications industry.

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Gerrand, Peter. "The Trollope of Australian Telecommunications." Journal of Telecommunications and the Digital Economy 4, no. 3 (August 31, 2016): 5–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.18080/jtde.v4n3.60.

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Trevor Barr’s page-turner of a novel Grand Intentions tackles the ugly side of the neo-liberalism sweeping Australia in the 1990s and 2000s. It examines the privatisation of an incumbent telecommunications carrier, and the drastic impact of its imported US corporate culture on several individuals. He deploys a cast of plausible fictional characters while allowing the narrative to be driven by an echo of real events in the Australian telecommunications industry.

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Molnar, Adam. "Technology, Law, and the Formation of (il)Liberal Democracy?" Surveillance & Society 15, no. 3/4 (August 9, 2017): 381–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v15i3/4.6645.

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This article argues that the politics of surveillance and (il)liberalism in Australia is conditioned by the dynamic interplay between technological development and law. Applying criminologist Richard Ericson’s concept of ‘counter-law’, the article illustrates how rapidly advancing capacities for surveillance and Australia's legal infrastructure collide. In this view, even regulatory safeguards can be instrumental in the broader drift toward (il)liberal democracy. Drawing on the Australian context to illustrate a broader global trend, this article conveys how such an apparatus of control reflective of (il)liberal democracy might be more accurately understood as a form of socio-technical rule-with-law.

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Fairbrother, Peter, Stuart Svensen, and Julian Teicher. "The Ascendancy of Neo-Liberalism in Australia." Capital & Class 21, no. 3 (October 1997): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030981689706300101.

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On 19 August 1996, thousands of trade unionists and others stormed the Australian Parliament protesting against the Coalition Government's Work place Relations Bill. In a very visible departure from the years of cooperation and compromise with the previous Federal Labor Government, the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) called on trade unionists and their supporters to demonstrate their opposition to the proposed legislation. This outbreak of anger might be thought to herald a reaction to heightened attacks on the Australian working class, ushered in by the election of the Coalition Government on 2 March 1996, which ended thirteen years of Labor rule under leaders Bob Hawke (1983-1991) and Paul Keating (1991-1996). However, while indicating a renewed activism by a disenchanted and alienated working class, this outburst of anger was not attributable to a sudden shift in the overall direction of government policy. Rather, it was an expression of a profound disenchantment with thirteen years of Australian ‘New Labor’ and a fear of the future under a Coalition Government committed to the sharp edges of the neo-liberal agenda.

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Henderson, Julie. "Neo-liberalism, community care and Australian mental health policy." Health Sociology Review 14, no. 3 (December 2005): 242–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5172/hesr.14.3.242.

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Patapan, Haig. "Rewriting Australian Liberalism: The High Court's Jurisprudence of Rights." Australian Journal of Political Science 31, no. 2 (July 1996): 225–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361149651201.

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Hollander, Robyn. "John Howard, Economic Liberalism, Social Conservatism, and Australian Federalism." Australian Journal of Politics & History 54, no. 1 (February 26, 2008): 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2008.00486.x.

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Hay, James L. "Challenges to liberalism: The case of Australian energy policy." Resources Policy 34, no. 3 (September 2009): 142–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.resourpol.2008.05.001.

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Watson, Virginia. "Axing ATSIC: Australian Liberalism and the “Government of Unfreedom”." Policy and Society 23, no. 4 (January 2004): 57–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1449-4035(04)70043-0.

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Gentile, Antonina, and Sidney Tarrow. "Charles Tilly, globalization, and labor’s citizen rights." European Political Science Review 1, no. 3 (November 2009): 465–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s175577390999018x.

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Since the 1990s, observers have seen globalization impairing labor’s rights. We take Charles Tilly as an exemplar of this view, subjecting his 1995 article to critical appreciation. We argue that Tilly, known for his work on the National Social Movement, overlooked the fact that some unions under pressure from global neo-liberalism can employ a protest repertoire employing their citizen rights, while others continue to use labor rights. We use port workers, who are directly exposed to globalization, to show how different political opportunity structures and different strategic choices influence these choices. In Sweden, our exemplar of a neo-corporatist system, we find that the employment of labor rights continues to be robust; in the USA, our exemplar of a fully-fledged neo-liberal system, we find much greater recourse to a repertoire calling on citizen rights. Finally, in Australia and Great Britain, countries undergoing a shift to neo-liberalism in the 1980s and 1990s, we show that strategic choice influences how effectively unions adapt to shifts towards neo-liberalism: Australian unions effectively used citizen rights while the British port unions failed to make this strategic shift.

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Genovese, Ann. "Unravelling Identities: Performance and Criticism in Australian Feminisms." Feminist Review 52, no. 1 (March 1996): 135–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.1996.12.

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The following article is an exploration of the non-linear and non-unified identities that make up Australian feminism. The main premise is that the divergent strands of rational and romantic thought, central to the project of liberalism, are inherent in the characterization of Australian feminisms. As a result, there have always been tensions between feminists, centred around politics of self-identification. These tensions continue to exist, but to be articulated in different ways in different decades as a result of the ever changing relationships between feminist, state and media/public discourses. These ideas are explored through comparing two key moments in our recent past in which differences between feminisms were declared. These two events – the Mary Daly visit to Australia to promote Gyn/Ecology in 1981, and the debate engendered by Helen Garner's The First Stone in 1995 – are taken to be performative metaphors through which the continuities and discontinuities of the nature of Australian feminisms can be subjectively explored.

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PAINTER, MARTIN. "Economic Policy, Market Liberalism and the 'End of Australian Politics'." Australian Journal of Political Science 31, no. 3 (November 1996): 287–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361149651067.

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Rosser, Andrew. "Neo-liberalism and the politics of Australian aid policy-making." Australian Journal of International Affairs 62, no. 3 (September 2008): 372–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357710802286825.

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Moore, Tod. "Saving Private Hegel - Australian Liberalism and the 1914-1918 War." Australian Journal of Politics & History 61, no. 4 (December 2015): 501–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12115.

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Gamble, Denise D. "AN AUSTRALIAN INDIGENOUS ADVANCEMENT AGENDA." Public Affairs Quarterly 33, no. 4 (October 1, 2019): 317–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26897030.

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Abstract This paper distills arguments by Indigenous public intellectual Noel Pearson in support of an “uplift” agenda for remote Australian Aboriginal communities suffering corrosive disadvantage and intergenerational dysfunction. Pearson draws on Amartya Sen while prioritizing personal responsibility, and attempts a synthesis of liberalism, social democracy, and capabilities building. The present paper also draws on Martha Nussbaum’s and Rutger Claassen’s capabilities approaches, with points of resonance and/or agreement with Pearson’s arguments highlighted. Under a charitable reading, Pearson’s position is defensible against prevailing criticisms, including the criticism that his responsibility emphasis leads him to misunderstand and misapply Sen’s capabilities theory, and that his policies are illiberally perfectionist and paternalistic, ultimately assimilationist, and in breach of Kant’s humanity principle.

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Fry, Simon, and Bernard Mees. "Two discursive frameworks concerning ideology in Australian industrial relations." Economic and Labour Relations Review 28, no. 4 (November 3, 2017): 483–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1035304617739505.

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There are two discursive frameworks concerning ideology in Australian industrial relations. In many disciplines concerned with aspects of industrial relations, including political science, law and history, it is the traditional political ideologies of the industrial era which take centre stage: liberalism (classical, social and neoliberalism), socialism (Marxism, social democracy and labourism) and conservatism. By contrast, ideological issues in the discipline of employment relations are chiefly addressed in terms of Fox’s three analytical perspectives: unitarism, pluralism and radicalism. The disjunction between these parallel discourses goes largely unnoted in the literature of the relevant disciplines, which all tend to proceed using their own preferred approach without making reference to the other. This article critically explores the relationship between these two discourses and investigates the broader implications that the existence of the two different discursive traditions has for the analysis of industrial relations phenomena in Australia.

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Evans, Adrian. "Southern exposure: ‘Post'‐liberalism and moral recovery in Australian legal education." Law Teacher 42, no. 3 (January 2008): 329–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03069400.2008.9959792.

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Attfield, Sarah. "The working class in the Australian mainstream media." International Journal of Media & Cultural Politics 16, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 47–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/macp_00014_1.

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The Australian mainstream media is dominated by middle-class voices, and this shapes the way working-class people are framed within the media. Working-class people have tended to be represented as responsible for their poverty, or ridiculed for their lack of sophistication. But could very small shifts be occurring, as some outlets acknowledge the impact of neo-liberalism on working-class people and point to some of the structural causes of inequality? This article looks at some examples of working-class representation in Australian newspapers, television news and current affairs programs, and considers the ways in which working-class people are presented. The article also asks whether the Australian mainstream media provides a place for working-class voices?

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Schneider, Patricia, Fanglu Sun, and Steve Wood. "Perspectives on World and Regional Orders: Australian, Chinese and German Views." Sicherheit & Frieden 37, no. 3 (2019): 149–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0175-274x-2019-3-149.

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This article offers some reflections from diverse standpoints on actual and potential developments, at global and regional levels, and possible ramifications. The article has three main sections. The first section deals with the crisis of liberalism and its implications for peace and security. The second section examines some current controversial issues and cooperation between the EU, Australia and China. The third section analyses the effects of populist movements in Europe on China and Australia.

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Turner, Graeme. "Surviving the post-broadcast era: The international context for Australia’s ABC." Media International Australia 158, no. 1 (January 7, 2016): 17–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x15616514.

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While much of the discussion of the current condition of the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) has been very much located within the Australian context, there is some point to widening the frame and considering the situation of the ABC within a more international context. In many locations, the rationale for the public broadcaster – the provision of information, education and entertainment for the public good – has not easily survived what has been dubbed the post-broadcast era, increasingly shaped by commercialisation, neo-liberalism, de-regulation and privatisation. The tendencies in the Australian context are not as clear as the international ones, however, and so the comparison between the international and the national contexts frames the account developed by this article.

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Gray, Gwen. "How Australia Came to Have a National Women's Health Policy." International Journal of Health Services 28, no. 1 (January 1998): 107–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/pcpl-8xa9-wkxu-d1a3.

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A National Women's Health Policy was launched in Australia in 1989, and Australia became the only country to have a comprehensive policy on women's health. The policy is intended to provide a framework for decisionmaking in both mainstream and separate women's health services. The author examines the forces and factors that led to the formulation and adoption of the policy, then addresses the question of why Australia is alone in choosing a national policy as a focus for women's health action. A number of key influences, either absent or weaker in comparable countries, worked together to facilitate policy development. The activities of women working in a number of arenas coincided with the election of relatively supportive governments, creation of women's policy machinery in bureaucracies, employment of feminists in key positions, and opportunities for policy expansion afforded by federalism. These influences, within the Australian ideological context of strong support for social liberalism, account for the country's distinctive policy position.

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Melleuish, Greg. "David Kemp explores Australian liberalism in the age of Sir Robert Menzies." History Australia 18, no. 2 (April 3, 2021): 416–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14490854.2021.1919027.

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Hameiri, Shahar. "Risk management, neo-liberalism and the securitisation of the Australian aid program." Australian Journal of International Affairs 62, no. 3 (September 2008): 357–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357710802286817.

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Randolph, Bill, and Andrew Tice. "Relocating Disadvantage in Five Australian Cities: Socio-spatial Polarisation under Neo-liberalism." Urban Policy and Research 35, no. 2 (September 2016): 103–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08111146.2016.1221337.

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Flew, Terry. "The Goldsworthy Report: Credibility and Australian Information Policy." Media International Australia 87, no. 1 (May 1998): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x9808700105.

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Recent Australian federal government statements on information policy can be seen as manifesting a tension, and possibility a deeper crisis of credibility. On the one hand, the rhetoric of global neo-liberalism emphasises the ‘ungovernability’ of the global information infrastructure and the need to forsake interventionist approaches by nation-states. On the other, documents such as the Goldsworthy Report promote a supply-side economic nationalism, premised upon incentives to encourage new investment in the information and communications technology (ICT) sector. It is argued that national initiatives are important in a global information economy, but that the Goldsworthy Report's approach is flawed by its neglect of issues of consumer demand and equitable access. Consideration of these issues points to a need for a different vision of information policy, which stresses its social, cultural and community development aspect as well as economic outcomes.

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de Visser, Richard O., Paul B. Badcock, Judy M. Simpson, Andrew E. Grulich, Anthony M. A. Smith, Juliet Richters, and Chris Rissel. "Attitudes toward sex and relationships: the Second Australian Study of Health and Relationships." Sexual Health 11, no. 5 (2014): 397. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/sh14099.

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Background Attitudes towards sex and relationships influence laws about what is and is not permissible and social sanctions against behaviours considered unacceptable. They are an important focus for research given their links to sexual behaviour. The aim of the present study was to describe attitudes towards sex and relationships, to identify correlates of scores on a scale of sexual liberalism and to examine responses to jealousy-evoking scenarios among Australian adults. Methods: Computer-assisted landline and mobile telephone interviews were completed by a population-representative sample of 20 094 men and women aged 16–69 years. The overall participation rate among eligible people was 66.2%. Respondents expressed their agreement with 11 attitude statements, five of which formed a valid scale of liberalism, and also responded to a jealousy-evoking scenario. Results: There was general agreement that premarital sex was acceptable (87%), that sex was important for wellbeing (83%) and that sex outside a committed relationship was unacceptable (83%). Respondents were accepting of homosexual behaviour and abortion and few believed that sex education encouraged earlier sexual activity. More liberal attitudes were associated with: being female; speaking English at home; homosexual or bisexual identity; not being religious; greater education; and higher incomes. Respondents who expressed more liberal attitudes had more diverse patterns of sexual experience. Predicted sex differences were found in response to the jealousy-evoking scenario — men were more jealous of a partner having sex with someone else and women were more jealous of a partner forming an emotional attachment — but responses varied with age. Conclusion: Sexual attitudes of Australians largely support a permissive but monogamous paradigm. Since 2002, there has been a shift to less tolerance of sex outside a committed relationship, but greater acceptance of homosexual behaviour.

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Ian Tregenza. "Are We ‘All Socialists Now’? New Liberalism, State Socialism and the Australian Settlement." Labour History, no. 102 (2012): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5263/labourhistory.102.0087.

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Lavelle, Ashley. "Social Democrats and NEO-Liberalism: A Case Study of the Australian Labor Party." Political Studies 53, no. 4 (December 2005): 753–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2005.00555.x.

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Higgins, Vaughan. "Calculating climate: ‘advanced liberalism’ and the governing of risk in Australian drought policy." Journal of Sociology 37, no. 3 (September 2001): 299–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/144078301128756355.

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For most of last century, governments in Australia treated drought as a ‘natural disaster’, an event that could best be dealt with through public forms of financial assistance. However, following a Review of Natural Disaster Relief Arrangements in 1990, the official definition of drought was changed to a ‘manageable risk’ that farmers were seen to be able to predict and control through formal business planning techniques. Through the use of the literature on governmentality, this article argues that such a shift was of crucial significance in changing the rationalities and technologies of drought management. Farmers were, from this point, constituted as key agents in the management of risk. However, the article argues also that drought as a natural disaster was not completely abandoned and continues to remain important in defining the limits of drought as a managed risk, and in calling into question the capacities of farmers to plan for so-called exceptional events. This contestation of managed risk shows one of the ways in which advanced liberal forms of rule can be shaped in a ‘social’ manner.

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Larkin, Steve. "Race Blindness in Neo-Liberal and Managerial Approaches to Indigenous Administration." International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 36–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcis.v2i1.35.

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This essay briefly discusses neo-liberal approaches to the provision of social welfare, in synergy with reforms in public administration. It is the nuanced and dynamic interplay between these approaches that influences governance and business management activities of Indigenous community-controlled organisations within the Australian context. This paper draws on previous work identifying the racialised dimensions of neo-liberalism, in particular, how it constitutes and reflects non-Indigenous world thinking and logics for action designed specifically for the nonIndigenous political economy

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Forsyth, Anthony, and John Howe. "Reaching Across the Ditch? Similarities and Differences in the Trajectory of Australian and New Zealand Regulation of Collective Labour Relations 1988–2018." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 50, no. 2 (September 2, 2019): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v50i2.5743.

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This article compares the development of the law and policy relating to collective aspects of labour relations in Australia and New Zealand over the last 30 years, taking account of historical, social, economic and political context. During that period, there have been many shifts and turns in the direction of regulation, although developments in each country have mostly responded to the broader rise of neo-liberalism in economic and social policy. In this article we examine the differing workplace reform agendas of Labor/Labour and Coalition/National governments in these two countries, alongside the competing policy objectives of these reforms (deregulatory versus protective), and assess the extent to which these reforms have encouraged, undermined, or reflected a position of "state neutrality" toward collective bargaining. In making this assessment, we reflect on similarities and differences in the trajectory of Australian and New Zealand regulation of collective labour relations, and the level of influence that developments in each country has had on the other.

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McConaghy, Cathryn. "Bringing Knowledge to Truth: The Joke and Australian (In)Humanities." Australian Journal of Indigenous Education 34 (2005): 132–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1326011100004051.

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AbstractIn the formulation of new humanities – knowledge, truth and social action brought together in the defence of what makes us human in this place and time – there is also the need to identify the obstacles to honouring our humanity. This paper continues the task of critically examining contemporary forms of inhumanity, in this instance as perpetuated by a liberal Australian government against its citizens and others. Liberalism, by nature, enables the co-existence of contradictory practices that both protect and deny human rights and dignities. In psychoanalytic terms, the defence of liberties and its repressed other, the denial of them, are both present in such states. Because of their links with both the conscious and the unconscious, an analysis of jokes provides insights into these contradictory processes. The paper explores how both the humanities and the inhumanities are manifest variously in the joking behaviours of social groups.

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Yates, Charlolte A. B. "Neo-Liberalism and the Working Girl: The Dilemmas of Women and the Australian Union Movement." Economic and Industrial Democracy 17, no. 4 (November 1996): 627–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x96174005.

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Mendes, Philip. "Retrenching or renovating the Australian welfare state: the paradox of the Howard government's neo-liberalism." International Journal of Social Welfare 18, no. 1 (April 17, 2008): 102–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2397.2008.00569.x.

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Madsen, Virginia M. "‘We are all content makers now’: Losing form and sense at the ABC?" Australian Journalism Review 42, no. 2 (November 1, 2020): 243–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ajr_00038_1.

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This article considers the rise of discourses emerging with the digital ‘content revolution’ at the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC), in the context of severe budget cuts and restructures since the emergence of Brian Johns’ 1996 ‘One ABC’ policy. The article explores key decisions, rhetorics and thinking surrounding the radical dismembering of ABC’s unique ideas and cultural outlet Radio National (now ‘RN’) from 2012 onwards, as it was forced to jettison core parts of its programming and shed specialist and experienced staff. The article seeks to identify how – under the influence of an infectious complex of ideas and discourses associated with ‘digital convergence’, neo-liberalism and managerialism – conditions were in place that favoured the expansion of platform-agnostic journalism and of related topical ‘content’ across the ABC at the expense of other forms and understandings of this ‘rich mix’ network. Core aspects of the ‘project’ as it had evolved over decades were endangered and diluted. Drawing on important historical and comparative research, the article argues that RN is relinquishing its historic ‘special status’ as a media leader in ideas and cultural broadcasting in Australia.

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Mares, Peter. "Locating Temporary Migrants on the Map of Australian Democracy." Migration, Mobility, & Displacement 3, no. 1 (August 24, 2017): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.18357/mmd31201717071.

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This article asks whether there should be a limit on the number of years that a temporary migrant can reside in Australia before either being granted permanent residence or required to depart.<br />Temporary migration on the scale now experienced in Australia is a relatively recent phenomenon that contrasts strongly with the established pattern of permanent settler migration that characterised Australia in the 20th Century. As a result, the question of whether or not there should be a limit to temporariness has not yet been addressed in public policy debates.<br />Drawing on the approach of Jospeh H. Carens (2013), I take Australia’s self-definition as a liberal democracy as a standard to which the nation sees itself as ethically and politically accountable. I argue that a commitment to liberal democracy renders a purely contractual approach to migration invalid—more specifically, a migrant’s consent to the terms of a temporary visa does not provide sufficient ethical grounds to extend that temporary status indefinitely. Moving beyond a contractual approach to consider whether current temporary migration arrangements are consistent with the principles of representative democracy raises debates within liberalism, particularly between cosmopolitan and communitarian perspectives. I argue that practical policy must reconcile these cosmopolitan and communitarian positions. I consider, but reject, the option of strictly time-limited temporary visas that would require migrants to depart after a set number of years and instead recommend a pathway to permanent residence based on duration of stay.

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Gannon, Susanne, Marnina Gonick, and Jo Lampert. "“Old-Fashioned and Forward-Looking”: Neo-Liberalism and Nostalgia in the Daring Books for Girls." Jeunesse: Young People, Texts, Cultures 4, no. 1 (June 2012): 85–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jeunesse.4.1.85.

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In this paper, we examine The Daring Book for Girls and its follow-ups for their constructions of gender. We suggest that, as examples of how neo-liberalism finds its way into notions of proper girlhood, the books provide intentional and unintentional “lessons” to their readers in how to perform themselves in these times. In both the American and the Australian edition of the initial text, girls are instructed in complex ways to be the right kind of girl: enterprising with a do-it-yourself (DIY) attitude, tolerant of diversity, and nature-loving. Through the constructions of girls as “good citizens” by rules and strict boundaries, the books present to readers a highly nostalgic version of girlhood while simultaneously serving as a pedagogical manual for neo-liberal times.

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Lloyd, Christopher, and Tony Ramsay. "Resisting neo-liberalism, reclaiming democracy? 21st-century organised labour beyond Polanyi and Streeck." Economic and Labour Relations Review 28, no. 1 (February 14, 2017): 129–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1035304617693800.

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Despite its greatly weakened condition, could organised labour again be counter-hegemonic to and ultimately transformative of capitalism? Or is the current crisis, a crisis of collapse of manufacturing and wages and under-consumption due to the loss of redistributive power by key socio-political agents, possibly the final crisis of unionism, as argued by Wolfgang Streeck? Some on the political left, such as Streeck, argue that a new phase has been reached where redistributive and oppositional power of organised labour has been not just defeated but destroyed, with enormous consequences for the future of workers and capitalism itself. This article rejects such an overly pessimistic interpretation and asks what the possibility is of the labour movement’s again playing its historic role of transforming capitalism. It explores the potential role of organised labour in re-embedding the economy within democratic society, as Karl Polanyi argued, and building a socio-economic structure that is both stable and enhancing of social and environmental health. This problem is approached through a critique of the theories of Polanyi and Streeck and an examination of the unfortunate embrace of labourism and accommodation to neo-liberalism in the Australian labour movement.

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Marsh, Ian. "Neo-Liberalism and the Decline of Democratic Governance in Australia: A Problem of Institutional Design?" Political Studies 53, no. 1 (March 2005): 22–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2005.00515.x.

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This paper is a preliminary attempt to evaluate changing patterns of democratic governance, at least in Westminster-style parliamentary settings, and possibly more generally. It has two specific purposes: first, to propose a paradigm for evaluating the empirical evolution of democratic governance; and second, to illustrate the explanatory potential of this paradigm through a mini-case study of changing patterns of governance in one particular polity. The conceptual framework is drawn from March and Olsen's eponymous study (1995) from which polar (‘thick’ and ‘thin’) forms of democratic governance are derived. Four conjectures about its evolution are then explored. First, in its mass party phase, the pattern of democratic governance approximated the ‘thick’ pole. Second, the subsequent evolution of democratic politics has been in the direction of the ‘thin’ (minimalist or populist) pole. Third, the cause of this shift was a failure to adapt political institutions to changing citizen identities, which was masked by the ascendancy amongst political elites of the neo-liberal account of governance. Fourth, the paper considers the means by which democratic governance might be renewed. The approach is applied to explain changes in Australian politics over recent decades.

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Millner, Jacqueline. "Caring through art: Reimagining value as political practice." Art & the Public Sphere 8, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 163–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/aps_00014_1.

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Recent feminist critiques of neo-liberalism have argued for care as an alternative structuring principle for political systems in crisis and have proposed that the transformation of the existing capitalist order demands the abolition of the (gendered) hierarchy between ‘care’ ‐ the activities of social reproduction that nurture individuals and sustain social bonds ‐ and economic production. Key to answering what it might mean for care to become the central concern or core process of politics is imagining alternatives outside deeply ingrained and guarded conventions. It is in this imagining that artists have much to contribute, more so still because for many artists, maintaining a practice in neo-liberal contexts demands nurturing collectivities, sensitivities and resourcefulness ‐ essential aspects of care. By focusing on recent Australian examples, this article examines what role artists can play in engaging with, interpreting or enacting care in practices ‐ such as works of self-care, care for country and the environment, care for material culture and heritage, care for institutions and processes, and care for others ‐ which might help forge an alternative ethics in the age of neo-liberalism. This exploration is driven by the need for a contemporary values revolution as we ‐ as a species, as a planet ‐ face existential threats including climate emergency and terminal inequality. Can art be a generative site to work towards alternative ethics that privilege trans-subjective relations predicated on attentiveness and tending, on spending time, on holding space?

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Löfgren, Hans. "The economic crisis, the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme, and the dilemmas of medicines policy." Australian Health Review 33, no. 2 (2009): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah090171.

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AS THIS SPECIAL ISSUE of Australian Health Review was finalised, the media reported daily on the global financial debacle and its deepening into a crisis in the real economy. The causes of the crisis are hazy ? but its impact, across the globe, on people?s lives is real and distressing. Many people are affected by worsening poverty and deteriorating access to health services and medicinal drugs. In the United States, unemployment often means the loss of health insurance, reinforcing risks of financial and social disaster for many families who would have previously considered themselves comfortable middle class. For those lucky enough to retain jobs, the cost of health insurance may rapidly become unaffordable; ?Healthcare a Budget-Buster for Families; Even County?s Middle Class Can?t Afford It?, ran a typical recent headline in a non-metropolitan newspaper.1 Even before the present crisis, tens of millions of Americans were excluded from health insurance. Those not excluded pay premiums to insurance companies that spend vast resources trying to insure the healthy, avoid the sick, and deny payment for claims wherever possible. Gaining power partly on a wave of resentment against the excesses of neo-liberalism, President Barak Obama has promised public health insurance for those not otherwise covered. Should this reform be successfully implemented, it will belatedly bring to US citizens a level of security approximating what Australians, and many Europeans, have had for decades.

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Russell, Cherie, Mark Lawrence, Katherine Cullerton, and Phillip Baker. "The political construction of public health nutrition problems: a framing analysis of parliamentary debates on junk-food marketing to children in Australia." Public Health Nutrition 23, no. 11 (January 17, 2020): 2041–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1368980019003628.

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AbstractObjective:Junk-food marketing contributes significantly to childhood obesity, which in turn imposes major health and economic burdens. Despite this, political priority for addressing junk-food marketing has been weak in many countries. Competing interests, worldviews and beliefs of stakeholders involved with the issue contribute to this political inertia. An integral group of actors for driving policy change are parliamentarians, who champion policy and enact legislation. However, how parliamentarians interpret and portray (i.e. frame) the causes and solutions of public health nutrition problems is poorly understood. The present study aimed to understand how Australian parliamentarians from different political parties frame the problem of junk-food marketing.Design:Framing analysis of transcripts from the Australian Government’s Parliamentary Hansard, involving development of a theoretical framework, data collection, coding transcripts and thematic synthesis of results.Settings:Australia.Participants:None.Results:Parliamentarian framing generally reflected political party ideology. Liberal parliamentarians called for minimal government regulation and greater personal responsibility, reflecting the party’s core values of liberalism and neoliberalism. Greens parliamentarians framed the issue as systemic, highlighting the need for government intervention and reflecting the core party value of social justice. Labor parliamentarians used both frames at varying times.Conclusions:Parliamentarians’ framing was generally consistent with their party ideology, though subject to changes over time. This project provides insights into the role of framing and ideology in shaping public health policy responses and may inform communication strategies for nutrition advocates. Advocates might consider using frames that resonate with the ideologies of different political parties and adapting these over time.

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Arab, Zainab. "‘When Have Dolce and Gabbana Ever Cared about the Hijab?’ Social Media, Fashion and Australian Muslim Women’s Perceptions and Expression of Hijab." Religions 13, no. 11 (November 17, 2022): 1115. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13111115.

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The scale of the representation of the Islamic head covering has increased exponentially over the last decade because of a range of factors, including growth in the modest fashion business sector and increased visibility of Muslim women in hijab in the public space. Social media has played a big role in changing perceptions of the Islamic head covering, via promotion and advertising. Meanwhile, the mainstream fashion industry has included options targeting the modest Muslim female market further, adding to changes in the representation and perception of the hijab. This research will examine the impact of social media and mainstream retail on Australian Muslim women’s perceptions and expressions of hijab. Using interviews and online surveys it explores the links between the fashion industry, social media, and changes in how Muslim women view the hijab. The majority of Australian Muslim women spoken to followed various hijabi bloggers or influencers although only a small proportion adopted recommendations from these hijabi bloggers or influencers (such as purchasing products, or incorporating suggestions on modest clothing or modest style trends). They believed migration, liberalism, social media marketing, and the inclusion of Muslim women in mainstream fashion has contributed to a form of commodification and commercialisation of the hijab. Furthermore, using hijab models as promotional tools to market the products, as well as the use of social media bloggers and influencers to represent them was perceived as tokenistic and disingenuous.

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Whitaker, Louise, Fiona L. Smith, Catherine Brasier, Melissa Petrakis, and Lisa Brophy. "Engaging with Transformative Paradigms in Mental Health." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, no. 18 (September 9, 2021): 9504. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18189504.

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When graduates of Australian social work courses embark on a career in mental health, the systems they enter are complex, fragmented and evolving. Emerging practitioners will commonly be confronted by the loneliness, social exclusion, poverty and prejudice experienced by people living with mental distress; however, social work practice may not be focused on these factors. Instead, in accordance with the dominant biomedical perspective, symptom and risk management may predominate. Frustration with the limitations evident in this approach has seen the United Nations call for the transformation of mental health service delivery. Recognising paradigmatic influences on mental health social work may lead to a more considered enactment of person centred, recovery and rights-based approaches. This paper compares and contrasts influences of neo-liberalism, critical theory, human rights and post-structuralism on mental health social work practice. In preparing social work practitioners to recognise the influence of, and work more creatively with, intersecting paradigms, social work educators strive to foster a transformative approach to mental health practice that straddles discourses.

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Grimshaw, Patricia. "“That we may obtain our religious liberty…”: Aboriginal Women, Faith and Rights in Early Twentieth Century Victoria, Australia*." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 19, no. 2 (July 23, 2009): 24–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/037747ar.

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Abstract The paper, focused on a few years at the end of the First World War, explores the request of a group of Aborigines in the Australian state of Victoria for freedom of religion. Given that the colony and now state of Victoria had been a stronghold of liberalism, the need for Indigenous Victorians to petition for the removal of outside restrictions on their religious beliefs or practices might seem surprising indeed. But with a Pentecostal revival in train on the mission stations to which many Aborigines were confined, members of the government agency, the Board for the Protection of the Aborigines, preferred the decorum of mainstream Protestant church services to potentially unsettling expressions of charismatic and experiential spirituality. The circumstances surrounding the revivalists’ resistance to the restriction of Aboriginal Christians’ choice of religious expression offer insight into the intersections of faith and gender within the historically created relations of power in this colonial site. Though the revival was extinguished, it stood as a notable instance of Indigenous Victorian women deploying the language of Christian human rights to assert the claims to just treatment and social justice that would characterize later successful Indigenous activism.

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Jakubowicz, Andrew Henry. "Alt_Right White Lite: Trolling, Hate Speech and Cyber Racism on Social Media." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 9, no. 3 (December 1, 2017): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v9i3.5655.

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The rapid growth of race hate speech on the Internet seems to have overwhelmed the capacity of states, corporations or civil society to limit its spread and impact. Yet by understanding how the political economy of the Internet facilitates racism it is possible to chart strategies that might push back on its negative social effects. Only by involving the state, economy and civil society at both the global level, and locally, can such a process begin to develop an effective ‘civilising’ dynamic. However neo-liberalism and democratic license may find such an exercise ultimately overwhelmingly challenging, especially if the fundamental logical drivers that underpin the business model of the Internet cannot be transformed. This article charts the most recent rise and confusion of the Internet under the impact of the Alt-Right and other racist groups, focusing on an Australian example that demonstrates the way in which a group could manipulate the contradictions of the Internet with some success. Using an analytical model developed to understand the political economy and sociology of mass media power in the later stages of modernity, before the Internet, the author offers a series of proposals on how to address racism on the Internet.

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Abdullah, Muhammad. "No Sex In The City and Postfeminist Discursivity from Arab Diaspora." Pakistan Journal of Women's Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 25, no. 2 (December 19, 2018): 77–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.46521/pjws.025.02.0047.

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The novel No Sex in the City by Randa Abdel-Fattah juxtaposes Islamic progressive and Western secular viewpoints on dating culture, relationships, sex, and marriage. The patterns of halal1dates are described in a light-hearted, yet meaningful tone. These are religio-culturally appropriate ways of approaching prospective life partners, where the agency of final decision, in most cases, is with the participants. Instead of being defensive or apologetic about Islamic traditions and values, Abdel-Fattah vocalizes them in a rational way through the lead lady, Esma. The protagonist, Esma, is an Australian Muslim with Turkish roots. Muslim diaspora in the West is in the middle of the continuum from liberalism to conservatism. Despite living in a non-Islamic culture, followers of Islamic ideology are connected through a shared culture driven by Islam. Faith-based practices are beyond any geographical bindings. So, for Muslims, wherever they may live, there are similarities in the way they conduct their lives. In fact, the blurring of boundaries between religious and cultural is minimal in diaspora Muslim communities. Abdel-Fattah has delicately balanced secular and religious in this work where freedom and right to exercise choice wins at the end. Pleasantly, these women possess sensual sensitivities and affectionate desires, but Saudi/Islamic sensibilities obligate them to tie the marriage knot before pursuing any physical pursuits. This in no way incapacitates them from loving men, but rather appropriates the meaning of love in an Islamic framework. The diversity of situations and respective choices made by these girls during the novel also allude to the socio-cultural dynamics, patterns, and matrimonial preferences of Saudi women.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Australian liberalism'

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