Relevant bibliographies by topics / Australian Labor Party policy

Academic literature on the topic 'Australian Labor Party policy'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 20 February 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Australian Labor Party policy"

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Quirk, Victor. "The light on the hill and the ‘right to work’." Economic and Labour Relations Review 29, no. 4 (December 2018): 459–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1035304618817413.

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In 1945 the Curtin Labor Government declared it had the capacity and responsibility to permanently eliminate the blight of unemployment from the lives of Australians in its White Paper ‘Full Employment in Australia’. This was the culmination of a century of struggle to establish the ‘right to work’, once a key objective of the 19th century labour movement. Deeply resented and long resisted by employer groups, the policy was abandoned in the mid-1970s, without an electoral mandate. Although the Australian Labor Party and union movement urged public vigilance to preserve full employment during 23 years of Liberal rule, after 1978 they quietly dropped the policy as the Australian Labor Party turned increasingly to corporate donors for the money they needed to stay electorally competitive. While few leading lights of today’s Labor movement care to discuss it, it is right that Australians celebrate this bold statement of our right to work, and the 30 years of full employment it heralded. JEL Codes: P16, P35, N37
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Filus, Adam. "Stosunek rządu Australii do nielegalnej migracji w latach 1996–2018." Poliarchia 6, no. 1(10) (September 26, 2019): 49–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/poliarchia.06.2018.10.03.

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Australian Governments’ Stance on Illegal Immigration in 1996–2018 Australia is well known for its strict immigration policy. It results from the country’s constant struggle with the flow of illegal migrants, brought to Australian shores through human smuggling. The author analyses immigration policies of five Prime Ministers representing two major Australian parties: the Liberal Party of Australia and the Australian Labor Party. Starting with the premiership of John Howard (1996–2007), and ending with Malcolm Turnbull’s era (2015– –2018), the author examines the situation of illegal immigrants in Australia and changes in immigration and asylum policies.
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Foley, Meraiah, Sue Williamson, and Sarah Mosseri. "Women, work and industrial relations in Australia in 2019." Journal of Industrial Relations 62, no. 3 (March 18, 2020): 365–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185620909402.

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Interest in women’s labour force participation, economic security and pay equity received substantial media and public policy attention throughout 2019, largely attributable to the federal election and the Australian Labor Party platform, which included a comprehensive suite of policies aimed at advancing workplace gender equality. Following the Australian Labor Party’s unexpected loss at the polls, however, workplace gender equality largely faded from the political agenda. In this annual review, we cover key gender equality indicators in Australia, examine key election promises made by both major parties, discuss the implications of the Royal Commission into Aged Care Quality and Safety for the female-dominated aged care workforce, and provide a gendered analysis on recent debates and developments surrounding the ‘future of work’ in Australia.
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Minas, John, Youngdeok Lim, Chris Evans, and François Vaillancourt. "Policy Forum: The Australian Experience with Preferential Capital Gains Tax Treatment—Possible Lessons for Canada." Canadian Tax Journal/Revue fiscale canadienne 69, no. 4 (2021): 1213–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.32721/ctj.2021.69.4.pf.minas.

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This article compares the preferential tax treatment of capital gains in Australia and in Canada, with a view to determining whether there are any lessons from the Australian experience that may be of relevance to Canada. The tax treatment of capital gains is similar in the two jurisdictions in that both apply a 50 percent inclusion rate or the equivalent. Several aspects of the taxation of capital gains in Australia might be considered cautionary from the Canadian perspective. The Australian experience indicates that winning support for an increase in the capital gains inclusion rate can prove difficult, as demonstrated by the unsuccessful proposal by the Australian Labor Party, during the 2019 federal election campaign, to effectively raise the inclusion rate to 75 percent.
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Ashley Lavelle. "‘Conflicts of Loyalty’: The Australian Labor Party and Uranium Policy, 1976-82." Labour History, no. 102 (2012): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.5263/labourhistory.102.0177.

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YUAN, Jingdong. "Australia–China Relations at 50." East Asian Policy 14, no. 02 (April 2022): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000149.

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Australia–China relations are at a turning point 50 years after diplomatic recognition. While the past five decades have witnessed extensive growth in economic exchanges, in recent years, bilateral ties have experienced serious deterioration. Australia’s alliance with the United States, domestic politics—in particular the two major parties’ approaches to foreign policy—and economic interdependence are important variables in Canberra’s approach to China. There will be no exception for the incoming Australian Labor Party government to deal with these.
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Battin, Tim. "Labouring under neoliberalism: The Australian Labor government’s ideological constraint, 2007–2013." Economic and Labour Relations Review 28, no. 1 (January 23, 2017): 146–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1035304616687951.

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When viewed against its ostensibly successful management of the global economic crisis between 2008 and 2013, growing electoral disenchantment with the Australian Labor Party government during that time defied standard explanations and calls for further analysis. A major reason for the party’s electoral loss in 2013 was arguably popular disappointment with its eschewal of social democratic principles. Notwithstanding some progressive measures initiated between 2008 and 2013, successive Australian Labor Party governments were constrained by neoliberal strictures, even when they chose to implement progressive policies. Whatever other reasons exist for its decline in popularity between 2007 and 2013, the Australian Labor Party’s unwillingness or inability to mark out a clear alternative to neoliberalism was fundamental. In making this case, this article uses the conceptual framework of ‘depoliticisation’, defined as the displacement of policy decisions from the sphere of democratic accountability and public debate, making them matters for regulation by technocratic experts operating according to supposed edicts of the market. JEL codes: A14, B59
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Craig, Lyn, Killian Mullan, and Megan Blaxland. "Parenthood, policy and work-family time in Australia 1992—2006." Work, Employment and Society 24, no. 1 (March 2010): 27–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017009353778.

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This article explores how having children impacted upon (a) paid work, domestic work and childcare (total workload) and (b) the gender division of labour in Australia over a 15-year period during which government changed from the progressive Labor Party to the socially conservative National/Liberal Party Coalition. It describes changes and continuity in government policies and rhetoric about work, family and gender issues and trends in workforce participation. Data from three successive nationally representative Time Use Surveys (1992, 1997 and 2006), N=3846, are analysed. The difference between parents’ and non-parents’ total workload grew substantially under both governments, especially for women. In households with children there was a nascent trend to gender convergence in paid and unpaid work under Labor, which reversed under the Coalition.
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Helmiyana, Nurlaily. "Analisis Kebijakan Kevin Rudd terkait Pencari Suaka di Australia dalam PNG Solutions." Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik 12, no. 2 (July 13, 2020): 114–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.32734/politeia.v12i2.3918.

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Papua New Guinea Solution is a bilateral relationship between Australia under Prime Minister Kevin Rudd and Papua New Guinea regarding anti-resettlement conducted by people who want to access Australia and obtain refugee status by boat. This solution was taken after Kevin Rudd who came from the Australian Labor Party sent Pacific Solutions which had been used during Prime Minister Howard's administration. The difference in efforts to overcome the arrival of aid can be seen by using the Bureaucratic Model in its analysis. This effort was carried out with the aim of securing Australia. The problem is that Australia ratified the 1951 Refugees conference. The essence of PNG Solutions is individuals or groups who come to Australia who can pass Australia, and without a visa and a clear identity are not allowed into Australia and will be sent in Papua New Guinea. Australia's national interests can hurt ratified conventions. This study uses a qualitative method using secondary resources, and analysis uses the concept of securitization and uses Barry Buzan's research in his book People, State, and Fear. Then the policy analysis is taken by Prime Minister Rudd by using the Bureaucratic Model due to bargaining in Australia's domestic politics. Keywords: PNG Solutions, Asylum Seeker, Australia’s Foreign Policy
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Benvenuti, Andrea, and David Martin Jones. "With Friends Like These: Australia, the United States, and Southeast Asian Détente." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 2 (May 2019): 27–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00876.

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A generation of scholars has depicted the premiership of Labor Party leader Gough Whitlam as a watershed in Australian foreign policy. According to the prevailing consensus, Whitlam carved out a more independent and progressive role in international affairs without significantly endangering relations with Western-aligned states in East and Southeast Asia or with Australia's traditionally closest allies, the United States and the United Kingdom. This article takes issue with these views and offers a more skeptical assessment of Whitlam's diplomacy and questions his handling of Australia's alliance with the United States. In doing so, it shows that Whitlam, in his eagerness to embrace détente, reject containment, and project an image of an allegedly more progressive and independent Australia, in fact exacerbated tensions with Richard Nixon's Republican administration and caused disquiet among Southeast Asian countries that were aligned with or at least friendly toward the West.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Australian Labor Party policy"

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Faulkner, Xandra Madeleine, and n/a. "The Spirit of Accommodation: The Influence of the ALP's National Factions on Party Policy, 1996-2004." Griffith University. Griffith Business School, 2006. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20070216.133604.

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This thesis explores the influence of the Australian Labor Party's (ALP's) national factions on Party policy. The specific emphasis is on policy development during Labor's 1996-2004 period in opposition. Through a total of 88 interviews, predominantly with members of Caucus including Kim Beazley, Simon Crean and Mark Latham, this thesis has been able to examine not only the formal policy development processes but, significantly, also the informal processes within the Party. The thesis begins with an overview of the national factions' organisation and operations in relation to policy development in both the organisational and parliamentary wings. It concentrates on exploring how the informal processes of the faction system dominate the formal Party structures, and demonstrates how the factional elite control these decision-making forums. The thesis then concentrates on analysing in-depth the factional influences on policies developed within the Immigration, Trade and Family and Community Services portfolios. These case studies were selected because they provoked debate, to varying degrees, in the Party. An understanding of how consensus was reached among the diverse perspectives, particularly between the factions, within the Party is critical to exploring the relationship between the national factions and policy development. The case studies cover a range of policy development modes, and therefore provide ample opportunity to explore factional dynamics in relation to policy formulation under different circumstances throughout the 1996-2004 period. This thesis utilises Arend Lijphart's theory of the Politics of Accommodation, which was originally developed to explain inter-party negotiations within the Dutch coalition government during the twentieth century. This theory is relevant to the study of the ALP's modern factions because, similar to the Dutch political system, the faction system operates on the power-sharing principle of proportional representation (PR). By applying Lijphart's theoretical framework, this thesis provides a rigorous and comprehensive analysis of the ALP's factional dynamics in relation to policy. It gives an in-depth analysis of the elite control of the faction system in the domain of policy development. It demonstrates that faction leaders resolve contentious policy issues by negotiating in a 'spirit of accommodation' and when the factions adopt a policy position, the unwritten rules of the 'factional game' are applied to ensure the national factions reach a consensus on Party policy. Given that the national factions compete for power and sometimes pursue a different set of policy objectives, this 'spirit of accommodation' appears to be paradoxical; this palliative application of factional power is arguably in contrast to the general perception of faction politics. Through the presentation and analysis of original primary data this thesis makes a valuable contribution to the study of the ALP and factions in general, significantly advancing existing knowledge.
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Faulkner, Xandra Madeleine. "The Spirit of Accommodation: The Influence of the ALP's National Factions on Party Policy, 1996-2004." Thesis, Griffith University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366353.

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This thesis explores the influence of the Australian Labor Party's (ALP's) national factions on Party policy. The specific emphasis is on policy development during Labor's 1996-2004 period in opposition. Through a total of 88 interviews, predominantly with members of Caucus including Kim Beazley, Simon Crean and Mark Latham, this thesis has been able to examine not only the formal policy development processes but, significantly, also the informal processes within the Party. The thesis begins with an overview of the national factions' organisation and operations in relation to policy development in both the organisational and parliamentary wings. It concentrates on exploring how the informal processes of the faction system dominate the formal Party structures, and demonstrates how the factional elite control these decision-making forums. The thesis then concentrates on analysing in-depth the factional influences on policies developed within the Immigration, Trade and Family and Community Services portfolios. These case studies were selected because they provoked debate, to varying degrees, in the Party. An understanding of how consensus was reached among the diverse perspectives, particularly between the factions, within the Party is critical to exploring the relationship between the national factions and policy development. The case studies cover a range of policy development modes, and therefore provide ample opportunity to explore factional dynamics in relation to policy formulation under different circumstances throughout the 1996-2004 period. This thesis utilises Arend Lijphart's theory of the Politics of Accommodation, which was originally developed to explain inter-party negotiations within the Dutch coalition government during the twentieth century. This theory is relevant to the study of the ALP's modern factions because, similar to the Dutch political system, the faction system operates on the power-sharing principle of proportional representation (PR). By applying Lijphart's theoretical framework, this thesis provides a rigorous and comprehensive analysis of the ALP's factional dynamics in relation to policy. It gives an in-depth analysis of the elite control of the faction system in the domain of policy development. It demonstrates that faction leaders resolve contentious policy issues by negotiating in a 'spirit of accommodation' and when the factions adopt a policy position, the unwritten rules of the 'factional game' are applied to ensure the national factions reach a consensus on Party policy. Given that the national factions compete for power and sometimes pursue a different set of policy objectives, this 'spirit of accommodation' appears to be paradoxical; this palliative application of factional power is arguably in contrast to the general perception of faction politics. Through the presentation and analysis of original primary data this thesis makes a valuable contribution to the study of the ALP and factions in general, significantly advancing existing knowledge.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Business School
Griffith Business School
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Economou, Nicholas. "Greening the Commonwealth : the Australian Labor Party government's management of national environmental politics, 1983-1996 /." Connect to thesis, 1998. http://eprints.unimelb.edu.au/archive/00000333.

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Henehan, Kathleen. "Whose party? Whose interests? : childcare policy, electoral imperative and organisational reform within the US Democrats, Australian Labor Party and Britain's New Labour." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1070/.

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The US Democrats, Australian Labor Party and British Labour Party adopted the issue of childcare assistance for middle-income families as both a campaign and as a legislative issue decades apart from one and other, despite similar rates of female employment. The varied timing of parties’ policy adoption is also uncorrelated with labour shortages, union density and female trade union membership. However, it is correlated with two politically-charged factors: first, each party adopted childcare policy as their rate of ‘organised female labour mobilisation’ (union density interacted with female trade union membership) reached its country-level peak; second, each party adopted the issue within the broader context of post-industrial electoral change, when shifts in both class and gender-based party-voter linkages dictated that the centre-left could no longer win elections by focusing largely on a male, blue-collar base. Were these parties driven to promote childcare in response to the changing needs of their traditional affiliates (unions), or was policy adoption an outcome of autonomous party elites in search of a new electoral constituency? Using both qualitative and quantitative techniques, this research analyses the correlates of policy adoption and the specific mechanisms through which party position change on the issue took place (e.g. legislator conversion versus legislator turnover). It finds that parties largely adopted the issue as a means to make strategic electoral appeals to higher-educated, post-materialist and in particular, female voters. However, the speed in which they were able to make these appeals (and hence, the time at which they adopted the issue) was contingent on the speed in which elites were able to reform their party’s internal organisation and specifically, wrest power away from both the unions and rank-and-file members in order to centralise decision making power on election campaigns, executive appointments and candidate selection processes into the hands of the leadership.
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Orchard, Lionel. "Whitlam and the cities : urban and regional policy and social democratic reform." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1987. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pho641.pdf.

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Kuhn, Rick. "Paradise on the instalment plan: the economic thought of the Australian labour movement between the depression and the long boom." Phd thesis, http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1271, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/7450.

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The period between the depression of the 1930s and the long post-war boom saw the development of the contemporary shape of the labour movement's economic thought, with its dichotomy between moderate and left nationalist currents. This development is examined in terms of the nature of the main organisations of the labour movement, economic conditions, the ideological proclivities of different classes and the levelof the class struggle. The main areas of economic thought examined are theories of Australia's place in the world economy, the class anatomy of Australian capitalism and of economic crises. During the late 1930s laborites continued to express a longstanding commitment to national development through tariff protection and wariness of overseas loans. Moderate ideas of the possibilities for overcoming class conflicts increasingly displaced radical Money Power theory after the depression. While monetary and real underconsumptionism continued to be the main explanations of economic crises offered by laborites, both ALP politicians and union officials became aware of Keynesian economics and the legitimacy it provided for longstanding Labor policies. The advent of the Popular Front period in the international communist movement saw the Communist Party of Australia move from a revolutionary internationalist towards a politically more conservative left nationalist position, sharing assumptions with Money Power theorists, despite the rise in the level of industrial struggle. The Communist conviction in radical underconsumptionist theory of inevitable economic crises began to weaken. World War II and the advent of the Curtin Government saw the leadership of the ALP embrace Keynesian economics and its priorities. This was expressed in both foreign economic and domestic policies, but was qualified by a keen appreciation of the requirements of the Australian economy for both protection and foreign markets and the level of the class struggle. The promotion of Keynesian ideas and divisions in the labour movement was successful after 1947 in countering working class militancy. While retaining a fervent nationalism the Communist Party's policies shifted after the War from strong support for the Government during the War to a very radical and anti-American position after 1947. Bolstered by a return to radical underconsumptionism and a focus on the conspiratorial role of the Collins House monopolists, the Party believed it could challenge the authority of the ALP and the Chifley Government, on the basis of working class industrial struggles. But the Communist Party made its attempt when the level of united struggle was already in decline. Between 1949 and 1952 the balance of class forces shifted sharply in favour of capital. Moderate laborites have continued to accept the main propositions of orthodox economics, while the bulk of the left in the labour movement has been nationalist and, after the Communist Party's break with Moscow, committed to a version of Keynesian economics. Although the adequacy of both approaches to working class interests is in doubt and they have not consistently promoted its struggles, their hegemony over the labour movement has not prevented the emergence of militant working class action.
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Robinson, Geoffrey 1963. "How Labor governed : social structures and the formation of public policy during the New South Wales Lang government of November 1930 to May 1932." Monash University, Dept. of History, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9164.

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Johnson, Carol. "Social harmony and Australian labor : the ideology of the Curtin, Chifley and Whitlam Labor governments /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1986. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phj659.pdf.

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Pippos, Angela. "A century of subordination : women in the Australian Labor Party /." Title page and contents only, 1990. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arp665.pdf.

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Thornton, Harold James. "Socialism at work? : Queensland Labor in office, 1915-1957 /." Title page, abstract and contents only, 1986. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pht5135.pdf.

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Books on the topic "Australian Labor Party policy"

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Latham, Mark. Civilising global capital: New thinking for Australian labor. St Leonards, Australia: Allen & Unwin, 1998.

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Robinson, Geoff. When the labor party dreams: Class, politics, and policy in NSW, 1930-32. North Melbourne, Vic: Australian Scholarly Pub., 2008.

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When the labor party dreams: Class, politics, and policy in NSW, 1930-32. North Melbourne, Vic: Australian Scholarly Pub., 2008.

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Geoffrey, Castles Francis, Gerritsen Rolf 1947-, and Vowles Jack 1950-, eds. The great experiment: Labour parties and public policy transformation in Australia and New Zealand. St. Leonards, NSW, Australia: Allen & Unwin, 1996.

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1921-2015, Uren Tom, ed. The fight. Camberwell East, Vic: One Day Hill, 2006.

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Business mates: The power and politics of the Hawke era. New York: Prentice Hall, 1991.

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Latham, Mark. From the suburbs: Building a nation from our neighbourhoods. Annandale, N.S.W: Pluto Press, 2003.

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The longest decade. Carlton North, Vic: Scribe Publications, 2008.

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Michelle, Grattan, ed. Managing government: Labor's achievements & failures. Melbourne, Australia: Longman Cheshire, 1993.

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Whitfield, Keith. The Australian labour market. 2nd ed. Pymble, NSW: HarperEducational, 1996.

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Book chapters on the topic "Australian Labor Party policy"

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Jaensch, Dean. "The Australian Labor Party." In The Politics of Australia, 214–48. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-15148-6_9.

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Schulman, Jason. "The Australian Labor Party." In Neoliberal Labour Governments and the Union Response, 65–88. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137303172_4.

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Lucy, Richard. "The Australian Labor Party: The light on the Hill." In The Australian Form of Government, 7–42. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-78740-1_2.

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Parr, Ben L. "The Gillard Labor Government (including Rudd 2013)." In Australian Climate Policy and Diplomacy, 25–74. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2020. |: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429451195-5.

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Shadymanova, Jarkyn, and Sarah Amsler. "Institutional Strategies of Higher Education Reform in Post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan: Differentiating to Survive Between State and Market." In Palgrave Studies in Global Higher Education, 229–57. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-52980-6_9.

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AbstractBetween 1991 and today, the Soviet system of state-funded and Communist Party controlled higher education institutions (HEIs) in Kyrgyzstan has been transformed into an expansive, diverse, unequal, semiprivatized and marketized higher education landscape. Drawing on national and international indicators of higher education in Kyrgyzstan and data about the history and substance of these changes in policy and legislation, this chapter examines key factors which have shaped patterns of institutional differentiation and diversification during this period. These include the historical legacies of Soviet educational infrastructures, new legal and political frameworks for HE governance and finance, changes to regulations for the licensing of institutions and academic credentials, the introduction of multinational policy agendas for higher education in the Central Asian region, changes in the relationship between higher education and labor, the introduction of a national university admissions examination, and the adoption of certain principles of the European Bologna Process. The picture of HE reform that emerges from this analysis is one in which concurrent processes of diversification and homogenization are not driven wholly by either state regulation or forces of market competition, but mediated by universities’ strategic negotiations of these forces in the context of historical institutional formations in Kyrgyzstan.
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Malcolm, Elizabeth, and Dianne Hall. "Catholic Irish Australia and the Labor Movement." In Frontiers of Labor. University of Illinois Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041839.003.0008.

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The Australian and American labor movements attracted the support of many Irish Catholic immigrants. Yet in Australia, the relationship between the Catholic community and organized labor was never an easy one. State funding of church schools was a perennial problem: Catholic leaders demanded it, while the Australian Labor Party (ALP) equivocated over the issue. This chapter investigates two further issues that also seriously tested the relationship: one involving race, the other nationalism. In the 1890s, the labor movement supported a ban on “colored” immigration, yet the Catholic Church aspired to play a leading role in missions to China. In debates around immigration restriction, Cardinal Moran of Sydney therefore sought to avoid offending the Chinese by attacking instead British attempts to dictate Australia’s immigration policy. During World War I, the ALP, which supported Britain and the empire, found the rise of anti-British republicanism in Ireland a difficult issue to manage. As a result, although sympathetic to Irish grievances, labor newspapers were very selective in their reporting and sought to impose a class, rather than a nationalist, interpretation on events. In both these cases conflict was contained, and it was not until the 1950s that a major split involving Catholics and the ALP occurred, this time over the issue of communism.
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Crowley, Kate, and Cath Hughes. "Minority Government in Australia." In Minority Governments in Comparative Perspective, 283–305. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192871657.003.0014.

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Abstract In Australia’s two-party dominant Westminster system, federal minority government is rare, however this chapter argues that, as the two-party vote declines, there will be more frequent incidences. It explains minority government in the Australian political context, where single-party federal majority government has been the norm. Crucially, the major parties expect to win elections and govern alone, and, at the federal level, have offered only policy tradeoffs rather than cabinet posts to their supporters. In Australia, the formation of a minority government is affirmed by testing the will of the house with a parliamentary vote, and by the endorsement of the Crown, represented by the Governor General. The minority government is sustained by independents, and at times by minor parties, backing all budget (supply) bills, and by not partaking in votes of no confidence sufficient to bring it down. This chapter reviews the experience of the 2010–13 Labor minority government, the most substantive federal minority government to date. It never lost a vote, ran full term, and was a reformist government, and Australia’s most legislatively successful federal government; but it failed to be re-elected and its supporters largely suffered in its aftermath. Nevertheless, the lessons offered in this chapter are that, while Australian federal minority government is rare, it can form, govern, and deliver, and may in future include power sharing despite its Westminster context.
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Bongiorno, Frank, and Sean Scalmer. "The Australian Labor Party." In The Cambridge History of Socialism, 172–93. Cambridge University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108611107.010.

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Hallaj, Elias. "The Australian Labor Party." In Julia 2010: The caretaker election. ANU Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.22459/j2010.02.2012.10.

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Manwaring, Rob. "The Australian Labor Party." In Morrison's Miracle: The 2019 Australian Federal Election, 277–93. ANU Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.22459/mm.2020.13.

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