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Journal articles on the topic 'Australian Labor Party Platforms'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Foley, Meraiah, Sue Williamson, and Sarah Mosseri. "Women, work and industrial relations in Australia in 2019." Journal of Industrial Relations 62, no. 3 (March 18, 2020): 365–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185620909402.

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Interest in women’s labour force participation, economic security and pay equity received substantial media and public policy attention throughout 2019, largely attributable to the federal election and the Australian Labor Party platform, which included a comprehensive suite of policies aimed at advancing workplace gender equality. Following the Australian Labor Party’s unexpected loss at the polls, however, workplace gender equality largely faded from the political agenda. In this annual review, we cover key gender equality indicators in Australia, examine key election promises made by both major parties, discuss the implications of the Royal Commission into Aged Care Quality and Safety for the female-dominated aged care workforce, and provide a gendered analysis on recent debates and developments surrounding the ‘future of work’ in Australia.

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2

Rasmussen, Amanda. "The Rise of Labor: A Chinese-Australian Participates in Bendigo Local Politics at a Formative Moment, 1904–1905." Journal of Chinese Overseas 9, no. 2 (2013): 245–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17932548-12341261.

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Abstract Chinese-Australian and son of an entrepreneur, Edward Ni Gan, a successful lawyer and would-be politician, was, in 1904, the first candidate in a Bendigo municipal election to tie his campaign to the Labor Party platform. Labor had just achieved the significant victory of three months in power at a federal level, and, although Ni Gan did not win in 1904, his support for the movement was well-received in Bendigo. When he tried to stand the following year as the endorsed Labor candidate, however, he was quickly disillusioned by procedural rules and his inadequate trade union networks. His speeches as an independent candidate showed his political position recast as a radical liberal in the Deakinite mode. In both campaigns, Ni Gan’s colour was a difference which could be accommodated since he otherwise so happily embodied the young, white, “fair and square” sportsman who was an ideal progressive Bendigonian. His engagement with Labor politics in the first decade of the twentieth century shows that the drive for “White Australia” which often dominated the national conversation, could be less powerful at local levels.

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3

Johns, Gary. "Clarke v Australian Labor Party." Australian Journal of Political Science 35, no. 1 (March 2000): 137–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361140050002908.

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4

Leigh, Andrew. "Trade Liberalisation and the Australian Labor Party." Australian Journal of Politics & History 48, no. 4 (December 2002): 487–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8497.00272.

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5

Wear, Rae. "The Australian Labor Party: Problems and Prospects." Australian Journal of Politics & History 60, no. 2 (June 2014): 257–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12058.

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6

Pierson, Chris. "The Labor Legacy: Looking Back with the Australian Labor Party." Government and Opposition 42, no. 4 (2007): 564–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2007.00236.x.

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AbstractThe Australian Labor Party (ALP) is sometimes taken to have been the real pioneer of many of the policies introduced by New Labour since 1997 under the general rubric of the ‘new social democracy’. This article considers the heritage of the ALP's 13 years in power (and its subsequent 10 years in opposition). The conclusion considers the lessons that may be learnt about the past (and the future) of Labour in the UK.

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7

ISHIMA, Hideo. "Party Unity and Intra-Party Coordination: The case of the Australian Labor Party." Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association 68, no. 1 (2017): 1_134–1_158. http://dx.doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.68.1_134.

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8

Ghazarian, Zareh. "A party reborn? The new Democratic Labor Party in Australian politics." Journal of Australian Studies 37, no. 4 (December 2013): 451–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443058.2013.831113.

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9

Junankar, P. N. "Comparing Australian Macroeconomic Management: Labor versus Coalition." Economic and Labour Relations Review 16, no. 1 (July 2005): 43–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/103530460501600104.

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This paper attempts to assess the relative performance of the Australian Labor Party (ALP) and the Coalition governments in their management of the Australian macroeconomy. Given the problem of defining an appropriate counter/actual, we make comparisons using a number of different methods. Firstly we compare the averages of the key macroeconomic variables for the period of each government and then compare changes over the tenure of each government. Secondly, we use the method of ‘difference in differences’; that is, we compare the performance of the Australian economy with the US economy. This allows us to control for any features of the world economy that may be driving all the economies. A crude comparison suggests that the Labor party performed better on inflation and the real rate of interest while the Coalition performed better on growth and unemployment. However, there is no clear cut answer.

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10

Warhurst, John. "Transitional Hero: Gough Whitlam and the Australian Labor Party." Australian Journal of Political Science 31, no. 2 (July 1996): 243–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361149651210.

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11

McKnight, David. "The Comintern's Seventh Congress and the Australian Labor Party." Journal of Contemporary History 32, no. 3 (July 1997): 395–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002200949703200307.

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12

James, Leighton, Raymond Markey, and Ray Markey. "Class and Labour: The British Labour Party and the Australian Labor Party Compared." Labour History, no. 90 (2006): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516112.

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13

Kefford, Glenn. "The Presidentialisation of Australian Politics? Kevin Rudd's Leadership of the Australian Labor Party." Australian Journal of Political Science 48, no. 2 (June 2013): 135–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2013.786676.

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14

Parkin, Andrew, and Vern Marshall. "Frustrated, reconciled or divided? The Australian labor party and federalism." Australian Journal of Political Science 29, no. 1 (March 1994): 18–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00323269408402278.

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15

Hollander, Robyn. "‘Every man's right’: Queensland Labor and Home Ownership 1915–1957." Queensland Review 2, no. 2 (September 1995): 56–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s132181660000088x.

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In 1990, the Queensland Government launched its now discredited Home Ownership Made Easy scheme. HOME provided financial assistance to ‘moderate’ income earners by offering fixed interest, low start loans, and was accompanied by HOME Shared and HOME Buy which targeted public housing tenants. While HOME differed from past programs in its detail, it can be seen as the most recent attempt by a State Labor Government to extend owner occupation in Queensland. Between 1915 and 1957, the Queensland Labor Party actively sought to promote home ownership through a range of programs including the Workers' Dwellings and Workers' Homes schemes. These programs were a reflection of a fundamental belief in home ownership as ‘every man's right’ and as an ‘essential’ element of the ‘Australian way of life’. Thus, Queensland Labor displayed none of the ambivalence which characterised Labor Party attitudes to home ownership elsewhere in Australia. Williams contends that the Australian Labor Party was trapped between its commitment to assisting the poor, its reluctance to play the role of landlord, and its support for home ownership. The Queensland Party experienced no such ideological quandary. While other Labor Governments tended to accept an obligation to provide public rental accommodation for those unable to buy homes of their own, Queensland Labor continued to display a distaste for ‘public landlordism’.

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16

Jupp, James, and Marian Sawer. "Building Coalitions: The Australian Labor Party and the 1993 General Election." Australian Journal of Political Science 29, sup1 (January 1994): 10–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.1994.11733424.

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17

Bloomfield, Alan, and Kim Richard Nossal. "End of an Era? Anti-Americanism in the Australian Labor Party." Australian Journal of Politics & History 56, no. 4 (November 25, 2010): 592–611. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2010.01573.x.

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18

Laurent, John, and Ross McMullin. "The Light on the Hill: The Australian Labor Party 1891-1991." Labour History, no. 63 (1992): 186. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27509151.

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19

Battin, Tim. "Labouring under neoliberalism: The Australian Labor government’s ideological constraint, 2007–2013." Economic and Labour Relations Review 28, no. 1 (January 23, 2017): 146–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1035304616687951.

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When viewed against its ostensibly successful management of the global economic crisis between 2008 and 2013, growing electoral disenchantment with the Australian Labor Party government during that time defied standard explanations and calls for further analysis. A major reason for the party’s electoral loss in 2013 was arguably popular disappointment with its eschewal of social democratic principles. Notwithstanding some progressive measures initiated between 2008 and 2013, successive Australian Labor Party governments were constrained by neoliberal strictures, even when they chose to implement progressive policies. Whatever other reasons exist for its decline in popularity between 2007 and 2013, the Australian Labor Party’s unwillingness or inability to mark out a clear alternative to neoliberalism was fundamental. In making this case, this article uses the conceptual framework of ‘depoliticisation’, defined as the displacement of policy decisions from the sphere of democratic accountability and public debate, making them matters for regulation by technocratic experts operating according to supposed edicts of the market. JEL codes: A14, B59

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20

Filus, Adam. "Stosunek rządu Australii do nielegalnej migracji w latach 1996–2018." Poliarchia 6, no. 1(10) (September 26, 2019): 49–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/poliarchia.06.2018.10.03.

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Australian Governments’ Stance on Illegal Immigration in 1996–2018 Australia is well known for its strict immigration policy. It results from the country’s constant struggle with the flow of illegal migrants, brought to Australian shores through human smuggling. The author analyses immigration policies of five Prime Ministers representing two major Australian parties: the Liberal Party of Australia and the Australian Labor Party. Starting with the premiership of John Howard (1996–2007), and ending with Malcolm Turnbull’s era (2015– –2018), the author examines the situation of illegal immigrants in Australia and changes in immigration and asylum policies.

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21

Quirk, Victor. "The light on the hill and the ‘right to work’." Economic and Labour Relations Review 29, no. 4 (December 2018): 459–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1035304618817413.

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In 1945 the Curtin Labor Government declared it had the capacity and responsibility to permanently eliminate the blight of unemployment from the lives of Australians in its White Paper ‘Full Employment in Australia’. This was the culmination of a century of struggle to establish the ‘right to work’, once a key objective of the 19th century labour movement. Deeply resented and long resisted by employer groups, the policy was abandoned in the mid-1970s, without an electoral mandate. Although the Australian Labor Party and union movement urged public vigilance to preserve full employment during 23 years of Liberal rule, after 1978 they quietly dropped the policy as the Australian Labor Party turned increasingly to corporate donors for the money they needed to stay electorally competitive. While few leading lights of today’s Labor movement care to discuss it, it is right that Australians celebrate this bold statement of our right to work, and the 30 years of full employment it heralded. JEL Codes: P16, P35, N37

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22

Feinstein, Brian D., and Eric Schickler. "Platforms and Partners: The Civil Rights Realignment Reconsidered." Studies in American Political Development 22, no. 1 (2008): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x08000011.

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Few transformations have been more significant in American politics in recent decades than the Democratic Party's embrace of racial liberalism and Republicans' adoption of a more conservative stance towards civil rights-related policies. We hypothesize that pressure to embrace a liberal position on civil rights was much stronger among northern Democrats and their coalitional partners than among northern Republicans and their affiliated groups by the mid-1940s, as the Democrats became firmly identified as the party of economic liberalism and labor unions. To test this hypothesis and develop a more fine-grained understanding of the dynamics of party positioning on civil rights, we collect and analyze a new data source: state political party platforms published between 1920 and 1968. These unique data suggest that Democrats had generally become the more liberal party on civil rights by the mid-to-late 1940s across a wide range of states. Our findings – which contradict Carmines and Stimson's prevailing issue evolution model of partisan change – suggest that there were strong coalitional and ideological pressures that led the Democrats to embrace racial liberalism. This finding not only leads to a revised perspective on the civil rights revolution, but also to new insights into the dynamics of partisan realignment more generally.

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23

Robertson, John, and Bede Nairn. "The "Big Fella": Jack Lang and the Australian Labor Party, 1891-1949." American Historical Review 94, no. 4 (October 1989): 1158. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1906736.

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24

Griffin, Gerard, Chris Nyland, and Anne O'Rourke. "Trade unions, the Australian Labor Party and the Trade–Labour Rights Debate." Australian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 1 (March 2004): 89–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1036114042000205669.

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25

Bramble, Tom, and Rick Kuhn. "Continuity or Discontinuity in the Recent History of the Australian Labor Party?" Australian Journal of Political Science 44, no. 2 (June 2009): 281–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361140902862792.

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26

Ashley Lavelle. "‘Conflicts of Loyalty’: The Australian Labor Party and Uranium Policy, 1976-82." Labour History, no. 102 (2012): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.5263/labourhistory.102.0177.

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27

Rawson, Don, and Bede Nairn. "The 'Big Fella'. Jack Lang and the Australian Labor Party 1891-1949." Labour History, no. 53 (1987): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27508873.

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28

Irving, Terry, and Sean Scalmer. "The Public Sphere and Party Change: Explaining the Modernisation of the Australian Labor Party in the 1960s." Labour History Review 65, no. 2 (July 2000): 227–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/lhr.65.2.227.

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29

Oliver, Damian. "Australian Unions in 2007." Journal of Industrial Relations 50, no. 3 (June 2008): 447–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185608089999.

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Australian unions will remember 2007 as the year that their `Your Rights at Work' campaign contributed to the defeat of the Coalition Government. Industrial relations dominated the election campaign and remained at the centre of public policy and media debates throughout the year. Employers used the Howard government's Work Choices legislation to refuse to bargain with unions and to prevent lawful industrial action. Union officials and members were prosecuted for unlawful industrial action. In response, unions conducted a highly resourced and professional campaign aimed at changing the government and repealing Work Choices. However, the Australian Labor Party under new leader Kevin Rudd announced it would keep certain contentious aspects of Work Choices. Notwithstanding the defeat of the Coalition, barriers remain to unions' future growth and strength.

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30

Passant, John. "The Minerals Resource Rent Tax." Accounting Research Journal 27, no. 1 (July 7, 2014): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/arj-08-2013-0058.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to look at the recent history of proposals to tax resource rents in Australia, from Australia’s Future Tax System Report (the “Henry Tax Review”) through to the proposed Resource Super Profits Tax (“RSPT”) and then the Minerals Resource Rent Tax (“MRRT”). The process of change from Henry to the RSPT to the MRRT can best be understood in the context of the Australian Labor Party (ALP) as a capitalist workers’ party. The author argues that it is this tension in the ALP, the shift in its internal balance further towards capital and the lack of class struggle, that has seen Labor preside over what the father of rent tax in Australia, Ross Garnaut, describes as a “problematic” tax. Design/methodology/approach – Qualitative research using Marxist tools. Findings – The paper argues that the poor health of the MRRT is a consequence of the nature of the Labor Party as a capitalist workers’ party, the shifts in power and influence within its material constitution and in essence the ascendency of capital in the capitalist workers’ party. Originality/value – A very original approach to understanding the nature of the MRRT in Australia.

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31

Lavelle, Ashley. "Social Democrats and NEO-Liberalism: A Case Study of the Australian Labor Party." Political Studies 53, no. 4 (December 2005): 753–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2005.00555.x.

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32

Piccini, Jon. "Heroes and Villains: The Rise and Fall of the Early Australian Labor Party." Journal of Australian Studies 37, no. 1 (March 2013): 142–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443058.2012.757280.

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33

Johnson, Carol. "The 2019 Australian election." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 5, no. 1 (November 6, 2019): 38–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891119886053.

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Opinion polls suggested that Australia’s Coalition (Liberal and National Party) government was likely to be replaced by a Labor government at the 2019 election. However, in fact the government was returned. Key issues in the 2019 election centred around managing the economy, including levels of taxation and issues of inequality; around spending on government services such as health and education; and around issues of climate change. There were elements of populism in both major parties’ campaigns, and two minor populist parties played a significant role in preference distribution. There were also some simmering issues that reflect the broader geopolitical and geo-economic changes that are impacting upon Australia. These include not only challenges for Australia’s economy and identity in the ‘Asian Century’, but also issues of Australia’s relationship with China.

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34

Bartkowski, Lindsay. "Caring for the Internet: Content Moderators and the Maintenance of Empire." Journal of Working-Class Studies 4, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 66–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.13001/jwcs.v4i1.6191.

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Scholarly and journalistic investigations of content moderation have thoroughly documented its emotional impact on workers, but have yet to analyze moderation as care labor. Out of sight from U.S. and European consumers, content moderators are hired by third-party outsourcing firms primarily in the Philippines or India to remove offensive or violent content from internet platforms in order to preserve their profitability and users’ emotional well-being. Situating content moderation in the long history of domestic labor relations in the U.S., which were designed to support the expansion of imperial power, this essay proposes new ways of understanding the relationship between affective labor and the procedures of empire.

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35

Leigh, Andrew. "Factions and Fractions: A Case Study of Power Politics in the Australian Labor Party." Australian Journal of Political Science 35, no. 3 (November 2000): 427–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713649348.

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36

Shin, Ki-Young. "An Alternative Form of Women's Political Representation: Netto, a Proactive Women's Party in Japan." Politics & Gender 16, no. 1 (December 16, 2019): 78–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x19000606.

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AbstractThis article examines a Japanese local party, Netto, as a new type of women's party. The Netto is defined as a “proactive women's party” to illustrate how it is different not only from conventional political parties but also from parties organized to promote feminist platforms. The Japanese Netto is a women-dominated party in which women constitute the majority of members and candidates, as well as party leadership. The party platform prioritizes practical women's interests such as safe food and child-rearing over women's labor or feminist issues. The gendered characteristics of Netto appeal to middle-class housewives and mothers, facilitating the electoral success of the party in urban areas. The party's notable features, such as rotation of deputies, term limits, donation of deputy salary, and volunteerism, distinguish Netto from conventional political parties. As such, the party provides an alternative model of political representation. The Netto party illustrates that not all women's parties use a feminist platform, but they still play an important role in changing male-dominated electoral politics.

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37

WRIGHT, CHRIS F., and RUSSELL D. LANSBURY. "TRADE UNIONS AND ECONOMIC REFORM IN AUSTRALIA, 1983–2013." Singapore Economic Review 59, no. 04 (September 2014): 1450033. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0217590814500337.

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Many of the key reforms of the past three decades that helped to strengthen the Australian economy were implemented during the operation of the Accord that existed between Australian Labor Party governments and the union movement. In order to address structural economic problems, unions agreed to moderate wage outcomes and to facilitate the transition to workplace bargaining in return for social welfare gains for workers, which successive governments have maintained. These reforms helped to improve labor market efficiency and allowed firms to integrate successfully into international markets, without substantially compromising the interests of workers and their families, which thereby allowed economic dislocation and social unrest to be contained. In contrast to the assertions of certain Australian employer groups, research has consistently shown that union involvement in workplace bargaining has a benign impact on business productivity. However, declining membership presents a significant challenge to the capacity of Australian unions to influence economic outcomes at the national and workplace levels in the future.

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38

Tietze, Tad. "Labor’s Conflict: Big Business, Workers and the Politics of Class by Tom Bramble and Rick Kuhn, A Review." Historical Materialism 24, no. 1 (April 28, 2016): 161–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341456.

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The Australian Labor Party (alp) has, until recent years, exercised almost unchallenged hegemony over Australian Left and working-class politics. Tom Bramble and Rick Kuhn have ambitiously crafted the first Marxist history of the party in over 50 years, deploying an analysis of its material constitution as a ‘capitalist workers’ party’ to underpin arguments for a revolutionary socialist alternative. From its emergence in class struggles of the late nineteenth century, to its early electoral successes, to multiple internal crises and splits, and its more recent role in driving neoliberal restructuring, the party’s contradictory character is analysed with clarity. However, despite containing much suggestive material, key issues – including the party’s unparalleled success despite its betrayals, failures and crises; radical challenges from within and without the party; the nature of its appeal to reformist consciousness; the shape of Marxist and Left debates about thealp; and the party’s centrality to a wider sphere of politics in capitalist society – remain thinly theorised, thereby inadvertently weakening the authors’ case for a revolutionary alternative.

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39

Shor, Francis. "Left Labor Agitators in the Pacific Rim of the Early Twentieth Century." International Labor and Working-Class History 67 (April 2005): 148–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547905000128.

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As part of the global circulation of capital and labor in the early twentieth century, labor and left activists traveled throughout the Pacific Rim. Highlighting the biographical and political journeys of two important left labor agitators of the period, Patrick Hickey and J. B. King, this essay considers the role of the agitator and the meaning of the left for the mobilization of working people during the first three decades of the twentieth century. Hickey and King both had early experiences with radical unions in North America, Hickey with the Western Federation of Miners in Utah and King with the Industrial Workers of the World in British Columbia. Their paths intersected in the formation of the left Federation of Labour (the “Red Feds”) in New Zealand. Both went on to play significant roles in Australian left labor circles in the years before, during, and after the First World War. Diverging over strategy and tactics during this time, Hickey became involved with the Labor Party of Australia and King eventually joined the Communist Party of Australia. Their biographical and political journeys reveal significant insights into the splits within the left and the public role of left labor agitators in the Pacific Rim during this period.

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40

Kiernan, Colm. "Home Rule for Ireland and the Formation of the Australian Labor Party, 1883 to 1891." Australian Journal of Politics & History 38, no. 1 (June 28, 2008): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1992.tb01204.x.

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41

Kirk, Neville. "Nick Dyrenfurth, Heroes and Villains: The Rise and Fall of the Early Australian Labor Party." Journal of Industrial Relations 54, no. 1 (February 2012): 96–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185611433008.

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42

John Sebesta, Douglas Fullarton, Stephen Morrell, and Lyn Smith. "The “French Turn” in the Antipodes: Early Trotskyists and the Australian Labor Party, 1937–55." Labour History, no. 107 (2014): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.5263/labourhistory.107.0129.

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43

Malcolm Abbott. "The Australian Labor Party and its Relations with Business: The Case of the Margarine Industry." Labour History, no. 112 (2017): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5263/labourhistory.112.0081.

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44

Jenkins, Cathy. "Women in Australian politics: Mothers only need apply." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 12, no. 1 (April 1, 2006): 54–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v12i1.845.

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When Julia Gillard considered running for the leadership of the Australian Labor Party in early 2005, her political enemies immediately raised three reasons for opposing her: she is female, single and without children. These criticisms prompted a flurry of discussion in the media about the relevance of a person’s family situation to their ability to work effectively in politics. This article examines the treatment of female politicians by the press over the more than 80 years since the first woman appeared in any Australian parliament. It finds that there continues to be pressure on women to continue in the traditional roles of wife and mother, while more recently, female politicians have had to contend with an extra layer of coverage concentrating on their sexual attributes.

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45

Bean, Clive, and Anthony Mughan. "Leadership Effects in Parliamentary Elections in Australia and Britain." American Political Science Review 83, no. 4 (December 1989): 1165–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1961663.

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Political party leaders are an increasingly influential electoral force in contemporary liberal democracies. We test the hypothesis that their appeal is idiosyncratic, that is, that their electoral effect is a function of the leadership qualities voters perceive individual candidates as possessing. Thus, the less similar their personality profiles, the more the characteristics influencing the vote should differ from one leader to another. A comparison of Australia and Britain finds the opposite to be the case. Despite the divergent profiles of party leaders, the precise characteristics influencing the vote are remarkably similar in the two countries. This does not mean, however, that variation in the distribution of these characteristics is unimportant. It can affect the balance of the party vote and may even have been the difference between victory and defeat for the Australian Labor party in the closely fought 1987 election.

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46

Cooper, Rae. "Industrial Relations in 2010: ‘Dead, Buried and Cremated’?" Journal of Industrial Relations 53, no. 3 (June 2011): 277–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185611401999.

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The process of embedding the Fair Work system was interrupted briefly in 2010 by high political drama. The Prime Minister, Kevin Rudd, was successfully challenged by his Deputy, the Minister for Employment and Workplace Relations, Julia Gillard. With its first female leader, the Australian Labor Party attempted to run a campaign echoing the anti-Work Choices theme of 2007. This was stymied by the new leader of the opposition Tony Abbott’s insistence that Work Choices was ‘dead, buried and cremated’. Subsequently, a minority Labor government was formed. This article provides an overview of industrial relations in 2010, with an emphasis on politics.

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47

Humphrys, Elizabeth. "Simultaneously deepening corporatism and advancing neoliberalism: Australia under the Accord." Journal of Sociology 54, no. 1 (March 2018): 49–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783318760680.

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Given recent calls for a new social contract between the unions and government, it is timely to consider the relationship of the Australian Labor Party (ALP) and Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) prices and incomes Accord (1983–97) to the construction of neoliberalism in Australia. Contrary to most scholarly accounts, which posit the ALP and ACTU prices and incomes Accord and neoliberalism as exogenously related or competing processes, this article argues they were internally related aspects of economic transformation. The implementation of the Accord agreement deepened Australia’s existing corporatist arrangements while simultaneously advancing neoliberalism within a highly structured political-economic framework.

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Bennister, Mark, and Tim Heppell. "Comparing the Dynamics of Party Leadership Survival in Britain and Australia: Brown, Rudd and Gillard." Government and Opposition 51, no. 1 (October 15, 2014): 134–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2014.31.

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This article examines the interaction between the respective party structures of the Australian Labor Party and the British Labour Party as a means of assessing the strategic options facing aspiring challengers for the party leadership. Noting the relative neglect within the scholarly literature of forced exits that occur and attempted forced exits that do not occur, this article takes as its case study the successful forced exits of Kevin Rudd and Julia Gillard, and the failure to remove Gordon Brown. In doing so the article challenges the prevailing assumption that the likely success of leadership evictions are solely determined by the leadership procedures that parties adopt. Noting the significance of circumstances and party cultures, the article advances two scenarios through which eviction attempts can be understood: first, forced exits triggered through the activation of formal procedures (Rudd and Gillard); second, attempts to force an exit by informal pressures beyond the formal procedures which are overcome by the incumbent (Brown).

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49

Fine, Terri Susan. "Economic Interests and the Framing of the 1988 and 1992 Deomcratic and Republican Party Platforms." American Review of Politics 16 (April 1, 1995): 79–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1995.16.0.79-93.

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In this paper, the role that economic groups play in attempting to shape party platforms is examined by analyzing economic group presence at the 1988 and 1992 Democratic and Republican platform writing hearings. Whether the same economic groups participating as witnesses in the platform writing hearings also contributed to the presidential campaigns is also explored. The findings suggest that economic interest group participation varied widely between 1988 and 1992 and declined across years. Trade associations dominated economic group participation whereas labor unions did not take an active role. Business interests showed a strong preference for the Republicans in 1988 and reasonably equal interest in both parties the following year. The participatory decline among these groups may be explained by a growing perception that platforms are less effective as campaign guides and policy tools in an era dominated by candidate centered elections, split ticket voting and increasing independent identification, all indicators of decreasing reliance on the parties at the mass and elite levels.

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50

Markey, Raymond, and Bobbie Oliver. "Unity is Strength: A History of the Australian Labor Party and the Trades and Labor Council in Western Australia, 1899-1999." Labour History, no. 88 (2005): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516056.

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