Journal articles: 'Australian immigration policy'

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Filus, Adam. "Stosunek rządu Australii do nielegalnej migracji w latach 1996–2018." Poliarchia 6, no. 1(10) (September 26, 2019): 49–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/poliarchia.06.2018.10.03.

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Australian Governments’ Stance on Illegal Immigration in 1996–2018 Australia is well known for its strict immigration policy. It results from the country’s constant struggle with the flow of illegal migrants, brought to Australian shores through human smuggling. The author analyses immigration policies of five Prime Ministers representing two major Australian parties: the Liberal Party of Australia and the Australian Labor Party. Starting with the premiership of John Howard (1996–2007), and ending with Malcolm Turnbull’s era (2015– –2018), the author examines the situation of illegal immigrants in Australia and changes in immigration and asylum policies.

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Shaparov, A. "From «White Australia» to Multiculturalism." World Economy and International Relations, no. 3 (2010): 96–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-3-96-104.

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The article deals with issues of the immigration policymaking and its implementation in Australia. Factors influencing the change of the national immigration policy models are revealed. Problems and modern condition of an immigration policy are covered. The Australian experience in quality improvement of the involved migrants' human capital is generalized.

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Horikawa, Tomoko. "Australia’s Minor Concessions to Japanese Citizens under the White Australia Policy." New Voices in Japanese Studies 12 (August 17, 2020): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.21159/nvjs.12.01.

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This paper explores concessions made by Australian authorities concerning Japanese immigration during the era of the White Australia Policy in the early twentieth century. Australia’s Immigration Restriction Act was introduced in December 1901. As the major piece of legislation in the White Australia Policy, the act made it virtually impossible for non-Europeans to migrate to Australia. However, Japanese people enjoyed a special position among non-Europeans under the White Australia Policy thanks to Japan’s growing international status as a civilised power at the time, as well as its sustained diplomatic pressure on Australia. While the Commonwealth was determined to exclude Japanese permanent settlers, it sought ways to render the policy of exclusion less offensive to the Japanese. In the early 1900s, two minor modifications to the Immigration Restriction Act were implemented in order to relax the restrictions imposed on Japanese citizens. Moreover, in the application of Commonwealth immigration laws, Japanese people received far more lenient treatment than other non-Europeans and were afforded respect and extra courtesies by Australian officials. Nevertheless, these concessions Australia made to Japanese citizens were minor, and the Commonwealth government maintained its basic policy of excluding Japanese permanent settlers from Australia. This paper shows that, despite continued diplomatic efforts, Japan was fundamentally unable to change pre-war Australia’s basic policy regarding the exclusion of Japanese permanent settlers.

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BOROWSKI, ALLAN. "Creating a Virtuous Society: Immigration and Australia's Policies of Multiculturalism." Journal of Social Policy 29, no. 3 (July 2000): 459–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279400006036.

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Australia's post-war programme of mass immigration has been accompanied by growing ethnic and racial diversity. This process of diversification accelerated markedly from the 1970s onwards after the abandonment of the White Australia Policy in the 1960s. Despite this diversification, Australia has been able to sustain itself as a peaceful liberal democracy. It is the contention of this article that Australia's policies of multiculturalism have played an important role in contributing to this state of relative peacefulness. This article seeks to assemble some evidence from the Australian experience to ‘test’ the notion that the peacefulness of Australian society may, in some measure, be understood as a product of the contribution of its policies of multiculturalism to engendering and reinforcing those very virtues which liberal democracies require in order to sustain themselves over time.

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Romanenko, O. "Strategies of Australia’s Migration Policy: the Stages of Becoming, New Challenges and Responses to Today’s Threats." Problems of World History, no. 12 (September 29, 2020): 156–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-12-8.

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The article examines the Australia’s migration policy, the stages of its formation and development, the current situation. There are three stages of Australia’s post-World War II migration strategy: assimilation policy, integration policy, and a policy of cultural diversity and multiculturalism. This policy is regulated by the Australian Department of Immigration. Since its inception, the name of the Department has been changed more than ten times, reflecting the main directions of its activities and functions during these periods. Summing up the results of the article, it can be said that the first head of the Department of Immigration in 1945 had promoted mass British immigration, proclaiming the slogan “Populate or Perish”, however the policy on immigrants and the name of the Department changed over time. In March 1996, the name of the institution had changed to the Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs, whose slogan was “Enriching Australia through migration”. The main idea of immigration strategy was to create a multicultural country with strong potential due to its diversity. In 2007, the concept of multiculturalism was excluded from the name of the structure; more emphasis in the work of the Department was placed on the recognition of national identity, based on a number of core values, which still contribute to the development of a multicultural society. And in 2017 Department of Home Affairs was officially established, which today deals with all migration issues. The country has an Australian migration program at the beginning of the XXI century, which provides several main reasons why citizens of another country can enter the continent for long-term residence: student’s, qualified immigration (taking into account the professional experience, skills or qualifications required by Australian economy at the time), family reunification (family members living in Australia), special circumstances (return of Australian citizens who have previously left the country). There is also a humanitarian program for refugee’s migration and adaptation to Australian life.

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Collins, Jock. "Rethinking Australian Immigration and Immigrant Settlement Policy." Journal of Intercultural Studies 34, no. 2 (April 2013): 160–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07256868.2013.781981.

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BIRRELL, BOB. "IMMIGRATION POLICY AND THE AUSTRALIAN LABOUR MARKET." Economic Papers: A journal of applied economics and policy 22, no. 1 (March 2003): 36–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1759-3441.2003.tb00334.x.

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Rivett, Kenneth. "Purpose and Choice in Australian Immigration Policy." Australian Quarterly 66, no. 4 (1994): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20635788.

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Van Der Veen, Roger. "Rehabilitation Counselling with Clients from Non-English Speaking Countries." Australian Journal of Rehabilitation Counselling 5, no. 2 (1999): 86–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1323892200001095.

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People born in non-English Speaking Countries (NESCs) and resident in Australia make up 14.2% of the Australian population and a sizeable proportion of the current immigration program — the humanitarian and non-humanitarian components. This article presents some background about the numbers of overseas born people resident in Australia especially those from NESCs, a brief history of the Australian immigration program, and the present policy of multiculturalism in the context of settlement. Some of these overseas born people have already, or are likely to, participate in rehabilitation counselling, and it is argued that rehabilitation counselling processes will be enhanced with a knowledge of such clients' culture as well as the practical application of general cross-cultural casework skills.

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10

Atkinson, David C. "The White Australia Policy, the British Empire, and the World." Britain and the World 8, no. 2 (September 2015): 204–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2015.0191.

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This article recovers the essential imperial and international context of the Immigration Restriction Act in 1901, and argues that the foundational deliberations that produced the White Australia Policy cannot be fully understood without attention to that global perspective. Indeed, the real and potential imperial and international implications of Asian restriction dominated the parliamentary debates and influenced the policy's character and application from the outset. The debate was not about whether to implement a restrictive immigration regime, it was about how to implement that regime, a calculus suffused with a range of imperial and international considerations. This paper therefore argues that the White Australia Policy was a consciously and deliberately imperial and international act that imparted a distinctly global inflection to the Australian nation building project at its inception.

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Miller, Paul W. "Immigration Policy and Immigrant Quality: The Australian Points System." American Economic Review 89, no. 2 (May 1, 1999): 192–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.89.2.192.

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Langfield, Michèle. "Gender blind? Australian immigration policy and practice, 1901‐1930." Journal of Australian Studies 27, no. 79 (January 2003): 143–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443050309387895.

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Jones, Huw. "The continuing ethnic-origins dimension of Australian immigration policy." Applied Geography 15, no. 3 (July 1995): 233–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0143-6228(95)00004-n.

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Cruickshank, Joanna. "Race, History, and the Australian Faith Missions." Itinerario 34, no. 3 (December 2010): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115310000677.

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In 1901, the parliament of the new Commonwealth of Australia passed a series of laws designed, in the words of the Prime Minister Edmund Barton, “to make a legislative declaration of our racial identity”. An Act to expel the large Pacific Islander community in North Queensland was followed by a law restricting further immigration to applicants who could pass a literacy test in a European language. In 1902, under the Commonwealth Franchise Act, “all natives of Asia and Africa” as well as Aboriginal people were explicitly denied the right to vote in federal elections. The “White Australia policy”, enshrined in these laws, was almost universally supported by Australian politicians, with only two members of parliament speaking against the restriction of immigration on racial grounds.

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Fincher, R. "Gender, Age, and Ethnicity in Immigration for an Australian Nation." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 29, no. 2 (February 1997): 217–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a290217.

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Since the Second World War, large-scale immigration has been promoted by successive Australian governments as vital to national development. Most accounts of the content and implementation of the resulting immigration policies, particularly until the demise of the White Australia policy in 1972, have emphasised their racism. The ideal immigrant under these policies, however, was not merely of particular birthplace and ethnicity, but also had specified gender and age characteristics. The author proposes that selection of immigrant settlers in Australia since World War 2 has been gendered as well as racialised, often combining particular sexisms with particular racisms and specifying the ways that ethnicity and gender should coexist in immigrants of different age groups. She notes implications for immigrants once in Australia (especially women) of the category under which they have entered the country. And she suggests that a new phase relating immigration to redefinition of the Australian nation, in which the temporary migration of skilled workers is preferred to their permanent migration, may be beginning; a phase whose modes of regulation and outcomes are as distinctively gendered as were those of their predecessors.

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Lehmann, Caitlyn. "Editorial." Children Australia 42, no. 4 (November 29, 2017): 225–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cha.2017.44.

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Among the plethora of minor parties fielding candidates in Australia's 2016 federal election was a relative newcomer called Sustainable Australia. Formed in 2010 and campaigning with the slogan ‘Better, not bigger’, the party's policy centrepiece calls for Australia to slow its population growth through a combination of lower immigration, changes to family payments, and the withdrawal of government agencies from proactive population growth strategies (Sustainable Australia, n.d.). At a global level, the party also calls for Australia to increase foreign aid with a focus on supporting women's health, reproductive rights and education. Like most minor parties, its candidates polled poorly, attracting too few votes to secure seats in the Senate. But in the ensuing months, the South Australian branch of The Greens broke from the national party platform by proposing the aim of stabilising South Australia's population within a generation (The Greens SA, 2017). Just this August, Australian business entrepreneur Dick Smith launched a ‘Fair Go’ manifesto, similarly calling for reductions in Australia's population growth to address rising economic inequality and a “decline in living standards” (Dick Smith Fair Go Group, 2017).

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17

Castles, Stephen. "The Australian Model of Immigration and Multiculturalism: Is It Applicable to Europe?" International Migration Review 26, no. 2 (June 1992): 549–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839202600219.

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Immigration has played a central role in nation-building in Australia. Since 1945, over 5 million settlers have come from many different countries, leading to a situation of great cultural diversity. State involvement in the management of settlement and ethnic relations has always been pronounced. Over the last twenty years, a policy of multiculturalism has emerged, giving rise to several special institutions. This has had profound effects both on social policy and on concepts of national identity. The relevance of the Australian model for Western Europe is discussed. The article concludes that it can provide useful impulses, though not ready-made answers:

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Hugo, Graeme. "Knocking at the Door: Asian Immigration to Australia." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 1, no. 1 (March 1992): 100–144. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/011719689200100105.

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This paper assesses the level and composition of contemporary Asian immigration to Australia and explores its processes and impacts. The final reversal of the White Australia Policy in the 1970s opened the door to substantial increases in Asian immigration, particularly from Vietnam, Malaysia, the Philippines, China, India and Hong Kong. Most migrants are entering through the family reunion, refugee and business migration categories. Vietnamese dominate both family reunion and refugee categories, but the recent prominence among family migrants of Filipino wives and fiancees of Australian men is drawing attention and controversy. Asian migrants tend to be young and female, but there are also great variations in their economic and social adaptations to Australia. Discrimination, exploitation and unemployment are among the problems faced by some Asian groups.

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Katkova, E. Y. "CHINESE DIASPORA’S ROLE IN FORMATION OF AUSTRALIAN NEW IMMIGRATION POLICY." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 18, no. 3 (2018): 642–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2018-18-3-642-655.

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Ozdowski, Sev A. "The Law, Immigration and Human Rights: Changing the Australian Immigration Control System." International Migration Review 19, no. 3 (September 1985): 535–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791838501900309.

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The structure of the present system of immigration control in Australia is examined here in the context of its origin, evolution and responses to current human rights and anti-discrimination standards. This article argues that the system has serious shortcomings because it confers broad discretionary powers on immigration officials and provides no comprehensive system of judicial review. Since the 1970s the system has been gradually losing its legitimacy and has become a subject of challenges by various groups. Its efficiency has been undermined and it breeds social conflict and systematic human rights violations. The suggestion is made for development of a new immigration control system, based upon legislation that incorporates all objectives and principles pertaining to immigration policy, procedure, and review.

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Kain, Jennifer S. "Standardising Defence Lines: William Perrin Norris, Eugenics and Australian Border Control." Social History of Medicine 33, no. 3 (October 8, 2018): 843–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/shm/hky075.

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Abstract This article investigates the policy and practice of Australia's so-called ‘eugenic phase’ of border control embedded within the 1912 Immigration Act. It highlights the efforts of the first London-based Commonwealth Medical Officer - Dr William Perrin Norris - who designed a medical bureaucratic system intended to keep ‘defectives’ out of Australia. Norris' vision is revealed to be befitting of his character, experience, and a passion for uniformity which went beyond his legal jurisdiction. In examining the associated political debates, procedural instructions and the practicalities of the legislation, this article advances a more nuanced historical understanding of this period of Australian border control, and traces the evolution of the idiot and insane prohibited immigrant clause in the first quarter of the twentieth century.

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Cai, Lixin, and Amy Y. C. Liu. "Wage differentials between immigrants and the native-born in Australia." International Journal of Manpower 36, no. 3 (June 1, 2015): 374–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijm-04-2014-0104.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine the wage differentials along the entire distribution between immigrants and the Australian-born. Design/methodology/approach – Using the Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia (HILDA) Survey, the authors apply a semi-parametric method (DiNardo et al., 1996) to decompose the distributional wage gap between immigrants and native-born Australians into composition effect and wage structure effect. The authors further apply the unconditional quantile regression (UQR) method (Firpo et al., 2007) to decompose the overall wage structure effect into contributions from individual wage covariates. Findings – Relative to the native-born, both effects favour immigrants from English-speaking countries. For male immigrants from non-English-speaking countries (NESC) the favourable composition effect is offset by disadvantage in the wage structure effect, leaving little overall wage difference. Female immigrants from NESC are disadvantaged at the lower part of the wage distribution. Practical implications – The increasingly skill-based immigration policy in Australia has increased skill levels of immigrants relative to the Australian-born. However, the playing field may yet to be equal for the recent NESC immigrants due to unfavourable rewards to their productivity factors. Also, immigrants are not homogeneous. Countries of origin and gender matter in affecting wage outcomes. Originality/value – The unique wage-setting system and the increasingly skill-based immigration policy have made Australia an interesting case. The authors examine the entire wage distribution between migrants and native-born rather than focus on the mean. The authors differentiate immigrants by their country of origin and gender; and apply the UQR decomposition to identify the contributions from individual wage covariates.

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Smith, Cameron. "‘Authoritarian neoliberalism’ and the Australian border-industrial complex." Competition & Change 23, no. 2 (October 15, 2018): 192–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024529418807074.

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What functions do the securitization and the militarization of the border serve under ‘authoritarian neoliberalism’ in Australia? Having pursued the policy of mandatory detention of all undocumented migrants since 1992, the Australian government has also increasingly sought to outsource, privatize, and offshore the construction and operation of its immigration detention facilities, whilst simultaneously engaging in increasingly authoritarian interventions via the militarization of border control. This article seeks to problematize these developments by constructing an emergent cartography of the various links between the ongoing processes of neoliberal structural adjustment, and the intensification of the policing and punitive apparatuses of the Australian border-industrial complex. Accordingly, using theoretical insights gleaned from emergent work on ‘authoritarian neoliberalism’ and from race critical theory as a cue, I outline in this article three functions of the border within punitive approaches to immigration control under neoliberal structural adjustment in Australia: first, as an apparatus of ongoing colonial power; second, as a technology of racial differentiation through its functioning as a ‘filter’ that privileges certain migrant bodies over others, and as an ‘insulator’ against popular dissent; third, as a site of profit and accumulation for transnational capital.

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Essex, Ryan. "Should clinicians boycott Australian immigration detention?" Journal of Medical Ethics 45, no. 2 (November 21, 2018): 79–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/medethics-2018-105153.

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Australian immigration detention has been called state sanctioned abuse, cruel and degrading and likened to torture. Clinicians have long worked both within the system providing healthcare and outside of it advocating for broader social and political change. It has now been over 25 years and little, if anything, has changed. The government has continued to consolidate power to enforce these policies and has continued to attempt to silence dissent. It was in this context that a boycott was raised as a possible course of action. Despite discussions among the healthcare community about the merits of such action, a number of questions have been overlooked. In this article, I will examine whether a boycott is both ethical and feasible. Taking into account the costs and benefits of current engagement and the potential impact of a boycott, more specifically the potential it has to further harm those detained, I conclude that under current circumstance a boycott cannot be justified. This however does not mean that a boycott should be dismissed completely or that the status quo should be accepted. I discuss potential ways forward for those seeking change.

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Essex, Ryan. "Torture, healthcare and Australian immigration detention." Journal of Medical Ethics 42, no. 7 (February 22, 2016): 418–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/medethics-2016-103387.

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Hugo, Graeme. "Australian Immigration Policy: The Significance of the Events of September 11." International Migration Review 36, no. 1 (March 2002): 37–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7379.2002.tb00069.x.

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Gao, Jia. "Politics of a Different Kind: Chinese in Immigration Litigation in the Post White Australia Era." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 3, no. 1 (April 4, 2011): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v3i1.1786.

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The first mass Chinese immigration to Australia occurred in the 19th century, with approximately 100,000 Chinese arriving between the 1840s and 1901 (Fitzgerald 2007; Ho 2007), during which questions were raised both in relation to the Chinese rights of migration and settlement in Australia, and the validity of the government's actions against the Chinese. The latter question was in fact considered in the colonial courts (Cronin 1993; Lake and Reynolds 2008). Since then, the Chinese in Australia have never shied away from taking various legal actions, although they are normally seen as people who keep to themselves. Australia abandoned its 'White Australia' policy in 1974, and lately Australia has placed more emphasis on skilled and business migration. As a result, many believe that Chinese migrants have come to Australia under its normal skilled, business or family migration programs, which ignores the fact that a high proportion of them have obtained their chance to stay in Australia directly or indirectly through a series of legal battles. This paper contributes to the discussion of the Chinese in Australian political life by looking at how the Chinese have fought in the Courts in the post-White Australia era in past decades, and the key features of their unique experiences. This is a different type of political activism, characterising the lives of many Australian Chinese, their engagement with the Australian political system, and becoming part of the background of their identity, transnationality, socio-political attitudes and behaviour and many other traits.

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Trounson, Justin S., Christine Critchley, and Jeffrey E. Pfeifer. "Australian Attitudes Toward Asylum Seekers: Roles of Dehumanization and Social Dominance Theory." Social Behavior and Personality: an international journal 43, no. 10 (November 19, 2015): 1641–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2224/sbp.2015.43.10.1641.

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We employed a theoretical model of dehumanization to identify the factors influencing attitudes toward asylum seekers within an Australian context. Specifically, we hypothesized that Australians high in social dominance orientation (SDO) would be more likely than those low in SDO to dehumanize asylum seekers. Participants (N = 311) completed an online survey designed to assess SDO, their attitudes and emotions toward asylum seekers, and their tendency to engage in dehumanization. Results indicated that the model can be successfully applied to an Australian context and that dehumanization played a significant role in influencing our participants' attitudes toward asylum seekers. Findings are discussed in terms of future research as well as policy implications for Australian immigration issues.

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Bull, Melissa, Emily Schindeler, David Berkeman, and Janet Ransley. "A Demography and Taxonomy of Long-term Immigration Detention in Australia." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 2, no. 1 (April 30, 2013): 98–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v2i1.93.

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The practice of long-term immigration detention is a relatively recent aspect of Australian Government policy. There has been much debate about the wisdom of such policy, raising concerns regarding the health of detainees, the dereliction of human rights, and the legal robustness of such practice. Despite considerable interest, little detail is available describing who is being held and the reasons for their long-term detention. This paper addresses this noticeable gap through a systematic analysis of the Commonwealth Ombudsman’s Immigration Reports over the period 2005 through 2009. From such reporting it has been possible to produce a demographic profile of people held in Australian detention and to develop a taxonomy of the reasons contributing to the ongoing containment.

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Crawford, James. "Australian Immigration Law and Refugees: The 1989 Amendments." International Journal of Refugee Law 2, no. 4 (October 1, 1990): 626–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/reflaw/2.4.626.

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Chalmers, Don. "Biobanking and Privacy Laws in Australia." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 43, no. 4 (2015): 703–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jlme.12313.

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Australia is a multi-cultural society with a population of nearly 24 million. The Aboriginal heritage traces back some 40,000 years and continues to influence Australian culture as a whole. A large proportion of Australian citizens were of British descent or birth at the outset of the last century, but post-World War II there was significant immigration from other European nations, particularly from Greece and Italy. In the last decades, there has been a significant intake of migrants from Asia.

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Jupp, James. "From ‘White Australia’ to ‘Part of Asia’: Recent Shifts in Australian Immigration Policy towards the Region." International Migration Review 29, no. 1 (March 1995): 207–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839502900109.

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This article examines the impact on Australia of population movements in the Asia-Pacific region since 1945, with special reference to the period since 1975 that marked the termination of the restrictive ‘White Australia Policy.’ That policy, which had its origins in racist theories popular at the end of the nineteenth century, isolated Australia from its immediate region and kept it tied to its European and, more specifically, British origins. The impact of population, trade and capital movements in the region has been such as to make Australia ‘part of Asia.’ Nevertheless, public opinion has yet to accept these changes fully, especially when they involve changing the ethnic character of the resident population. It is concluded that the generation which has grown up since 1945 and which is now starting to dominate politics and intellectual life will find it easier to reorient Australia than did the previous generation, despite continuing ambivalence in public attitudes. The presence in Australia of large numbers of permanent residents and citizens of Asian origin is a necessary factor in expediting change.

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Jupp, James. "From 'White Australia' to 'Part of Asia': Recent Shifts in Australian Immigration Policy towards the Region." International Migration Review 29, no. 1 (1995): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2547002.

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Gravelle, Timothy B. "Party identification, local context, and Australian attitudes toward immigration and asylum policy." Social Science Research 81 (July 2019): 77–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ssresearch.2019.03.005.

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Ghafournia, Nafiseh, and Patricia Easteal. "Are Immigrant Women Visible in Australian Domestic Violence Reports that Potentially Influence Policy?" Laws 7, no. 4 (September 21, 2018): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/laws7040032.

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Through an intersectional lens, this article explores whether immigrant women are represented in a sample of Australian government documents aimed at providing information about family violence in Australia, and discusses implications for policy development. The authors find that while these documents pay lip service to the special vulnerabilities of immigrant and refugee women; arguably, they do not engage with the complexities of the intersection of gender and other social categories. Given that the reports do not focus adequately on how race, ethnicity, culture and immigration status play a role in these women’s experiences of domestic violence, this may limit the effect of policies that address the culturally and linguistically diverse (CALD) victims’ needs and rights to protection. We argue that a more intersectional approach is necessary to address CALD women’s specific needs.

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Poetrie, Sandy Tieas Rahmana. "DISKRIMINASI IMIGRAN KULIT PUTIH BERWARNA DALAM MASA KEBIJAKAN MULTIKULTURALISME PASCA PENGHAPUSAN WHITE AUSTRALIAN POLICY." Lakon : Jurnal Kajian Sastra dan Budaya 2, no. 1 (August 24, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/lakon.v2i1.1909.

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AbstractThis paper concern on the multiculturalism in Australia related to the immigration policy. Since the application of “White Australia Policy” which makes some restriction to people from other countries who are considered as different color and non-English speakers to come to Australia ended in 1907, the government attempts to eliminate the discrimination treatments to them all. This paper employs descriptive essay which was aimed to describe more aboutAustralian multiculturalism after the end of “White Australia Policy”. The technique of data collection was literary study from some sources like journals and some news from internet. The writer took three cases have ever happenedrelated to the multiculturalism in Australia to analyse the application of immigrants policy after “White Australia Policy” annulment. Those are Arabians beating in Sydney coast by Neo-Nazi, discrimination against Muslim minorityand Africans by police in Victoria, and also Muslim demonstration because of Muhammad humiliation. The study revealed that “White Australia Policy” still can not completely be eliminated. Those three cases, it shows that there arestill many discrimination treatments against coloured immigrants; on the other hand the government is still trying to implement a multiculturalism policy.

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Elphick, Jeremy. "Cinematic poetics and reclaiming history." Alphaville: Journal of Film and Screen Media, no. 18 (December 1, 2019): 199–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/alpha.18.18.

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Australia’s brutal legacy of offshore detention has been marked by tragedy, human rights abuses and international condemnation, framed within an overarching failure to reach any true resolution. The difference between Australia’s two major political parties’ approach to immigration policy has been largely cosmetic and there is little tangible difference between the actual policies they have implemented and sustained. Human Rights Watch bluntly diagnosed Australia as having “serious unresolved human rights problems”, calling the conditions on Manus and Nauru “abysmal” (Giakoumelos). This paper examines the process by which successive Australian governments have advocated and implemented border and immigration policies and, more specifically, how control of information has been a central tactic in defining how such policies are perceived by the public. There is a questionable disconnect between Australia’s political class and those targeted by the immigration policies it sustains. Chauka, Please Tell Us the Time (Boochani and Kamali Sarvestani 2017) captures the cruelty of Australia’s offshore detention policy, while intimately mapping the emotional and psychological experience of living in detention. Chauka, Please Tell Us the Time marks a fundamental shift, blunting attempts to dehumanise those in detention from a distance, while highlighting the moral crisis that this dehumanisation has created.

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Stevens, Christine. "Balancing Obligations and Self-Interest: Humanitarian Program Settlers in the Australian Labor Market." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 6, no. 2 (June 1997): 185–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/011719689700600203.

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Technological and structural changes in the Australian economy have led to a decline in unskilled and semi-skilled employment and this has had a marked effect on labor market opportunities for immigrants. Educational qualifications and English language skills have become increasingly important factors influencing labor market success. With absorptive capacity for the overall immigration program defined more in economic terms, changes have been made to the selection criteria for immigrants. Greater priority is currently given to those with skills and English language proficiency. No such emphasis has been given to the selection criteria for settlers admitted under Australia's humanitarian program. This paper reviews the labor market experience of humanitarian program arrivals and considers the policy implications of high levels of unemployment among this group. It is suggested that humanitarian obligations do not end with entry to Australia, and it is in the interests of the receiving society and humanitarian program arrivals for greater public investment in skills development to help improve labor market outcomes among this group.

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Broerse, Jora. "“How Do We Put Him in the System?”: Client Construction at a Sport-Based Migrant Settlement Service in Melbourne, Australia." Social Inclusion 7, no. 1 (February 28, 2019): 238–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v7i1.1803.

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The empirical focus of this article is a sport-based settlement service targeting newly arrived migrants in Melbourne, Australia. This five-month study examines staff members’ everyday work routines with a focus on their participation in meetings and the production of documents. Embedded in the Australian immigration policy context, this article shows how staff members aim to empower clients while simultaneously falling back into stigmatising refugee/client identification through administrative practices. The results indicate that staffs’ everyday client constructions reinforce the othering and categorisation of ethnic minorities and support a reductionist deficit model of presenting clients. This may limit the opportunities for migrants to identify with and participate in wider Australian society and thus has the opposite effect of what governments and the sector aim to accomplish.

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Mak, Anita S. "Skilled Hong Kong Immigrants' Intention to Repatriate." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 6, no. 2 (June 1997): 169–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/011719689700600202.

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An emphasis on skills in Australian immigration policy in the past decade has led to the increase of highly skilled Hong Kong immigrants. However, Australia has not been able to retain all of them. An estimated 30 percent attrition rate among recently arrived Hong Kong-born settlers in Australia is noted by Kee and Skeldon (1994). This paper reports the results of an in-depth study on intention to repatriate and work in Hong Kong, conducted in Australia with 111 professional and managerial Hong Kong immigrants. Correlational and loglinear analyses on prediction of such an intention are presented. Research findings on the career-family dilemma experienced by a number of immigrants are likewise discussed.

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Wood, Tamara, and Jane McAdam. "III. Australian Asylum Policy all at Sea: An analysis of Plaintiff M70/2011 v Minister for Immigration and Citizenship and the Australia–Malaysia Arrangement." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 61, no. 1 (January 2012): 274–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589311000662.

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On 25 July 2011, the governments of Australia and Malaysia announced that they had entered into an ‘Arrangement’ for the transfer of asylum seekers.1 Its stated aim was to deter asylum seekers from travelling by boat to Australia by providing that the next 800 asylum seekers to arrive unlawfully would be transferred to Malaysia in exchange for the resettlement of 4,000 UNHCR-approved refugees living there.2 The joint media release by the Australian Prime Minister and Minister for Immigration lauded it as a ‘groundbreaking arrangement’ that demonstrated ‘the resolve of Australia and Malaysia to break the people smugglers’ business model, stop them profiting from human misery, and stop people risking their lives at sea’.3 The success of the Arrangement relied on Malaysia being perceived as an inhospitable host country for asylum seekers, with the Australian Government emphasising that it provided ‘the best course of action to make sure that we sent the maximum message of deterrence’.4 The Government also made clear that those transferred to Malaysia would ‘go to the back of the [asylum] queue’.5

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Rigg, Julie. "A Grand Adventure (in Which the Author Encountered Rupert Murdoch's Ideas about What Women Want)." Media International Australia 157, no. 1 (November 2015): 49–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1515700107.

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When The Australian began publication out of Canberra in 1964, I was one of the youngest journalists on staff. I worked for editors Maxwell Newton, Adrian Deamer and Walter Kommer. I covered education and immigration, and wrote a fortnightly column on social issues: conscription, the Vietnam War, civil liberties, racism, policing, and the White Australia policy. I also wrote about women, often: about marriage, sex education, abortion, unequal pay, childbirth, childcare and all the issues attitudes and structures that constrained us. In this article, I tell some stories from those years, and reflect on the editorial attitudes I encountered.

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Campbell, Emma Jean, and Emily Jean Steel. "Mental distress and human rights of asylum seekers." Journal of Public Mental Health 14, no. 2 (June 15, 2015): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jpmh-06-2013-0040.

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Purpose – This paper studies the experiences of asylum seekers in Australia. The purpose of this paper is to explore the relationship between mental wellbeing, living conditions, and Australia’s detention policies in light of human rights. Design/methodology/approach – Using grounded theory, data were collected via observations, semi-structured interviews, key-informant interviews, and document analysis. Participants included seven asylum seekers and three professionals working with them. Findings – In light of a human rights framework, this paper reports on the mental distress suffered by asylum seekers in detention, the environments of constraint in which they live, and aspects of detention centre policy that contribute to these environments. The findings highlight a discrepancy between asylum seekers’ experiences under immigration detention policy and Australia’s human rights obligations. Research limitations/implications – This research indicates human rights violations for asylum seekers in detention in Australia. This research project involved a small number of participants and recommends systemic review of the policy and practices that affect asylum seekers’ mental health including larger numbers of participants. Consideration is made of alternatives to detention as well as improving detention centre conditions. The World Health Organization’s Quality Rights Tool Kit might provide the basis for a framework to review Australia’s immigration detention system with particular focus on the poor mental wellbeing of asylum seekers in detention. Originality/value – This study links international human rights law and Australian immigration detention policies and practices with daily life experiences of suffering mental distress within environments of constraint and isolation. It identifies asylum seekers as a vulnerable population with respect to human rights and mental wellbeing. Of particular value is the inclusion of asylum seekers themselves in interviews.

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Martínez, Julia. "The End of Indenture? Asian workers in the Australian Pearling Industry, 1901–1972." International Labor and Working-Class History 67 (April 2005): 125–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547905000116.

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The historical circumstances which led to the end of the indentured labor trade suggest that its abolition was only partially the result of humanitarian concern for the welfare of workers. It was the development of nationalism, both in sending and receiving countries, that prompted a rethinking of the racialized labor organization of indenture. In Australia, the introduction of the White Australia policy in 1901, with its restrictions on non-white immigration and employment, is usually thought to coincide with the abolition of the indentured labor trade. But the Australian pearl-shelling industry continued to employ indentured Asian workers up until the 1970s. This case study extends the historical analysis of indenture well beyond its supposed international abolition. In doing so, it demonstrates a degree of continuity of colonial thought and practice which persisted in the face of global decolonization.

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Phillips, Louise Gwenneth, and Catherine Montes. "Walking Borders: Explorations of Aesthetics in Ephemeral Arts Activism for Asylum Seeker Rights." Space and Culture 21, no. 2 (September 11, 2017): 92–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1206331217729509.

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Australia’s Operation Sovereign Borders vehemently enforces closed borders to asylum seekers arriving by boat to Australia. Policed urban borders were enforced in Brisbane, Australia, during the G20 Summit in 2014, to protect visiting dignitaries from potential violent protest. The ephemeral arts intervention Walking Borders: Arts activism for refugee and asylum seeker rights symbolically confronted border politics by peacefully protesting against Australian immigration policy. Rather than focusing on the direct effects of the ephemeral arts intervention, this article attends to the affective workings of the aesthetic elements of the project through sensory ethnography and storying. Informed by Ranciere’s aesthetics of politics, this article explores the affective experience and potential educative gains of the ethical turn attended to in participatory arts such as ephemeral arts interventions.

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Shnukal, Anna. "A Failed Experiment: Okinawan Indents and the Postwar Torres Strait Pearlshelling Industry, 1958–1963." International Labor and Working-Class History 99 (2021): 122–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547920000307.

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AbstractThroughout its European history, Australia has solved recurrent labor shortages by importing workers from overseas. Situated on shipping lanes between the Pacific and Indian Oceans, the northern Australian pearlshelling industry became a significant locus of second-wave transnational labor flows (1870–1940) and by the 1880s was dependent on indentured workers from the Pacific and Southeast Asia. Exempted from the racially discriminatory Immigration Restriction Act of 1901, indentured Asian seamen, principally Japanese, maintained the industry until the outbreak of the Pacific War in 1941. The Torres Strait pearlshelling industry, centered on Thursday Island in Far North Queensland, resumed in 1946 amid general agreement that the Japanese must not return. Nevertheless, in 1958, 162 Okinawan pearling indents arrived on Thursday Island in a controversial attempt to restore the industry's declining fortunes. This article is intended as a contribution to the history of transnational labor movements. It consults a range of sources to document this “Okinawan experiment,” the last large-scale importation of indentured Asian labor into Australia. It examines Australian Commonwealth-state tensions in formulating and adopting national labor policy; disputes among Queensland policy makers; the social characteristics of the Okinawan cohort; and local Indigenous reactions. Also discussed are the economics of labor in the final years of the Torres Strait pearling industry. This study thus extends our knowledge of transnational labor movements and the intersection of early postwar Australian-Asian relations with Queensland Indigenous labor policy. It also foreshadows contemporary Indigenous demands for control of local marine resources.

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Iredale, Robin. "Patterns of Spouse/Fiance Sponsorship to Australia." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 3, no. 4 (December 1994): 547–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/011719689400300402.

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In the late 1980s, repeat spouse/fiance sponsorship emerged as an issue of concern in the Australian community, especially because of the growing incidence of domestic violence. This article is based on research conducted in 1992 for the Department of Immigration and Ethnic Affairs. The aim was to investigate both repeat and serial sponsorship ( i.e., where domestic violence was present) for all groups of women, through the majority are from Asia. Interviews with women who had been sponsored, community and health workers, refuge workers and others revealed that repeat sponsorship was a common phenomenon. Further, repeat sponsors demonstrated a high level of perpetration of various forms of domestic violence. In July 1994, the Minister for Immigration announced changes in government policy.

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Poulos, Elenie. "Constructing the Problem of Religious Freedom: An Analysis of Australian Government Inquiries into Religious Freedom." Religions 10, no. 10 (October 18, 2019): 583. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10100583.

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Australia is the only western democracy without a comprehensive human rights instrument and has only limited protection for religious freedom in its constitution. It was Australia’s growing religious diversity—the result of robust political support for multiculturalism and pro-immigration policies in the post-war period—that led to the first public inquiry into religious freedom by an Australian statutory body in 1984. Responding to evidence of discrimination against Indigenous Australians and minority religious groups, the report detailed the need for stronger legal protections. By 2019, Australia’s religious freedom ‘problem’ was focused almost solely on the extent to which religious organizations should be allowed to discriminate against LGBTIQ people. Using the What’s the Problem Represented To Be? approach to policy analysis, this paper explores the changing representation of the ‘problem’ of religious freedom by examining all public, parliamentary and statutory body reports of inquiries into religious freedom from 1984 to 2019. In their framing of the problem of religious freedom, these reports have contributed to a discourse of religious freedom which marginalizes the needs of both those who suffer discrimination because of their religion and those who suffer discrimination as a result of the religious beliefs of others.

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Saunders, DA, and Rebeira CP de. "Turnover in Breeding Bird Populations on Rottnest I. Western Australia." Wildlife Research 12, no. 3 (1985): 467. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/wr9850467.

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The avifauna of Rottnest Island, W.A., has been surveyed four times between 1904 and 1983: by Lawson in 1904, Glauert (1928), Storr between 1953 and 1962, and ourselves between 1981 and 1983. There were three recorded extinctions and 10 immigrations in the 79-year period, but none of the extinctions and only three of the immigrations could be regarded as valid for calculating natural turnover rates. The remainder had been influenced by human activity; therefore the avifauna extinction rate for Rottnest Island was 0, the immigration rate was 0.04% per year for non-marine species of bird and the relative turnover rate for the 79 years was 0.12% per year. These results for Rottnest I. support the view of Abbott (1978, 1980) that for Australian islands, immigrations and extinctions are infrequent and turnover of breeding species is also infrequent. There have been 109 sightings of vagrants recorded for the island between 1905 and 1983; only one of these had individuals present in sufficient numbers during the breeding season to establish a breeding population. The data show that for one Australian island natural extinctions of both passerines and non-passerines are rare. Water does act as a barrier and although birds do cross water and often appear as vagrants, they very rarely do so in sufficient numbers or at the right time to establish breeding populations.

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Sydes, Michelle. "Revitalized or Disorganized? Unpacking the Immigration-Crime Link in a Multiethnic Setting." Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency 54, no. 5 (March 15, 2017): 680–714. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022427817696955.

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Objective: To date, much of what we know about the immigration–crime link is based on the United States setting. Yet, contextual features unique to the United States may produce distinct outcomes for immigration and crime that do not hold elsewhere. This study therefore tests the applicability of ecological frameworks largely derived from the United States experience (such as the immigration revitalization thesis) in a country with a greater mixture of ethnic groups and where immigration policy is focused on recruiting skilled immigrants. Methods: Utilizing an innovative hybrid modeling approach, this article draws on three waves of census data and nine years of official recorded crime incident data to examine the effect of immigration on violent crime across 882 neighborhoods located in two Australian cities. Results: The results offer little evidence that neighborhoods with a greater concentration of immigrants have more crime or that increases in the immigrant population over time are associated with increased violence. Diversity however appears to have a more problematic effect on violent crime in both cities. Conclusions: While these findings are relatively consistent with previous research in the United States, whether this similarity is due to a process of revitalization requires further investigation.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Australian immigration policy'

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