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1

Vietrynskyi, I. "Australian Foreign Policy during the World War II." Problems of World History, no. 18 (November 8, 2022): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-3.

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The article is related to the establishment of Australian foreign policy tradition and becoming of Australia as a subject of international relations. The significant role of the dominions during First World War Great and their help for Great Britain victory, intensified their struggle for independence. As the result of long-term efforts, dominions reached the proclamation of the Balfour Declaration in 1926 by London, which was later confirmed by the Statute of Westminster (1931), which established the authority for dominions for an independent foreign policy. The development of Australian foreign policy before and during World War II was analyzed. The evolution of the relations of the Australia and Great Britain in the context of the events of the World War II is traced, in particular the peculiarities of the allied relations of the two countries. There is shown the regional dimension of the World War II within the Asia-Pacific region, in the context of Australia and the United States actions against Japanese aggression. There are analyzed the peculiarities of external threats effect on the transformation of the Australian foreign policy strategy, in particular in the national security sphere. The main threat for Australia in that period become Japanise aggressive and expansionist policy in the Asia-Pacific region. A lot of Australian soldiers and military equipment were sent to Great Britain to support traditional allie. But in actual strategic situation in Europe there were great doubts that British troops and the navy would be able to effectively help Australians in case of an attack by Japan. Politics of national security and defense of Australia in the context of its participation in World War II is considered. In the conditions of real threat of Japanese invasion, as well as the lack of sure to receive necessary support from Great Britain, the Australian government start to find a military alliance with the USA. There were identified the key implications of World War II for Australian socio-economic system.
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2

Zulkarnain and Aos Yuli Firdaus. "Australia Foreign Policy Effect On Indonesia Post Independence of Timor Leste." Britain International of Humanities and Social Sciences (BIoHS) Journal 4, no. 2 (June 16, 2022): 282–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/biohs.v4i2.667.

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As initially, Australia supported the integration of Timor Leste into the Republic of Indonesia, many events occurred which caused the relationship between Indonesia and Australia to be slightly disturbed. The changes that have taken place in Australia's relationship with Indonesia illustrate the real effects of Timor-Leste's independence. As a result of Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process, its relationship underwent many changes, especially in the political and military fields. The changes taking place in military relations are evident. First, the Agreement on Mutual Security (AMS) was released. Second, the joint training was cancelled, and the troops that used to work together became enemies. Eventually, Australian arms sales to Indonesia were stopped. Changes in the political and diplomatic sphere, including all political visits, were cancelled, and politicians within Australia and Indonesia publicly denounced others. Furthermore, cooperation within the global framework is limited, and the Ambassador's 'high alert' status is. Overall, Australia's relations with Indonesia became hostile. This study aims to determine how the influence of Australian foreign policy on Indonesia after the independence of Timor Leste. This research shows that the independence of Timor Leste and Australia's role in this process directly influenced government relations between Australia and Indonesia. Most Indonesians view the Australian government's actions and policies as separate from its relationship with Australian citizens. However, the relationship between people must still be considered when making policies about Indonesia because of widespread reactions to Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process.
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3

Benvenuti, Andrea, and David Martin Jones. "Engaging Southeast Asia? Labor's Regional Mythology and Australia's Military Withdrawal from Singapore and Malaysia, 1972–1973." Journal of Cold War Studies 12, no. 4 (October 2010): 32–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00047.

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This article draws on previously classified Australian and British archival material to reevaluate Australian Prime Minister Gough Whitlam's foreign policy. The article focuses on the Whitlam government's decision in 1973 to withdraw Australian forces from Malaysia and Singapore—a decision that constitutes a neglected but defining episode in the evolution of Australian postwar diplomacy. An analysis of this decision reveals the limits of Whitlam's attempt to redefine the conduct of Australian foreign policy from 1972 to 1975, a policy he saw as too heavily influenced by the Cold War. Focusing on Whitlam's approach to the Five Power Defence Arrangement, this article contends that far from being an adroit and skillful architect of Australian engagement with Asia, Whitlam irritated Australia's regional allies and complicated Australia's relations with its immediate neighbors. Australia's subsequent adjustment to its neighborhood was not the success story implied in the general histories of Australian diplomacy. Whitlam's policy toward Southeast Asia, far from being a “watershed” in foreign relations, as often assumed, left Australia increasingly isolated from its region and more reliant on its chief Cold War ally, the United States.
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4

Firdaus, Aos Yuli. "The Effects of Australia's Foreign Policy on Indonesia Post-Independence Timor Leste." British Journal of Philosophy, Sociology and History 2, no. 1 (January 13, 2022): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/bjpsh.2022.2.1.4.

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As initially, Australia supported the integration of Timor Leste into the Republic of Indonesia, many events occurred which caused the relationship between Indonesia and Australia to be slightly disturbed. The changes that have taken place in Australia's relationship with Indonesia illustrate the real effects of Timor-Leste's independence. As a result of Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process, its relationship underwent many changes, especially in the political and military fields. The changes taking place in military relations are evident. The Agreement on Mutual Security (AMS) was released, the joint training was canceled, and the troops that used to work together became enemies. Eventually, Australian arms sales to Indonesia were stopped. Changes in the political and diplomatic sphere, including all political visits, were canceled, and politicians within Australia and Indonesia publicly denounced others. Furthermore, cooperation within the global framework is limited, and the Ambassador's 'high alert' status is. Overall, Australia's relations with Indonesia became hostile. This study aims to determine how the influence of Australian foreign policy on Indonesia after the independence of Timor Leste. This research shows that the independence of Timor Leste and Australia's role in this process directly influenced government relations between Australia and Indonesia. Most Indonesians view the Australian government's actions and policies as separate from its relationship with Australian citizens.
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5

Downer, Alexander. "Securing Australia's interests—Australian foreign policy priorities." Australian Journal of International Affairs 59, no. 1 (March 2005): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1035771042000331995.

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6

Tsokhas, Kosmas. "Dedominionization: the Anglo-Australian experience, 1939–1945." Historical Journal 37, no. 4 (December 1994): 861–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00015120.

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ABSTRACTThe role of decolonization in the decline of the British empire has received a great deal of attention. In comparison there has been little research or analysis of the process of dedominionization affecting Australia and the other dominions. During the Second World War economic ties were seriously weakened and there were substantial conflicts over economic policy between the British and Australian governments. Australia refused to reduce imports in order to conserve foreign exchange, thus contributing to the United Kingdom's debt burden. The Australian government insisted that the British guarantee Australia's sterling balances and refused to adopt the stringent fiscal policies requested by the Bank of England and the British treasury. Australia also took the opportunity to expand domestic manufacturing industry at the expense of British manufacturers. Economic separation and conflict were complemented by political and strategic differences. In particular, the Australian government realized that British military priorities made it impossible for the United Kingdom to defend Australia. This led the Australians towards a policy of cooperating with the British embargo on Japan, only to the extent that this would be unlikely to provoke Japanese military retaliation. In general, the Australians preferred a policy of compromise in the Far East to one of deterrence preferred by the British.
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7

Bloomfield, Alan. "Issues in Australian Foreign Policy." Australian Journal of Politics & History 64, no. 4 (November 19, 2018): 641–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12513.

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8

BEDDIE, B. D. "Problems of Australian Foreign Policy." Australian Journal of Politics & History 3, no. 2 (April 7, 2008): 139–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1958.tb00378.x.

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9

ANDREWS, JOHN. "Problems of Australian Foreign Policy." Australian Journal of Politics & History 4, no. 2 (April 7, 2008): 141–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1958.tb00394.x.

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10

WEBB, LEICESTER. "Problems of Australian Foreign Policy." Australian Journal of Politics & History 5, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1959.tb00486.x.

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11

BOYD, R. G. "Problems of Australian Foreign Policy." Australian Journal of Politics & History 6, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1960.tb00777.x.

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12

LEGGE, J. D. "Problems of Australian Foreign Policy." Australian Journal of Politics & History 6, no. 2 (April 7, 2008): 139–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1960.tb00852.x.

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13

O'Neil, Andrew. "Issues in Australian Foreign Policy." Australian Journal of Politics and History 49, no. 4 (December 2003): 540–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2003.00313.x.

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14

Ungerer, Carl. "Issues in Australian Foreign Policy." Australian Journal of Politics and History 50, no. 4 (December 2004): 573–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2004.00354.x.

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15

Fraser, Malcolm. "Liberals and Australian Foreign Policy*." Australian Journal of Politics and History 51, no. 3 (September 2005): 332–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2005.0376a.x.

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16

Leaver, Richard, and Robyn Sach. "Issues in Australian Foreign Policy." Australian Journal of Politics & History 52, no. 4 (December 6, 2006): 621–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2006.00436a.x.

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17

Lee, John. "Issues in Australian Foreign Policy." Australian Journal of Politics & History 53, no. 4 (November 21, 2007): 600–613. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2007.00477.x.

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18

Clarke, Michael. "Issues in Australian Foreign Policy." Australian Journal of Politics & History 54, no. 2 (May 25, 2008): 271–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2008.00498.x.

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19

Leaver, Richard. "Issues in Australian Foreign Policy." Australian Journal of Politics & History 54, no. 4 (December 2008): 597–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2008.00518.x.

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20

Kelton, Maryanne, and Richard Leaver. "Issues in Australian Foreign Policy." Australian Journal of Politics & History 55, no. 2 (June 2009): 248–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2009.01511a.x.

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21

Leaver, Richard, and Maryanne Kelton. "Issues in Australian Foreign Policy." Australian Journal of Politics & History 56, no. 2 (June 2010): 259–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2010.01553.x.

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22

Hundt, David. "Issues in Australian Foreign Policy." Australian Journal of Politics & History 57, no. 2 (June 2011): 270–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2011.01597.x.

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23

Lim, Darren J., and Victor A. Ferguson. "Power in Australian foreign policy." Australian Journal of International Affairs 72, no. 4 (June 18, 2018): 306–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357718.2018.1484072.

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24

Beeson, Mark. "Issues in Australian Foreign Policy." Australian Journal of Politics and History 48, no. 2 (June 2002): 226–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8497.00260.

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25

Mason, Christine. "Issues in Australian Foreign Policy." Australian Journal of Politics & History 48, no. 4 (December 2002): 528–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8497.00274.

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26

Gurry, Meg. "Issues in Australian Foreign Policy." Australian Journal of Politics and History 49, no. 2 (June 2003): 227–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8497.00307.

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27

Beeson, Mark. "Issues in Australian Foreign Policy." Australian Journal of Politics & History 60, no. 2 (June 2014): 265–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12059.

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28

Fernandes, Clinton. "Australia’s Policy Successes in Timor-Leste." Estudios de Asia y África 57, no. 3 (July 29, 2022): 453–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/eaa.v57i3.2783.

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An independent Timor-Leste posed a dilemma for Australian foreign policy. On the one hand, Australia led the multinational military coalition that restored peace in 1999, and had an obvious interest in ensuring that its newest neighbour was self-reliant and stable. On the other hand, independence negated three decades of Australian diplomatic effort to control the oil and gas resources of the Timor Sea. Accordingly, Australia accepted Timor-Leste’s formal independence but tried to influence key aspects of its internal and external policies using foreign aid, espionage and other instruments of statecraft.
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29

Farneubun, Petrus K. "China’s Rise and its Implications for Australian Foreign Policy." Papua Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations 2, no. 2 (August 7, 2022): 142–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31957/pjdir.v2i2.2234.

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This article places a particular emphasis on the rise of China and its implications for Australian foreign policy. It qualitatively examines the perceptions of China’s rise, its intentions, and the Australian responses, based on government and international organisation reports, and secondary sources such as books, journals, and media articles. Using realism as a theoretical lens, this article argues that Australia’s foreign policy still reflects an ambiguity, as a result of, on the one hand, the economic opportunities China creates, and on the other hand, uncertainty regarding China’s intentions, whether offensive or defensive, peaceful or aggressive. Facing this condition, this article demonstrates that Australia adopts several important policy strategies. First, it maintains a hedging strategy to balance its economic interests and its security concern. Second, Australia continues to rely on the protection of the US. In the long-term, however, this reliance may be changed. For this reason, Australia needs to increase its own military capability. This article concludes that Australian foreign policy will likely remain ambivalent in its response to the rise of China.KEYWORDSAustralia; China’s Rise; Foreign Policy; Military Capability; Power Shift
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30

Taylor, Brendan. "Is Australia's Indo-Pacific strategy an illusion?" International Affairs 96, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 95–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz228.

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Abstract Australia has been among the most prominent advocates of the increasingly popular Indo-Pacific concept. This article argues that Canberra's enthusiasm for the concept stems from its appeal to the two dominant traditions of Australian foreign policy—a ‘dependent ally’ tradition and a ‘middle power’ approach. While these two traditions are typically seen as being in tension, the Indo-Pacific concept provides a rare point of convergence between them. The article begins by outlining the appeal of the Indo-Pacific concept to each of these traditions. Using a case-study of recent Australian policy toward the South China Sea disputes, however, the article then demonstrates that Australia has in practice implemented its stated Indo-Pacific strategy far less consistently than its very vocal support would appear to suggest. This disjuncture is attributed to the growing influence of a third, generally understudied, ‘pragmatic’ Australian foreign policy tradition. Because Australia has been such a prominent champion of the Indo-Pacific concept, the article concludes that this divergence between the rhetoric and the reality of Australia's Indo-Pacific strategy threatens to have a negative impact on the concept's broader international appeal and sustainability, particularly among Australia's south-east Asian neighbours.
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31

Lee-Koo, Katrina. "Pro-Gender Foreign Policy by Stealth: Navigating Global and Domestic Politics in Australian Foreign Policy Making." Foreign Policy Analysis 16, no. 2 (March 6, 2020): 236–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fpa/orz029.

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Abstract As a middle-power nation, Australia promotes its global effectiveness, in part, through the adoption of international norms. Among those that it has more recently embraced has been pro-gender norms. The inclusion—for the first time—of gender equality considerations into overarching strategic doctrines, and the development of stand-alone gender strategies demonstrates this. While this is not without its shortcomings and contradictions, it is evidence that Australia is allowing feminist design to underpin areas of its foreign policy. However, unlike other states, this is not publicly emphasized. In fact, it is as if these policies were developed by stealth. This article examines the depth of Australia's commitment to pro-gender norms in foreign policy. It argues that there is a genuine embrace of pro-gender norms, but the masculinist cultures of Australia's politics limit the capacity for it to be publicly debated and celebrated.
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32

Brown, Colin. "Australian Foreign Policy: July-December 1995." Australian Journal of Politics & History 42, no. 2 (June 28, 2008): 145–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1996.tb01359.x.

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33

Gyngell, Allan. "Emerging challenges for Australian foreign policy." Australian Journal of International Affairs 68, no. 4 (May 2014): 381–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357718.2014.886668.

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34

Ludlam, Senator Scott. "Australian foreign policy: the Greens’ approach." Australian Journal of International Affairs 70, no. 5 (July 19, 2016): 467–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357718.2016.1199656.

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35

Plibersek MP, The Hon Tanya. "Australian foreign policy: the Labor approach." Australian Journal of International Affairs 70, no. 5 (June 30, 2016): 460–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357718.2016.1199657.

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36

Bishop MP, The Hon Julie. "Australian foreign policy: the Coalition approach." Australian Journal of International Affairs 70, no. 5 (June 27, 2016): 453–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357718.2016.1199658.

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37

Beaumont, Joan, and Garry Woodard. "Perspectives on Australian foreign policy, 1993." Australian Journal of International Affairs 48, no. 1 (May 1994): 97–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357719408445126.

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38

Burchill, Scott. "Perspectives on Australian foreign policy, 1994." Australian Journal of International Affairs 49, no. 1 (May 1995): 115–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357719508445150.

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39

Salla, Michael E. "Australian foreign policy and East Timor." Australian Journal of International Affairs 49, no. 2 (November 1995): 207–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357719508445157.

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40

Goldsworthy, David. "Perspectives on Australian foreign policy, 1995." Australian Journal of International Affairs 50, no. 2 (July 1996): 199–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357719608445180.

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41

Dalrymple, Rawdon. "Perspectives on Australian foreign policy 1996." Australian Journal of International Affairs 51, no. 2 (July 1997): 243–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357719708445213.

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42

Trood, Russell. "Perspectives on Australian foreign policy—1997." Australian Journal of International Affairs 52, no. 2 (July 1998): 185–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357719808445249.

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43

Gurry, Meg. "Perspectives on Australian foreign policy 2000." Australian Journal of International Affairs 55, no. 1 (April 2001): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357710120055030.

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44

Downer, Alexander. "Australian foreign policy—a Liberal perspective." Australian Journal of International Affairs 55, no. 3 (November 2001): 337–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357710120095199.

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45

Brereton, Laurie. "Australian foreign policy—a Labor perspective." Australian Journal of International Affairs 55, no. 3 (November 2001): 343–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357710120095207.

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46

Kevin, Tony. "Australian foreign policy at the crossroads." Australian Journal of International Affairs 56, no. 1 (April 2002): 31–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357710220120810.

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47

Wesley, Michael. "Perspectives on Australian foreign policy, 2001." Australian Journal of International Affairs 56, no. 1 (April 2002): 47–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357710220120838.

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48

Flitton, Daniel. "Perspectives on Australian foreign policy, 2002." Australian Journal of International Affairs 57, no. 1 (April 2003): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1035771032000073632.

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49

O'connor *, Brendon. "Perspectives on Australian foreign policy, 2003." Australian Journal of International Affairs 58, no. 2 (June 2004): 207–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1035771042000220088.

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50

McDonald 1, Matt. "Perspectives on Australian foreign policy, 2004." Australian Journal of International Affairs 59, no. 2 (June 2005): 153–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357710500134467.

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