Journal articles on the topic 'Australian Dept of Finance and Administration'

Technological changes in tax administration especially VAT have also changed the way tax authorities around the world implement e-invoice tax, one of which is Australia. The Ministry of Finance of the Directorate General of Tax (DGT) Indonesia responded to this in 2013 by creating a VAT administrative technology system called the Electronic Tax Invoice (e-Faktur). This study aims to determine the administration of Indonesian e-Faktur by looking at the Australian e-invoice as a benchmark and to find out the problems of e-Faktur in Indonesia after implementation. This research method is a qualitative method with techniques in the form of literature studies and in-depth interviews with informants. The results of this study are that the e-Faktur of the system in Indonesia is different from the understanding of the existing e-invoicing in the literature and the Australian state. Australian e-invoicing system neglects sending data in the form of digital data (PDF) and sending via email. E-Faktur was found to still have problems after its application such as access which was always problematic because of the network, the insecurity of VAT data, and the costs that still arise due to the application e-Faktur such as the still printing of documents and inefficiency. The conclusion from this study is that there are still fundamental differences between the administration of Indonesian and Australian e-invoice.

This study examines causal pathways linking work strain to anxiety among Australian and American family business owners. To date, there has been no empirical test of strain-based, work-family conflict models on family businesses; nor have there been comparisons made between Australian and American business owners. This paper suggests a specific causal model and provides country-specific and comparative evidence for that model. The suggested model includes mediation and moderation mechanisms that link work strain and anxiety from the perspective of business owners. Data for the research were obtained through the administration of essentially identical questionnaires in the two countries in 1999. Results show that the proposed model fits the data reasonably well, regardless of the type of firm and country.

In 1984 the Hawke Government appointed a National Inquiry to review the federal revenue-sharing grants for local government introduced eight years previously, and to propose desirable aims and a basis for future federal support. Australian local government is on a small scale and closely under the control of state governments; federal support raises complex issues of intergovernmental relations. In this paper, the wide-ranging Report of Inquiry, and its political outcome, are related to basic issues about federal-state relations and the rationale and extent of federal interventions. In particular, the Australian experience is interesting for its attempts at combining vertical redistribution of revenue with ambitious and detailed equalisation policies, financed at federal level but administered by independent state agencies.

Despite its high prevalence, there is no systematic approach to documenting and coding obesity in hospitals. This study aimed to determine the prevalence of obesity among inpatients, the proportion of obese patients recognised as obese by hospital administration, and the cost associated with their admission. A cross-sectional study was undertaken in three hospitals in Queensland, Australia. Inpatients present on three audit days were included in this study. Data collected were age, sex, height, and weight. Body mass index (BMI) was calculated in accordance with the World Health Organization’s definition. Administrative data were sourced from hospital records departments to determine the number of patients officially documented as obese. Total actual costing data were sourced from hospital finance departments. From a combined cohort of n = 1327 inpatients (57% male, mean (SD) age: 61 (19) years, BMI: 28 (9) kg/m2), the prevalence of obesity was 32% (n = 421). Only half of obese patients were recognised as obese by hospital administration. A large variation in the cost of admission across BMI categories prohibited any statistical determination of difference. Obesity is highly prevalent among hospital inpatients in Queensland, Australia. Current methods of identifying obesity for administrative/funding purposes are not accurate and would benefit from reforms to measure the true impact of healthcare costs from obesity.

This paper examines the nature of the taxation profession in Australia and its development over the past three decades and then suggests a framework to analyse important initiatives that have taken place during this period. Using secondary sources and the organizing principles of State, Market and Community (Puxty et al., 1987), we begin with the subject of tax policies and legislation introduced by the state and its impact on the tax profession in Australia. We follow this with a discussion relating to the recognition of Australian tax practice as a profession. The paper then focusses on two key areas of professional development during the last three decades, namely: tax law and tax administration. The paper finds interesting issues relating to professionalization of taxation in Australia. With the involvement of the state, market and the society over the last three decades, there is a requirement to recognise taxation practice as a profession in Australia. The paper suggests that the establishment of the Tax Practitioners Board[1], a statutory body to regulate the taxation profession in Australia, in conjunction with approved professional associations, may have enhanced the effective maintenance of the tax profession which has contributed to social, political and economic development in Australia. [1] The Minister for Revenue and Financial Services appoint the Board, so there is some degree of control by the state.

Background. To save costs, the Australian Government recently deferred approval of seven new medicines recommended by the Pharmaceutical Benefits Advisory Committee (PBAC) for up to 7 months. Objectives. The aim of this research is to examine the timelines of PBAC applications following approval by the Therapeutic Goods Administration (TGA), allowing the recent Cabinet delays to be considered in the context of the overall medicines approval process. Methods. All new chemical entities and products for new indications approved in 2004 by the Australian Drug Evaluation Committee (ADEC) were identified. Outcomes of PBAC meetings from 2004 to 2010 were then searched to identify if and when these products were reviewed by PBAC. Results. ADEC recommended 63 eligible products for registration in 2004. Of the 113 submissions made to PBAC for these products, 66 were successful. Only 43% of the products were submitted to PBAC within 2 years, with an average 17-month delay from TGA approval of a product to consideration by the PBAC. Conclusions. Cabinet decisions to defer listing of new medicines delays access to new treatments. This occurred in addition to other longer delays, earlier in the approval process for medicines, resulting in a significant impact on the overall timeliness of listing. What is known about the topic? There is evidence that the time from registration of new drugs on the TGA to their listing for subsidised availability is increasing. The government’s recent decision to delay the listing of seven new drugs for subsidisation raised concerns about the potential for additional delays to impact the accessibility of new, affordable medicines for patients. What does this paper add? This paper examines delays at various stages in the process of approval for pharmaceutical subsidies on the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (PBS), putting the deferral of new medicine listings in the overall context of the approval process. It identifies the potential role of pharmaceutical companies and product sponsors in delaying access to new, affordable medicines early in the approval process. What are the implications for practitioners? Delays in the subsidisation of medicines, wherever they occur in the process, not only reduce patient access, but may also lead to pressure in other areas of the health care system to finance such medicines. This makes these results of particular interest to clinician managers, health care managers and policy makers.

In this, the last of three papers devoted to urban restructuring and its impact upon the built environment of an Australian city, the spatial focus narrows from the metropolitan region to an inner zone of Adelaide. This is the part of Adelaide that has gained most from the processes of residential reinvestment and gentrification over the last two decades. The interest in the circulation of capital that has been maintained throughout the previous papers is explored more fully by measuring and evaluating investment activity in the renovation and redevelopment submarkets. The evidence presented on the organizational structure, levels of investment, and returns to investment within the two submarkets makes for a better-informed characterization of ‘property capital’. It also serves to make the accompanying role of public finance in the revitalization process much clearer. In this paper, the interpretation of capital formation in the renovation and redevelopment submarkets suggests that all three tiers of government in Australia have been thoroughly implicated in the residential transformation of Inner Adelaide during the last two decades. Changes to the Commonwealth States Housing Agreement in 1973 released public funds for rehabilitating terrace housing in the City and inner suburbs, and the Hawke Government restructured taxation policy and the financial markets affecting investment in the home unit and town house submarket in the 1980s. Meanwhile the Dunstan administration in South Australia axed the freeway and high-rise-housing plans of the previous state government, and pressured City Hall to abandon its grandiose plans for commercializing the City's ‘square mile’. The residential development policies conceived in the mid-1970s as part of the replacement City of Adelaide Plan were emulated by other local government bodies in the nearby suburbs. Somewhat uncharacteristically, the state's public-housing agency gave a lead to project developers in the private sector by demonstrating what could be achieved in the submarket of inner-city-home units and town houses.

The 20th Century has witnessed the consolidation of global industry and finance. It has also seen the growth of criticism of some developments associated with globalisation. This has been particularly the case with the resource extraction industries and their downstream counterparts. These industries now have to consider a range of factors as central to the management of risk and of reputation that would not have been necessary 30 years ago. One of these factors is the need for community consultation regarding the nature of specific resource development and often some form of compensation for the impacts of development.Central to the Australian formulation of community consultation and development in the context of land use and natural resource development have been the Northern Territory Aboriginal Land Rights Act (ALRA) and the Native Title Act (NTA) as well as the setting up of Land Councils and representative bodies. These laws have been crucial, not just to the administration of land, but to the concept of aboriginality and citizenship as a whole. Like the ALRA, the Native Title Act has had a fundamental impact on the relationship between Aboriginal land interests and resource development. It has often, however, been mired in uncertainty, conflict, and amendments. This has contributed to a climate of legalism that has not necessary always been to the benefit of on-the-ground agreement processes.In Indonesia there is no basis in law for native title issues and a high level of risk exists as a result of social and political transition. As a result some companies operating in Indonesia have begun to develop new approaches to issues of community relations and development. A new understanding of the necessity of carefully planned partnerships in the context of resource development has begun to emerge in Indonesia. The BP Tangguh project in the Bintuni Bay area of West Papua has set high standards for consultative practices relating to community consultation and community development practices. Whatever the commercial success of the Tangguh project, the processes and systems developed for that project indicate the likely future direction of other best-practice resource development projects in Indonesia and elsewhere.In the past, development in Indonesia has been heavily influenced by rent capitalism, which has tended to emphasise the giving of permission over effective business and development practice. While the proponents of Native Title in Australia have often seen Australia as setting an international standard for development practice, this is belied by the actual results of Native Title and what is being undertaken in other international contexts. Native Title also often seems to act as a form of rent capitalism. As such it may be that Native Title does not necessarily define best practice, and, in the international context, may be under-performing in terms of risk and reputation management.Rather than assuming that emerging practices in either Indonesia or Australia are somehow occupying the higher ground in terms of best-practice development, it is suggested that Native Title and international practice can usefully be cross-fertilised in a critical manner. This process can be beneficial to companies and to stakeholders alike, particularly in the context of transparent consultation and negotiation practices that focus on the possibilities for cooperation in development, rather than conflict.

In common with higher tiers of government worldwide, Australian state governments often adopt highly interventionist ‘one-size-fits-all’ policies aimed at improving local government efficiency and performance. In this article, we employ recent expenditure data to investigate empirically the short-term impacts of rate capping on municipal expenditure in the Australian state of Victoria and to explore whether it had differential effects on spending by different types of local authorities. We find that while total spending did not fall, budgets for ‘invisible’ services, like aged care and disabled services, did decline. Our analysis also shows that the impact of rate capping on the various types of municipal expenditures is uneven between the different categories of local authority. Our findings add to the existing literature on local government finance by demonstrating that the impact of rate capping varies according to different expenditure types classified by local council categories in a non-linear population framework.

<p>The role of accounting information system plays a role of providing<br />information about all activities of the company for its use, especially for<br />management and use it as a basis for decision making. The purpose of<br />writing this thesis is to determine whether the information system applied to<br />by PT. Astra Otoparts Tbk. The Winteq division has really provided<br />accurate, timely, understandable and relevant information for management<br />in decesion making .<br />The type of research that the authors use in this study is field research, ie<br />conducting research directly to the company. The data collection of this<br />research is done by direct interview with the user part that is the Deputy<br />Dept Head of Finance &amp; Administration by collecting data related to the<br />issues discussed. This research uses qualitative descriptive method in<br />analyzing data which will give clear and accurate description and answer<br />from the formulation of this research problem.<br />From the discussion of research results found that the accounting<br />information system At PT. Astra Otoparts Tbk. Winteq division has applied<br />technology accounting information system with good and adequate system<br />with integrated system quickly and precisely supported by good technology<br />hence management use output accounting information system for all kinds of<br />decision. This is evident from the availability of information that is needed<br />right when management needs it</p>

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore the various characteristics of frequent-flier programs and the threats they pose to the Australian anti-money laundering regime. Design/methodology/approach A thorough literature review was conducted on frequent-flier programs and the associated money-laundering threats. Money laundering (ML) risks were identified in relation to the three stages of ML and effective law enforcement. Findings The findings indicate that as ML continues to gravitate towards the weaknesses in the financial system, frequent-flier programs provide yet another avenue for criminals to exploit. The risk factors associated with frequent-flier programs – specifically, anonymity, elusiveness, the rapidity of transactions occurring in a digital environment, ambiguity regarding responsibility for compliance, the global network of participants and members, difficulty in accessing records and an overall lack of oversight – were all integral considerations in establishing the ML risks of such programs. Practical implications The global environment in which individuals conduct financial transactions continues to evolve rapidly, exacerbating ML risks for regulators and governments alike. Unless there are globally unified efforts to heighten awareness, the threats posed by virtual currency will increase at a rapid rate. With this in mind, the starting point of this paper is an attempt to analyse the ML risks pursuant to frequent-flier programs in Australia. Originality/value The findings from this study can be used to gain greater insights into frequent-flier programs and can have broader application for evaluating other similarly structured loyalty programs, both in Australia and globally. Additionally, the findings from the study can enhance overall awareness of the ever-increasing threat to global financial integrity through the expansion of virtual currency.

Since the fall of the Berlin Wall, and most particularly since 9/11, the government of the United States has used its security services to enforce the order it desires for the world. The US government and its security services appreciate the importance of creating the ideological environment that allows them full-scope in their activities. To these ends they have turned to the movie industry which has not been slow in accommodating the purposes of the state. In establishing the parameters of the War Against Terror after 9/11, one of the Bush Administration’s first stops was Hollywood. White House strategist Karl Rove called what is now described as the Beverley Hills Summit on 19 November 2001 where top movie industry players including chairman of the Motion Picture Association of America, Jack Valenti met to discuss ways in which the movie industry could assist in the War Against Terror. After a ritual assertion of Hollywood’s independence, the movie industry’s powerbrokers signed up to the White House’s agenda: “that Americans must be called to national service; that Americans should support the troops; that this is a global war that needs a global response; that this is a war against evil” (Cooper 13). Good versus evil is, of course, a staple commodity for the movie industry but storylines never require the good guys to fight fair so with this statement the White House got what it really wanted: Hollywood’s promise to stay on the big picture in black and white while studiously avoiding the troubling detail in the exercise extra-judicial force and state-sanctioned murder. This is not to suggest that the movie industry is a monolithic ideological enterprise. Alternative voices like Mike Moore and Susan Sarandon still find space to speak. But the established economics of the scenario trade are too strong for the movie industry to resist: producers gain access to expensive weaponry to assist production if their story-lines are approved by Pentagon officials (‘Pentagon provides for Hollywood’); the Pentagon finances movie and gaming studios to provide original story formulas to keep their war-gaming relevant to emerging conditions (Lippman); and the Central Intelligence Agency’s “entertainment liaison officer” assists producers in story development and production (Gamson). In this context, the moulding of story-lines to the satisfaction of the Pentagon and CIA is not even an issue, and protestations of Hollywood’s independence is meaningless, as the movie industry pursues patriotic audiences at home and seeks to garner hearts and minds abroad. This is old history made new again. The Cold War in the 1950s saw movies addressing the disruption of world order not so much by Communists as by “others”: sci-fi aliens, schlock horror zombies, vampires and werewolves and mad scientists galore. By the 1960s the James Bond movie franchise, developed by MI5 operative Ian Fleming, saw Western secret agents ‘licensed to kill’ with the justification that such powers were required to deal with threats to world order, albeit by fanciful “others” such as the fanatical scientist Dr. No (1962). The Bond villains provide a catalogue of methods for the disruption of world order: commandeering atomic weapons and space flights, manipulating finance markets, mind control systems and so on. As the Soviet Union disintegrated, Hollywood produced a wealth of material that excused the paranoid nationalism of the security services through the hegemonic masculinity of stars such as Sylvester Stallone, Arnold Schwarzenegger, Steven Seagal and Bruce Willis (Beasley). Willis’s Die Hard franchise (1988/1990/1995) characterised US insouciance in the face of newly created terrorist threats. Willis personified the strategy of the Reagan, first Bush and Clinton administrations: a willingness to up the ante, second guess the terrorists and cower them with the display of firepower advantage. But the 1997 instalment of the James Bond franchise saw an important shift in expectations about the source of threats to world order. Tomorrow Never Dies features a media tycoon bent on world domination, manipulating the satellite feed, orchestrating conflicts and disasters in the name of ratings, market share and control. Having dealt with all kinds of Cold War plots, Bond is now confronted with the power of the media itself. As if to mark this shift, Austin Powers: International Man of Mystery (1997) made a mockery of the creatively bankrupt conventions of the spy genre. But it was the politically corrupt use to which the security services could be put that was troubling a string of big-budget filmmakers in the late 90s. In Enemy of the State (1998), an innocent lawyer finds himself targeted by the National Security Agency after receiving evidence of a political murder motivated by the push to extend the NSA’s powers. In Mercury Rising (1998), a renegade FBI agent protects an autistic boy who cracks a top-secret government code and becomes the target for assassins from an NSA-like organisation. Arlington Road (1999) features a college professor who learns too much about terrorist organisations and has his paranoia justified when he becomes the target of a complex operation to implicate him as a terrorist. The attacks on September 11 and subsequent Beverley Hills Summit had a major impact on movie product. Many film studios edited films (Spiderman) or postponed their release (Schwarzenegger’s Collateral Damage) where they were seen as too close to actual events but insufficiently patriotic (Townsend). The Bond franchise returned to its staple of fantastical villains. In Die Another Day (2002), the bad guy is a billionaire with a laser cannon. The critical perspective on the security services disappeared overnight. But the most interesting development has been how fantasy has become the key theme in a number of franchises dealing with world order that have had great box-office success since 9/11, particularly Lord of the Rings (2001/2/3) and Harry Potter (2001/2/4). While deeply entrenched in the fantasy genre, each of these franchises also addresses security issues: geo-political control in the Rings franchise; the subterfuges of the Ministry for Muggles in the _Potter _franchise. Looking at world order through the supernatural lens has particular appeal to audiences confronted with everyday threats. These fantasies follow George Bush’s rhetoric of the “axis of evil” in normalising the struggle for world order in term of black and white with the expectation that childish innocence and naïve ingenuity will prevail. Only now with three years hindsight since September 11 can we begin to see certain amount of self-reflection by disenchanted security staff return to the cinema. In Man on Fire (2004) the burned-out ex-CIA assassin has given up on life but regains some hope while guarding a child only to have everything disintegrate when the child is killed and he sets out on remorseless revenge. Spartan (2004) features a special forces officer who fails to find a girl and resorts to remorseless revenge as he becomes lost in a maze of security bureaucracies and chance events. Security service personnel once again have their doubts but only find redemption in violence and revenge without remorse. From consideration of films before and after September 11, it becomes apparent that the movie industry has delivered on their promises to the Bush administration. The first response has been the shift to fantasy that, in historical terms, will be seen as akin to the shift to musicals in the Depression. The flight to fantasy makes the point that complex situations can be reduced to simple moral decisions under the rubric of good versus evil, which is precisely what the US administration requested. The second, more recent response has been to accept disenchantment with the personal costs of the War on Terror but still validate remorseless revenge. Quentin Tarantino’s Kill Bill franchise (2003/4) seeks to do both. Thus the will to world order being fought out in the streets of Iraq is sublimated into fantasy or excused as a natural response to a world of violence. It is interesting to note that television has provided more opportunities for the productive consideration of world order and the security services than the movies since September 11. While programs that have had input from the CIA’s “entertainment liaison officer” such as teen-oriented, Buffy-inspired Alias and quasi-authentic The Agency provide a no-nonsense justification for the War on Terror (Gamson), others such as 24, West Wing _and _Threat Matrix have confronted the moral problems of torture and murder in the War on Terrorism. 24 uses reality TV conventions of real-time plot, split screen exposition, unexpected interventions and a close focus on personal emotions to explore the interactions between a US President and an officer in the Counter Terrorism Unit. The CTU officer does not hesitate to summarily behead a criminal or kill a colleague for operational purposes and the president takes only a little longer to begin torturing recalcitrant members of his own staff. Similarly, the president in West Wing orders the extra-judicial death of a troublesome player and the team in Threat Matrix are ready to exceeded their powers. But in these programs the characters struggle with the moral consequences of their violent acts, particularly as family members are drawn into the plot. A running theme of Threat Matrix is the debate within the group of their choices between gung-ho militarism and peaceful diplomacy: the consequences of a simplistic, hawkish approach are explored when an Arab-American college professor is wrongfully accused of supporting terrorists and driven towards the terrorists because of his very ordeal of wrongful accusation. The world is not black and white. Almost half the US electorate voted for John Kerry. Television still must cater for liberal, and wealthy, demographics who welcome the extended format of weekly television that allows a continuing engagement with questions of good or evil and whether there is difference between them any more. Against the simple world view of the Bush administration we have the complexities of the real world. References Beasley, Chris. “Reel Politics.” Australian Political Studies Association Conference, University of Adelaide, 2004. Cooper, Marc. “Lights! Cameras! Attack!: Hollywood Enlists.” The Nation 10 December 2001: 13-16. Gamson, J. “Double Agents.” The American Prospect 12.21 (3 December 2001): 38-9. Lippman, John. “Hollywood Casts About for a War Role.” Wall Street Journal 9 November 2001: A1. “Pentagon Provides for Hollywood.” USA Today 29 March 2001. http://www.usatoday.com/life/movies/2001-05-17-pentagon-helps-hollywood.htm>. Townsend, Gary. “Hollywood Uses Selective Censorship after 9/11.” e.press 12 December 2002. http://www.scc.losrios.edu/~express/021212hollywood.html>. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Stockwell, Stephen. "The Manufacture of World Order: The Security Services and the Movie Industry." M/C Journal 7.6 (2005). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0501/10-stockwell.php>. APA Style Stockwell, S. (Jan. 2005) "The Manufacture of World Order: The Security Services and the Movie Industry," M/C Journal, 7(6). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0501/10-stockwell.php>.

The popular view of the geography of urban employment is that the great bulk of jobs – and certainly virtually all "good" jobs[1] – is located in the CBD. This is an understandable view given the spatial distribution of employment density in Melbourne shown in Figure 1. Figure 1: Density of employment in one km wide circular bands by distance from CBD, 2006 (jobs/km2) It shows the density of jobs in the Central Business District (CBD) of Melbourne – the first one km radius ring around the town hall[2] – is an order of magnitude higher than anywhere else in the metropolitan area. It closely aligns with the cluster of high rise office buildings that define the CBD in the popular imagination. This purpose of this paper is to ask if this is an adequate representation of the geography of employment in Australia’s larger cities. Using Melbourne as a case study, the paper examines how jobs are distributed spatially and what implications that has for policy. Figure 2 highlights that density is not the same as the number of jobs. It shows how employment is really distributed within Melbourne. The CBD is easily the largest single concentration of employment, but it nevertheless has only 15% of all metropolitan jobs. In fact only 28% of metropolitan jobs are located in the inner city – i.e. lie within a 5 km radius of the town hall – and 50% are located within 13 km radius. Figure 2: Share of metropolitan employment in one km wide circular bands by distance from CBD, 2006 (%)This dispersed pattern is not recent. Melbourne was compact and dense up until the end of the nineteenth century when the appearance of mechanised transport – primarily trams and trains – enabled middle class residents to escape the crowding and congestion of the centre for the space and amenity of the suburbs[3]. This trend was boosted dramatically after WW2 when increasingly widespread car ownership democratised access to affordable land on the urban fringe. Firms followed a similar pattern. Initially, manufacturing and distribution firms moved to the outer suburbs so they could escape congestion in the inner city, exploit space-intensive horizontal production methods, and be closer to the suburbanising workforce. The suburban population generated increasing numbers of jobs to service its consumption needs, amplified by the increasing level of outsourcing from the home. More recently, some higher order activities have moved from the CBD to near-CBD and inner city locations and some back office functions have moved to the suburbs. By 1981, only 35% of Melbourne’s jobs were located within 5 km of the centre. Figure 3 shows the "average job"[4] was 12.4 km from the centre and the "centre of mass"[5] of employment was 5.9 km away. The trend to the suburbs was very strong over the succeeding 25 years. By 2006 just 28% of jobs were within 5 km radius and the ‘average job’ was now 15.6 km from the centre. The centre of mass had moved 2 km further outwards to the vicinity of Tooronga, 7.9 km from the CBD. Figure 3: Distance of employment from CBD, 1981 and 2006 (km) Figure 4 shows that this pattern of dispersal held for all industry sectors with one significant exception. While over 80% of Retail and Manufacturing jobs were located more than 5 km from the centre, Commercial Services jobs were split roughly 50/50 between the inner city and the suburbs. This sector consists mainly of finance, insurance, business services and property services jobs. Those located in the CBD and inner city include major financial institutions and-high level producer services jobs servicing corporate clients. Those in the suburbs however tend to service the resident population, for example, real estate agents and personal financial advisers[6]. Figure 4: Proportion of jobs in each industry sector located in suburbs vs inner city, 2006 (%)The net result, as Figure 5 illustrates, is that the industry composition of the suburbs and the inner city are quite different. While they have much the same proportions of Community Services jobs, the suburbs have a significantly higher proportion of Manufacturing & Transport and Retail jobs. The inner city, on the other hand, is dominated by the Commercial Services sector – it accounts for nearly half of all jobs.Figure 5: Sectoral composition of jobs in inner city vs suburbs, 2006 (%)It may surprise, but Figure 6 shows that most high human capital jobs – that is jobs filled by a worker with a Bachelor’s Degree or higher – are located in the suburbs. The inner city has a higher density of graduate jobs, but the sheer size of the suburban job market means that in absolute terms it has more jobs filled by graduates. These high human capital jobs are located in suburban hospitals, universities, schools, local government administration and increasingly, in manufacturing and warehousing. Commercial Services is the exception – two thirds of the high skilled workers in this sector work in the inner city. Figure 6: Proportion of jobs in inner city vs suburbs occupied by a graduate or higher, 2006 (%) With 28% of all metropolitan employment in 2006, the inner city was an important job market for residents living in the central municipalities of Melbourne, Yarra and Port Phillip. However the inner city accounted for less than 10% of the metropolitan population, with the other 90% living in the suburbs. Figure 7 shows only around 25% of workers who lived in the middle suburbs commuted to the inner city. It also shows that less than 10% of outer suburban workers commuted to the inner city. Clearly, the great bulk of workers in Melbourne work in the suburbs. Figure 7: Share of commuters by metropolitan sub region who work in the inner city, 2006 (%)After a period of long decline, job numbers started to grow vigorously in absolute terms in the CBD and inner city from around the middle of the 1990s. Averaged over the period 1996 to 2006, inner city jobs grew at much the same pace as suburban jobs, meaning that the relative share of metropolitan jobs claimed by the inner city and suburbs did not change. While the great bulk of Melbourne’s jobs are in the suburbs, most of them are dispersed rather than located within major centres. Figure 8 shows there were 31 major activity centres[7] in Melbourne’s suburbs in 2006, which collectively accounted for only 20% of all suburban jobs. Some of these centres cover a substantial geographical area – they are spread out "blobs" of moderate density rather than sharp "points" with a small footprint and high density. Figure 8: Major suburban centres defined by number of jobs and density of jobs, 2006 None of the centres approach the CBD in either size or density. It can be seen from Figure 9 that apart from the top four – which together account for more than half of all jobs in suburban centres – most are in fact relatively small. The smallest centre has around 2,500 jobs. Figure 9: Suburban activity centres by size (proportion of all jobs in suburban centres), 2006 (%) Of the 31 major activity centres, 30 are specialised in at least one industry sector and many have multiple specialisations. Commercial Services is the only sector in which no suburban centre specialises – that is the domain of the inner city and especially the CBD. Specialisation suggests that firms seek to avoid the burden of size and/or density associated with diverse centres, instead preferring lower cost centres with the sorts of firms with which they do business. This brief review of the geography of employment in Melbourne provides insights that are relevant to policy. It is clear that most jobs are in the suburbs and so are most industry sectors. Moreover most of Melbourne’s high human capital jobs are also now located in the suburbs. Most suburban jobs aren’t located in major activity centres, rather they’re at low densities in smaller centres or in stand-alone developments. Suburban centres are themselves relatively low density areas when compared to the CBD. Finally, centres tend to specialise in a limited number of industries because most suburban firms incur higher costs but no benefit from locating with unrelated firms. Thus the suburbs are the major job arena in Melbourne. This is also true of other Australian cities like Sydney although there are local variations between cities (e.g. Parolin and Kamara). Density is not a strong locational driver of most suburban firms. This is partly because motorised transport enables firms in a suburban setting to enjoy the benefits of agglomeration without high density. It is also partly because many suburban firms serve consumers directly (rather than other firms as is more likely the case in the CBD) and thus prefer relatively small centres which are easily accessible to their customers. The key challenge for policy suggested by this analysis is how to provide efficient and sustainable mobility for workers and businesses in a low density environment. The suburban geography favours private transport over public transport. Priority in transport policy therefore needs to be given to making private vehicles more efficient and sustainable. This suggests policies like pricing road space and pricing carbon.ReferencesB.P. Parolin and S. Kamara. “Spatial Patterns and Functions of Employment Centres in Metropolitan Sydney, 1981-1996.” Presented at the State of Australian Cities National Conference, 2003. [1] The data on employment in this paper is drawn from the 1981 and 2006 Census [2] The location of jobs in 1981 and 2006 is captured in 1,000 traffic zones [3] The suburbs are defined as that part of Melbourne lying more than 5 km radius from the CBD. The inner city is that area lying within 5 km radius [4] The ‘average job’ is estimated by weighting the straight line distance of each of 1,000 traffic zones by the number of jobs in each zone [5] The ‘centre of mass’ is estimated by weighting the coordinates of each of 1,000 traffic zones by the number of jobs in each zone [6] Legend for tables is: CML – Commercial Services; HOS – Hospitality; CMY – Community Services; RET – Retail, WHL – Wholesale; MAN – Manufacturing & Transport; OTH – Other. [7] Centres are defined by their absolute level of employment and job density, based on 1,950 traffic zones. The thresholds for each zone are Z Scores of zero for both employment and density. Contiguous zones are aggregated to form a single centre