Academic literature on the topic 'Australian Aboriginal languages'

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Journal articles on the topic "Australian Aboriginal languages"

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Pauwels, Anne. "Australia as a Multilingual Nation." Annual Review of Applied Linguistics 6 (March 1985): 78–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026719050000307x.

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For the benefit of readers unfamiliar with Australia's multilingual situation, the following statistics on language are provided, all derived from the 1976 Australian Census, the most recent one to provide detailed information on language use.lA wealth of languages is represented in Australia: depending on what is considered a language and what a dialect, the number of languages present in Australia is estimated at around 150 for the Aboriginal languages (100 of which are threatened by extinction) and between 75 and 100 for the immigrant languages.
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McKay, Graham R. "Aboriginal languages and language training in the Northern Territory." Communication and Translation in Aboriginal Contexts 5 (January 1, 1990): 48–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/aralss.5.02mck.

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Aboriginal languages are still widely used in most parts of the Northern Territory, particularly in isolated communities. These languages and their associated patterns of communication and socio-cultural systems are very different from those of the mainstream Australian society. The contact between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal groups is characterized by extensive communication failure and by differences in status. Language related problems of intercultural contact exist within the formal education system and in general communication situations, giving rise to a variety of needs for education and training for both non-Aboriginal and Aboriginal groups.
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Malcolm, Ian G. "Embedding cultural conceptualization within an adopted language." Cultural Linguistic Contributions to World Englishes 4, no. 2 (December 14, 2017): 149–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ijolc.4.2.02mal.

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Abstract Although a minority of Indigenous Australians still use their heritage languages, English has been largely adopted by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people as their medium of communication both within and beyond their communities. In the period since English first reached Australia in 1788, a dialect has emerged, drawing on English, contact language, and Indigenous language sources, to enable Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander speakers to maintain cultural conceptual continuity while communicating in a dramatically changed environment. In the perspective of Cultural Linguistics it can be shown that many of the modifications in the lexicon, grammar, phonology, and discourse of English as used by Indigenous Australians can be related to cultural/conceptual principles, of which five are illustrated here: interconnectedness, embodiment, group reference, orientation to motion, and orientation to observation. This is demonstrated here with data from varieties of Aboriginal English spoken in diverse Australian locations.1 The understanding of Aboriginal English this gives has implications for cross-cultural communication and for education.
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Dench, Alan. "Pidgin Ngarluma." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 13, no. 1 (January 1, 1998): 1–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.13.1.02den.

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This paper discusses evidence of an early pidgin in use amongst Aboriginal people of the north west coast of Western Australia. The crucial evidence comes from an Italian manuscript describing the rescue, by local Aborigines, of two castaways wrecked on North West Cape in 1875. The data reveals that the local Aborigines attempted to communicate with the Italian-speaking survivors using what appears to be an Australian language spoken some 300 kilometers further along the coast, around the emerging center of the new Pilbara pearling industry. I present an analysis of the material, showing that it differs from Australian languages of the area in significant ways and can be considered a reduced variety. I conclude that this variety is an indigenous pidgin — the first to be described for Australia.
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Zeegers, Margaret, Wayne Muir, and Zheng Lin. "the Primacy of the Mother Tongue: Aboriginal literacy and Non-Standard English." Australian Journal of Indigenous Education 32 (2003): 51–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1326011100003823.

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AbstractThis article describes Indigenous Australian languages as having a history of pejoration dating from colonial times, which has masked the richness and complexity of mother tongues (and more recently developed kriols) of large numbers of Indigenous Australians.The paper rejects deficit theory representations of these languages as being inferior to imported dialects of English and explains how language issues embedded in teaching practices have served to restrict Indigenous Australian access to cultural capital most valued in modern socio-economic systems. We go on to describe ways in which alternative perspectives where acknowledgment of rich, complex and challenging features of Indigenous Australian languages may be used by educators as empowering resources for teacher education and teaching in schools. Our paper stresses the urgency of establishing frameworks for language success within which to develop other successful learning outcomes of Indigenous Australians.
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Meakins, Felicity, and Carmel O’Shannessy. "Typological constraints on verb integration in two Australian mixed languages,." Journal of Language Contact 5, no. 2 (2012): 216–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19552629-006001001.

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Abstract Gurindji Kriol and Light Warlpiri are two mixed languages spoken in northern Australia by Gurindji and Warlpiri people, respectively. Both languages are the outcome of the fusion of a contact variety of English (Kriol/Aboriginal English) with a traditional Australian Aboriginal language (Gurindji or Warlpiri). The end result is two languages which show remarkable structural similarity. In both mixed languages, pronouns, TMA auxiliaries and word order are derived from Kriol/Aboriginal English, and case-marking and other nominal morphology come from Gurindji or Warlpiri. These structural similarities are not surprising given that the mixed languages are derived from typologically similar languages, Gurindji and Warlpiri (Ngumpin-Yapa, Pama-Nyungan), and share the Kriol/Aboriginal English component. Nonetheless, one of the more striking differences between the languages is the source of verbs. One third of the verbs in Gurindji Kriol is derived from Gurindji, whereas only seven verbs in Light Warlpiri are of Warlpiri origin. Additionally verbs of Gurindji origin in Gurindji Kriol are derived from coverbs, whereas the Warlpiri verbs in Light Warlpiri come from inflecting verbs. In this paper we claim that this difference is due to differences in the complex verb structure of Gurindji and Warlpiri, and the manner in which these complex verbs have interacted with the verb structure of Kriol/English in the formation of the mixed languages.
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Austin, Peter, and Joan Bresnan. "Non-configurationality in Australian aboriginal languages." Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 14, no. 2 (May 1996): 215–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00133684.

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Munro, Jennifer, and Ilana Mushin. "Rethinking Australian Aboriginal English-based speech varieties." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 31, no. 1 (April 25, 2016): 82–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.31.1.04mun.

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The colonial history of Australia necessitated contact between nineteenth and twentieth century dialects of English and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Island languages. This has resulted in the emergence of contact languages, some of which have been identified as creoles (e.g. Sandefur 1979, Shnukal 1983) while others have been hidden under the label of ‘Aboriginal English’, exacerbated by what Young (1997) described as a gap in our knowledge of historical analyses of individual speech varieties. In this paper we provide detailed sociohistorical data on the emergence of a contact language in Woorabinda, an ex-Government Reserve in Queensland. We propose that the data shows that the label ‘Aboriginal English’ previously applied (Alexander 1968) does not accurately identify the language. Here we compare the sociohistorical data for Woorabinda to similar data for both Kriol, a creole spoken in the Northern Territory of Australia and to Bajan, an ‘intermediate creole’ of Barbados, to argue that the language spoken in Woorabinda is most likely also an intermediate creole.
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MARTYNYUK, O. "LEXICAL STYLISTIC AND PHONETIC FEATURES OF THE AUSTRALIAN ENGLISH LANGUAGE IN THE CONTEXT OF LINGUISTIC COUNTRY STUDIES." Current issues of linguistics and translation studies, no. 19 (October 30, 2020): 29–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.31891/2415-7929-2019-19-6.

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The article deals with the process of formation and development of the Australian English language, characterizes its present-day lexical, stylistic and phonetic features. It has been found out that the Australian variety of the English language was formed as a result of interaction and development of dialects, colloquialisms, slang, through which the first settlers and emigrants from Great Britain, the United States and other countries of the world communicated. As far as everyday vocabulary is concerned, Australian English shares words and phrases with both British and American English, but also has some terminology of its own. Some elements of Aboriginal languages were incorporated into Australian English, mainly as names for the indigenous flora and fauna, as well as extensive borrowings for place names. Australian English has its own characteristic lexical and stylistic features such as a small number of words from Aboriginal languages; formation of new lexical units by extending pre-existing meanings of words; novel compounds; novel fixed phrases; coinage of lexical units; application of vocabulary from British regional dialects; unique means of imagery (metaphors and similes) that reflect the national Australian authenticity. The most common ways of forming Australian slang vocabulary have been described. A unique set of diminutive forms and abbreviations in Australian English has been exemplified. Australianisms have been defined as words or phrases that either originated or acquired new meanings in Australia and are widely used in everyday Australian English. Australians have a distinct accent, which varies between social classes and is sometimes claimed to vary from state to state, although this is disputed. The difference between the three major Australian accents (Broad Australian, General Australian, and Cultivated Australian) has been highlighted. Cultivated Australian is considered to be closely approaching British Received Pronunciation and Broad Australian – vigorously exhibiting distinctive regional features.
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Wigglesworth, Gillian. "Remote Indigenous education and translanguaging." TESOL in Context 29, no. 1 (December 30, 2020): 95–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.21153/tesol2020vol29no1art1443.

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Indigenous1 children living in the more remote areas of Australia where Indigenous languages continue to be spoken often come to school with only minimal knowledge of English, but they may speak two or more local languages. Others come to school speaking either a creole, or Aboriginal English, non-standard varieties which may sound similar to English, which gives them their vocabulary, while differing in terms of structure, phonology and semantics and pragmatics. This paper begins with a discussion of the linguistic contexts the children come from and the school contexts the children enter into before moving on to discuss a potential role for some use of translanguaging techniques in the classroom and discussing the potential benefits and advantages these may have. 1The term Indigenous is used respectfully to refer to all people of Australian Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander descent. Indigenous languages and Australian Indigenous languages are used to refer to the languages of both Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders following NILS3 (2020).
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Australian Aboriginal languages"

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Sapinski, Tania H. "Language use and language attitudes in a rural South Australian community /." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1998. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ARM/09arms241.pdf.

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Kumar, Manoharan. "Genomics, Languages and the Prehistory of Aboriginal Australia." Thesis, Griffith University, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/405626.

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When European settlers first arrived in Australia in 1788, Aboriginal Australians, or Traditional Owners, spoke more than 250 languages. Indigenous Australian languages are now broadly categorised into two groups: Pama-Nyungan (PN) and Non-Pama-Nyungan (NPN) languages. PN speakers traditionally inhabited more than 90% of the land mass of mainland Australia, whereas NPN speakers traditionally occupied only 10% of the land area, and this was in the far northwest of the continent. The NPN language group in particular shows very high linguistic diversity. Studies of nuclear DNA variation can provide valuable information on population polymorphism, structure, and demographics such as expansion, settlement and to date, there have been no such studies on NPN populations. Hence, population genetic studies are important to understand the genetic structure and history of NPN speaking populations. To understand the settlement of NPN language speakers in Australia and their genetic relationship with PN speakers, I undertook a comprehensive population genetic analysis of Aboriginal Australians across the continent. I obtained 56 samples with approval of Aboriginal Australian Elders from six different regions of the country, including Groote Eylandt Island (Anindilyakwa language speaker; NPN), Mornington Island (where Lardil, Kaidal and Yangkaal language speaker; NPN), northeast Arnhem Land (Yolngu language speakers; PN) and Normanton (Gkuthaarn/Kukatj language), Cairns (Gunggandjii) and Stradbroke Island (Jandai language speakers; PN). I performed whole genome sequencing with coverage (30-60X) and population genetic analysis of individuals representing three PN-speakers from three locations and four NPN-speaking populations from two locations. The 56 new genomes reported here were combined with previously published whole genome sequences of contemporary (100) and high coverage (5X) ancient (4) individuals to understand maternal and paternal ancestry, as well as nuclear genetic diversity. Mitochondrial DNA analyses revealed that Aboriginal Australians comprise four major haplogroups. These comprised N and S haplogroups that are unique to Aboriginal Australians while P, M haplogroups are shared with their neighbours from Papua and South East Asia. Phylogenetic analysis of whole mitochondrial genomic sequences showed NPN and PN speakers have shared ancestry within Australia and outside Australia, prior to European settlement. Analysis of Y-Chromosome haplogroups showed that NPN language speakers from Gulf of Carpentaria Island regions and PN speakers (Yolngu) from northeast Arnhem land have experienced very little admixture with Europeans since they arrived. However, Y-Chromosome marker from individuals belong to Stradbroke Island and Normanton showed that 90-100% of samples have European and East Asian ancestry. In addition, Y-Chromosome sequences from the Arnhem Land region showed that members of the Yolngu speaking population have a higher level of shared male ancestry with NPN speakers from Groote Eylandt and Mornington Islands than with other PN populations. Analyses of nuclear whole genome data, including PCA, ADMIXTURE & Out-group F3-statistics, revealed that NPN have distinct ancestry shared among NPNs. In addition, genetic analysis shows that PNs are the closest population to NPNs. This suggests that Australia were likely colonised by a single founder population. Furthermore, Nuclear analysis of PN speaking Arnhem Land population show that they are more closely related to NPN speakers than any other PN speakers in Australia. This is owing to the geographical proximity between these populations than their linguistic relatedness. Finally, the above 56 Aboriginal Australians samples were used to address the intriguing hypothesis, first proposed by Thomas Henry Huxley in 1870, that a close genetic relationship exists between the Indigenous peoples of Australia and India. To investigate this hypothesis, I sampled 14 genomes from South Asia and sequenced these to 30X coverage. These were compared to 160 Aboriginal Australian genomes which comprised newly sequenced (56) and previously published modern (100) together with ancient (4) samples. Population genetic analysis revealed that Aboriginal Australians do have Indian ancestry, ranging from 1-7%. However, due to the low proportion of Indian ancestry in a very few individuals I could not further confirm the potential Holocene migration from India to Australia. Future studies based on more modern and ancient Aboriginal Australian genomes could help to confirm or reject the hypothesis. The datasets presented in this thesis provide new knowledge about Aboriginal Australians including insights into their uniparental sequence ancestry, as well as genetic structure and settlement of NPN language speakers. These results will be invaluable for future research on contemporary Aboriginal Australians and will provide important implications for the identification of unprovenanced remains from regions across Australia.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Environment and Sc
Science, Environment, Engineering and Technology
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Gaby, Alice Rose. "A grammar of Kuuk Thaayorre /." Connect to thesis, 2006. http://eprints.unimelb.edu.au/archive/0002486.

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McManus, Hope. "Loanword Adaptation: A study of some Australian Aboriginal Languages." Thesis, Department of Linguistics, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/5335.

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This thesis is a case study of some aspects of the adaptation of English words in several Australian Aboriginal languages, including Martu Wangka, Gamilaraay and Warlpiri. I frame my analysis within Smith’s (to appear) source-similarity model of loanword adaptation. This model exploits loanword-specific faithfulness constraints that impose maximal similarity between the perceived source form and its corresponding loan. Using this model, I show that the conflict of the relevant prosodic markedness constraints and loanword-specific faithfulness constraints drives adaptation. Vowel epenthesis, the most frequent adaptation strategy, allows the recoverability of a maximal amount of information about the source form and ensures that the loan conforms to the constraints of language-internal phonological grammar. Less frequent strategies including deletion and substitution occur in a restricted environment. The essence of the present analysis is minimal violation, a principle that governs loanword adaptation as well as other areas of phonology.
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Singer, Ruth. "Agreement in Mawng : productive and lexicalised uses of agreement in an Australian language /." Connect to thesis, 2006. http://eprints.unimelb.edu.au/archive/00003242.

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Steele, Jeremy Macdonald. "The aboriginal language of Sydney a partial reconstruction of the indigenous language of Sydney based on the notebooks of William Dawes of 1790-91, informed by other records of the Sydney and surrounding languages to c.1905 /." Master's thesis, Electronic version, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/738.

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Thesis (MA)--Macquarie University (Division of Society, Culture, Media & Philosophy. Warawara - Dept. of Indigenous Studies), 2005.
Bibliography: p. 327-333.
Introduction -- Sources and literature -- The notebooks -- Manuscripts and databases -- Neighbouring languages -- Phonology -- Pronouns -- Verbs -- Nouns -- Other word classes -- Retrospect and prospect.
'Wara wara!" - 'go away' - the first indigenous words heard by Europeans at the time of the social upheaval that began in 1788, were part of the language spoken by the inhabitants around the shores of Port Jackson from time immemorial. Traces of this language, funtionally lost in two generations, remain in words such as 'dingo' and 'woomera' that entered the English language, and in placenames such as 'Cammeray' and 'Parramatta'. Various First Fleeters, and others, compiled limited wordlists in the vicinity of the harbour and further afield, and in the early 1900s the surveyor R.H. Mathews documented the remnants of the Dharug language. Only as recently as 1972 were the language notebooks of William Dawes, who was noted by Watkin Tench as having advanced his studies 'beyond the reach of competition', uncovered in a London university library. The jottings made by Dawes, who was learning as he went along, are incomplete and parts defy analysis. Nevertheless much of his work has been confirmed, clarified and corrected by reference to records of the surrounding languages, which have similar grammatical forms and substantial cognate vocabulary, and his verbatim sentences and model verbs have permitted a limited attempt at reconstructing the grammar.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
xxi, 333 p. ill. (some col.), maps (some col.), ports
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Disbray, Samantha. "More than one way to catch a frog : a study of children's discourse in an Australian contact language /." Connect to thesis, 2008. http://repository.unimelb.edu.au/10187/8533.

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Baker, Brett Joseph. "Word Structure in Ngalakgan." University of Sydney, Linguistics, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/408.

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Ngalakgan is an Australian language of the Gunwinyguan family, spoken fluently by just a few people in the mid Roper River area of the Top End. The thesis is a description and examination of the phonology, prosody, and morphology of Ngalakgan, based on several years of fieldwork. Ngalakgan is a language with a rich inventory of classically Gunwinyguan morphological features, including noun class agreement for all major and some minor word classes, compounding of both nouns and verbs, and a rich array of modifying and inflectional prefixes and suffixes. In Ngalakgan, there is a distinction between two kinds or 'levels' of morphology: 'root'-level and 'word'-level. Root-level morphology is lexicalised and unproductive. It is restricted to the tense/aspect/mood inflection of the small closed class of 'finite' verb roots, and to the large closed class of compounds of these roots. Word-level morphology is productive, and includes almost all prefixes, all (non-tensed) suffixes and all clitics. Only word-level structure is consistently reflected in prosodic structure; forms which are complex only at the root-level are treated as prosodic units. I show that all word-level morphemes constitute prosodic domains: every word-level stem, affix and clitic potentially begins a new domain for metrical foot structure. Geminates and glottal stops are over-represented at morpheme boundaries in complex words. In addition, they are subject to complex, non-local alternations with simple stops and zero, respectively, in Ngalakgan and related languages. The alternations are conditioned by preceding geminates and voiceless obstruent clusters, as well as by prosodic and morphological structure. I propose that voiceless obstruent clusters constitute 'boundary signals' to morphological structure, in a similar fashion to stress and, like stress, are 'licensed' by the organisation of intonation. Ngalakgan displays a quantitive-sensitive stress system in roots which is apparently unique to languages of this area. Heavy syllables in Ngalakgan are those which are articulatorily and perceptually complex: those in which the coda is followed by a consonant with a distinct place of articulation. Geminates, homorganic nasal+stop clusters and glottal stops interact with this distinction in ways which are not predicted by current prosodic theories.
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Baker, Brett. "Word Structure in Ngalakgan." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/408.

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Ngalakgan is an Australian language of the Gunwinyguan family, spoken fluently by just a few people in the mid Roper River area of the Top End. The thesis is a description and examination of the phonology, prosody, and morphology of Ngalakgan, based on several years of fieldwork. Ngalakgan is a language with a rich inventory of classically Gunwinyguan morphological features, including noun class agreement for all major and some minor word classes, compounding of both nouns and verbs, and a rich array of modifying and inflectional prefixes and suffixes. In Ngalakgan, there is a distinction between two kinds or 'levels' of morphology: 'root'-level and 'word'-level. Root-level morphology is lexicalised and unproductive. It is restricted to the tense/aspect/mood inflection of the small closed class of 'finite' verb roots, and to the large closed class of compounds of these roots. Word-level morphology is productive, and includes almost all prefixes, all (non-tensed) suffixes and all clitics. Only word-level structure is consistently reflected in prosodic structure; forms which are complex only at the root-level are treated as prosodic units. I show that all word-level morphemes constitute prosodic domains: every word-level stem, affix and clitic potentially begins a new domain for metrical foot structure. Geminates and glottal stops are over-represented at morpheme boundaries in complex words. In addition, they are subject to complex, non-local alternations with simple stops and zero, respectively, in Ngalakgan and related languages. The alternations are conditioned by preceding geminates and voiceless obstruent clusters, as well as by prosodic and morphological structure. I propose that voiceless obstruent clusters constitute 'boundary signals' to morphological structure, in a similar fashion to stress and, like stress, are 'licensed' by the organisation of intonation. Ngalakgan displays a quantitive-sensitive stress system in roots which is apparently unique to languages of this area. Heavy syllables in Ngalakgan are those which are articulatorily and perceptually complex: those in which the coda is followed by a consonant with a distinct place of articulation. Geminates, homorganic nasal+stop clusters and glottal stops interact with this distinction in ways which are not predicted by current prosodic theories.
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Bremner, Patricia. "Teacher scaffolding of literate discourse with Indigenous Reading Recovery students." Connect to thesis, 2009. http://repository.unimelb.edu.au/10187/5623.

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The research study described in this report was conducted in 2007 at a Kindergarten to Year 12 College, situated in the remote Kimberley region of Western Australia. Using case study methods, this research aimed to examine the scaffolding techniques used by two Reading Recovery teachers as they supported the language and literacy learning of two Indigenous Reading Recovery students. And further, to examine the impact of this scaffolding on each student’s language and literacy learning.
Multiple data sets were collected and examined with results discussed throughout this study. Transcripts and direct quotes were used to support the reporting of emergent themes and patterns with the convergence of the data used to support the internal validity of this small scale study.
This paper takes the position that generalisations, assumptions and stereotypical negative images of Indigenous students as disengaged and noncompliant students can be curtailed when teachers acknowledge that Indigenous students are active language learners with rich cultural and linguistic ‘funds of knowledge’ (Moll & Greenberg, 1990). These funds can support students’ new learning of literate discourse which is defined and used throughout this study as: the language used in schools to read, write and talk about texts used for educational purposes. Significantly, difficulties Indigenous students experience with literate discourse have been identified as contributing to the educational underachievement of this group of Australian students (Gray, 2007; Rose, Gray & Cowey, 1998, 1999).
The findings from this small scale study indicate that within the context of Reading Recovery teaching, teacher-student interaction and contingent teacher scaffolding, centred on text reading and writing experiences can support Indigenous students to code-switch between home languages and dialects, Standard Australian English and literate discourse.
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Books on the topic "Australian Aboriginal languages"

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Blake, Barry J. Australian aboriginal languages: A general introduction. 2nd ed. St Lucia, Qld., Australia: University of Queensland Press, 1991.

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Australian aboriginal grammar. London: Croom Helm, 1987.

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1958-, Harvey Mark, and Reid Nicholas, eds. Nominal classification in aboriginal Australia. Philadelphia, PA: John Benjamins Pub., 1997.

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Aboriginal stories: With word list English--Aboriginal, Aboriginal--English. Sydney: Reed New Holland, 1999.

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Holmer, Nils Magnus. Notes on some Queensland languages. Canberra, A.C.T., Australia: Dept. of Linguistics, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, 1988.

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Reed, Alexander Wyclif. Aboriginal stories. Chatswood, NSW: Reed, 1994.

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D, Clark Ian. Dictionary of Aboriginal placenames of Victoria. Melbourne: Victorian Aboriginal Corporation for Languages, 2002.

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Aboriginal place names. Sydney: Reed New Holland, 1998.

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Sharp, Janet. Aboriginal languages of the Pilbara region: Warnman. [Port Hedland, W.A.]: Wangka Maya Pilbara Aboriginal Language Centre, 2002.

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Sharp, Janet. Aboriginal languages of the Pilbara region: Yinhawangka. [Port Hedland, W.A.]: Wangka Maya Pilbara Aboriginal Language Centre, 2002.

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Book chapters on the topic "Australian Aboriginal languages"

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Koch, Harold. "The influence of Arandic languages on Central Australian Aboriginal English." In Creoles, their Substrates, and Language Typology, 437–60. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/tsl.95.25koc.

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Troy, Jakelin, and Michael Walsh. "Terminology Planning in Aboriginal Australia." In Language Planning and Policy: Language Planning in Local Contexts, edited by Anthony J. Liddicoat and Richard B. Baldauf Jr, 156–70. Bristol, Blue Ridge Summit: Multilingual Matters, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.21832/9781847690647-011.

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Oliver, Rhonda. "Translanguaging for Australian Aboriginal Speakers." In Research Questions in Language Education and Applied Linguistics, 885–89. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-79143-8_152.

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Harris, Stephen, and Brian Devlin. "Bilingual Programs Involving Aboriginal Languages in Australia." In Bilingual Education, 1–14. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-4531-2_1.

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Koch, Grace, and Myfany Turpin. "12. The language of Central Australian Aboriginal songs." In Morphology and Language History, 167–83. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/cilt.298.16koc.

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Harvey, Mark. "Nominal Classification and Gender in Aboriginal Australia." In Studies in Language Companion Series, 17. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/slcs.37.06har.

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Munro, Jennifer M. "Roper River Aboriginal language features in Australian Kriol." In Creoles, their Substrates, and Language Typology, 461–87. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/tsl.95.26mun.

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Ober, Robyn, and Jeanie Bell. "4. English Language as Juggernaut – Aboriginal English and Indigenous Languages in Australia." In English Language as Hydra, edited by Vaughan Rapatahana and Pauline Bunce, 60–75. Bristol, Blue Ridge Summit: Multilingual Matters, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.21832/9781847697516-010.

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McCollow, John. "A Case Study of Controversy: The Cape York Aboriginal Australian Academy." In Language Policy, 247–70. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8629-9_14.

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Klein, Dorothee. "Stories, Language, and Sharing in Kim Scott's Taboo." In Poetics and Politics of Relationality in Contemporary Australian Aboriginal Fiction, 166–91. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003129882-7.

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Conference papers on the topic "Australian Aboriginal languages"

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Szapiro, Deborah, Cat Kutay, Jaime Garcia, William Raffe, and Richard Green. "Learning on Country A Game-Based Experience of an Australian Aboriginal Language." In International Conference of Innovation in Media and Visual Design (IMDES 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.201202.054.

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