Journal articles on the topic 'Australia Politics and government 1990-'
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1
Makkai, Toni, and Ian McAllister. "Public Opinion and the Legal Status of Marijuana in Australia." Journal of Drug Issues 23, no. 3 (July 1993): 409–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002204269302300304.
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Since the late 1950s, when the medical use of heroin was banned in Australia, government policy toward marijuana has been based on prohibition. Despite an upsurge in the use of marijuana in the 1960s, government policy has remained virtually unchanged, except for the introduction of the expiation notice in South Australia in 1986. The authors use a wide range of opinion poll data to show that attitudes toward marijuana have remained stable over the past two decades, although the most recent data suggest that public support for reform of the legal status of marijuana may be increasing. There are notable differences in opinion between sociodemographic groups, with men, the young, and those who have been exposed to marijuana being more likely to support reform. The authors argue that as more people who have been exposed to marijuana enter the electorate and as New Politics issues become more prominent, the legal status of marijuana could become a political party issue. Data collected during the 1990 federal election among election candidates suggest that the potential for political party conflict already exists.
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McManus, Phil. "The Potential and Limits of Progressive Neopluralism: A Comparative Study of Forest Politics in Coastal British Columbia and South East New South Wales during the 1990s." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 34, no. 5 (May 2002): 845–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a3429.
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During the 1990s the management of forests in British Columbia (Canada) and New South Wales (Australia) underwent many changes. For most of the decade the governments in both of these political jurisdictions were more socially and environmentally aware than their immediate predecessors. They were, however, far short of what many environmental and social activists desired. The New Democratic Party in British Columbia, led to government by Mike Harcourt, and the Australian Labor Party in New South Wales led by Bob Carr, may both be described as ‘centre-left/light-green’ in their political persuasions. This paper develops the regulation approach to explore the achievements, the potential and the limitations of these governments in the area of forest politics. It is argued that these governments implicitly adopted a progressive neopluralist approach to forest politics and attempted to manage environmental conflict by securing the agreement of many diverse interest groups. The experience of these two governments raises questions about the potential and limitations not just of the particular governments, but of a progressive neopluralist political strategy to achieve sustainable forest management.
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Londey, Peter. "Australia and Peacekeeping." Journal of International Peacekeeping 18, no. 3-4 (November 26, 2014): 175–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-1804004.
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This article traces the history of Australian peacekeeping since its beginnings in September 1947. It shows that, while there have always been Australian peacekeepers in the field since 1947, the level of commitment in different periods has varied greatly. The article sets out to explain this phenomenon, chiefly in political terms. It argues that Australia’s early involvement in the invention of peacekeeping owed much to External Affairs Minister H.V. Evatt’s interest in multilateralism, but that under the subsequent conservative Menzies government a new focus on alliance politics produced mixed results in terms of peacekeeping commitments. By contrast, in the 1970s and early 1980s, for different reasons Prime Ministers Whitlam and Fraser pursued policies which raised Australia’s peacekeeping profile. After a lull in the early years of the Hawke Labor government, the arrival of internationalist Gareth Evans as Foreign Minister signalled a period of intense peacekeeping activity by Australia. For different, regionally-focused reasons, Australia was again active in peacekeeping in the late 1990s and early 2000s. In recent years, however, Australia’s heavy commitment to Middle East wars has reduced its peacekeeping contribution once again to a low level.
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Williams, Paul D. "How Did They Do It? Explaining Queensland Labor's Second Electoral Hegemony." Queensland Review 18, no. 2 (2011): 112–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/qr.18.2.112.
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Australia's entrenched liberal democratic traditions of a free media, fair and frequent elections and robust public debate might encourage outside observers to assume Australia is subject to frequent changes in government. The reality is very different: Australian politics have instead been ‘largely unchanged’ since the beginning of our bipolar party system in 1910 (Aitkin 1977, p. 1), with Australians re-electing incumbents on numerous occasions for decades on end. The obvious federal example is the 23-year dominance of the Liberal-Country Party Coalition, first elected in 1949 and re-endorsed at the following eight House of Representatives elections. Even more protracted electoral hegemonies have been found at state level, including Labor's control of Tasmania (1934–82, except for 1969–72) and New South Wales (1941–65), and the Liberals' hold on Victoria (1952–82) and South Australia (1938–65, most unusually under one Premier, Thomas Playford). It is therefore not a question of whether parties can enjoy excessively long hegemonies in Australia; it is instead one of how they achieve it.
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Turner, J. Neville. "Schoolchildren's Perception of Their Rights: A Pilot Study." Children Australia 18, no. 4 (1993): 28–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1035077200003709.
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The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child was ratified by Australia in December 1990. The Convention contains 55 articles, 41 of which are substantive, the others being procedural.The Convention has been analysed in legal and other literature in Australia. Its ratification was actively promoted by the National Children's Bureau of Australia and other bodies. Its implementation is the primary responsibility of the Federal and State governments. Periodic reports are required to be made to a Committee of the United Nations established for this purpose. It is foreseen that non-government organisations in each ratifying country will be invited to comment on the performance of their country. This surely means that the NCHA has a role in monitoring the implementation of the Convention.
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DEVESON, EDWARD. "Parasites, politics and public science: the promotion of biological control in Western Australia, 1900–1910." British Journal for the History of Science 49, no. 2 (June 2016): 231–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087416000327.
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AbstractBiological control of arthropods emerged as a scientific enterprise in the late nineteenth century and the orchard industry of California was an early centre of expertise. In 1900, as the Australian colonies prepared for federation, each had a government entomologist attached to its agriculture department. The hiring of George Compere from California by the Western Australian Department of Agriculture began a controversial chapter in the early history of biological control that was linked to a late, local popularization of acclimatization. Compere became known as the ‘travelling entomologist’ and for a decade brought ‘parasites’ of pest insects from overseas and released them in Perth. His antagonistic disciplinary rhetoric and inflated claims for the ‘parasite theory’ created conflict with his counterparts in the eastern states. The resulting inter-state entomological controversy was played out in the press, revealing the political use of science for institutional and even state identity. It is a story of transnational exchanges, chance discoveries and popular public science: popular because of the promise of a simple, natural solution to agricultural insect pests and because of the public nature of the disputes it generated between the experts. This microcosm contributes to the global historiography of acclimatization, biological control, scientific exposition and the professionalization of agricultural science.
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McAllister, Ian, and Jack Vowles. "The Rise of New Politics and Market Liberalism in Australia and New Zealand." British Journal of Political Science 24, no. 3 (July 1994): 381–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006906.
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The rise of ‘New Politics’ concerns since the 1970s parallels the rise in popularity of market liberalism. Although often considered to be opposites, both goals have been pursued vigorously and simultaneously by social democratic governments in Australia and New Zealand. This article examines the circumstances of this unlikely marriage and, by applying multivariate analysis to election survey data collected in each country in 1990, examines the implications of these apparently contradictory policies for public opinion and party support. We conclude that value orientations associated with New Politics have mixed associations with party support. Postmaterialist and materialist value orientations are linked to attitudes towards the specifically Australasian old left strategy of ‘domestic defence’. The findings suggest that the effects of value change are more far-reaching in New Zealand, where social liberalism may have overtaken collectivism as the dominant value cleavage in the party system.
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Hollander, Robyn. "‘Every man's right’: Queensland Labor and Home Ownership 1915–1957." Queensland Review 2, no. 2 (September 1995): 56–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s132181660000088x.
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In 1990, the Queensland Government launched its now discredited Home Ownership Made Easy scheme. HOME provided financial assistance to ‘moderate’ income earners by offering fixed interest, low start loans, and was accompanied by HOME Shared and HOME Buy which targeted public housing tenants. While HOME differed from past programs in its detail, it can be seen as the most recent attempt by a State Labor Government to extend owner occupation in Queensland. Between 1915 and 1957, the Queensland Labor Party actively sought to promote home ownership through a range of programs including the Workers' Dwellings and Workers' Homes schemes. These programs were a reflection of a fundamental belief in home ownership as ‘every man's right’ and as an ‘essential’ element of the ‘Australian way of life’. Thus, Queensland Labor displayed none of the ambivalence which characterised Labor Party attitudes to home ownership elsewhere in Australia. Williams contends that the Australian Labor Party was trapped between its commitment to assisting the poor, its reluctance to play the role of landlord, and its support for home ownership. The Queensland Party experienced no such ideological quandary. While other Labor Governments tended to accept an obligation to provide public rental accommodation for those unable to buy homes of their own, Queensland Labor continued to display a distaste for ‘public landlordism’.
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Nash, Marian. "Contemporary Practice of the United States Relating to International Law." American Journal of International Law 86, no. 3 (July 1992): 547–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203968.
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The material in this section is arranged according to the system employed in the annual Digest of United States Practice in International Law, published by the Department of State.Alan J. Kreczko, Deputy Legal Adviser of the Department of State, appeared before the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations on April 8, 1992, to testify in support of various pending treaties, among them four extradition treaties: the Extradition Treaty between the Government of the United States of America and the Government of the Commonwealth of The Bahamas, signed at Nassau on March 9, 1990; the Protocol Amending the Treaty on Extradition between the United States of America and Australia, signed on September 4, 1990, at Seoul, Republic of Korea (where the Asia-Pacific Attorneys General Conference was being held); the Supplementary Treaty to the Treaty between the United States of America and the Federal Republic of Germany concerning Extradition, signed at Washington on October 21, 1986; and the Second Supplementary Treaty on Extradition between the United States and Spain, signed at Madrid on February 9, 1988.
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Bay, Uschi. "Unpacking neo-liberal technologies of government in Australian higher education social work departments." Journal of Social Work 11, no. 2 (April 2011): 222–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468017310386696.
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• Summary: This article analyses how neo-liberal and managerialist policies, over the last two decades in Australia, have positioned university staff as self-managing individuals. Social work academics are positioned as ‘free agents . . .empowered to act on their own behalf while ‘‘steered from a distance’’ by ‘‘policy norms and rules of the game’’ (Marginson, 1997, p. 63, italics added). Using governmentality theories as developed by Bacchi (2009), Burchell, Gordon, and Miller (1991), Dean (1996, 1999a, 1999b), Foucault (1983, 1986, 1988, 1990, 1991), Hindess (1997, 2003), Miller (1992), Barry, Osborne, and Rose (1996) and Rose (1999) and an analysis of how staff are positioned in higher education settings is explored. • Findings: This article identifies the ways neo-liberal policy and managerialism operates to enable power relations that both individualize and totalize academic staff, including social work academics. Efforts to transform power relations require an understanding of how particular situations are problematized and the identification of the governmental technologies employed to constitute the political identities of social work academics. • Applications: Identifying how neo-liberal technologies of government affect social work academics could stimulate a renewed struggle for change and reinvigorate political action in social work university departments and social work settings more broadly.
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Maraseni, Tek, and Kathryn Reardon-Smith. "Meeting National Emissions Reduction Obligations: A Case Study of Australia." Energies 12, no. 3 (January 30, 2019): 438. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en12030438.
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Akin to a public good, emissions reduction suffers from the ‘free rider’ syndrome. Although many countries claim that they are meeting their greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions reduction commitments, the average global temperature and GHG emissions continue to rise. This has led to growing speculation that some countries may be taking advantage of the system by effectively exploiting a range of loopholes in global agreements. Using a case study approach, we critically review the evidence from Australia, exploring how Australia has participated in global climate change negotiations and the way in which this emissions intensive country’s national emissions reduction obligations have been met. The findings suggest that: (1) successful negotiation to include Article 3.7 (‘Adjusting the 1990 Baseline’ or ‘the Australia Clause’) in the Kyoto Protocol significantly favored Australia’s ability to meet its First Kyoto Commitment (2008–2012); and (2) successful bargaining for the accounting rule that allowed carbon credits from the first commitment period to be carried over to the second commitment period of the Kyoto Protocol benefitted Australia by 128 MtCO2e. At the national level, a lack of bipartisan political support for an effective mechanism to drive emissions reduction has also been problematic. While the introduction of the Carbon Pricing Mechanism (CPM) in 2012 reduced emissions from electricity production from about 199.1 MtCO2e to 180.8 MtCO2e in 2014, a change of government led to the abolition of the CPM in 2014 and emissions from electricity production subsequently rose to 187 MtCO2e in 2015 and 189 MtCO2e in 2016 with adverse impacts in many sectors as well as Australia’s overall emissions. The current Australian government continues to undermine its commitment to mitigation and the integrity and credibility of its own emissions reductions policy, introducing a softer ‘calculated baseline’ for its own Safeguard Mechanism, which allows companies to upwardly adjust their calculated baselines on the basis of their highest expected emissions, permitting emissions in excess of their historical emissions. While disappointing in the context of the global emissions reduction project, Australia’s actions are sadly not unique and we also provide examples of loopholes exploited by countries participating in a range of other negotiations and emissions reduction projects. Such strategies undoubtedly serve the short-term political and economic interests of these countries; however, it is increasingly apparent that the cumulative impact of such tactics will ultimately impact the entire global community.
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Lochhead, Ian. "The Politics of Empire and the Architecture of Identity: Public Architecture in New Zealand 1900-1918." Architectural History Aotearoa 1 (December 5, 2004): 33–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/aha.v1i0.7893.
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During the period from 1900 to 1918 new governmental buildings were constructed throughout New Zealand as part of a campaign to provide accommodation for government departments. Post offices, court houses and departmental buildings appeared in provincial towns as well as in major cities, almost all products of the government's architectural office, led by John Campbell. The exuberant Imperial Baroque style adopted for these buildings reflects a new national confidence but also follows closely the precedent of British public building of the period. Auckland's former Chief Post Office (1908-11) for example, is closely modelled on Sir Henry Tanner's Central Post Office in London (1907).
The extent and consistency of the Government's building programme was intended to promote a sense of national unity although its dependence on British models seems to confirm Hurst Seager's argument that New Zealand had yet to develop a distinctive architectural style. The use of the Imperial Baroque style, culminating in Campbell's design for Parliament Buildings of 1911, reflected New Zealand's strong sense of identification with the British Empire, also expressed through the contributions of its politicians at Imperial Conferences from 1897 to 1911. Unlike their counterparts from Canada and Australia, New Zealand politicians argued for stronger imperial bonds as a way of ensuring greater influence over imperial policies. This paper will argue that in fact, New Zealand public architecture of the period 1900-18 reflects a clear sense of national identity but one that is defined in terms of Britishness and conceived within the larger framework of the security provided by imperial solidarity.
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Timo, Nils. "Future directions for workplace bargaining and aged care under a post 2005 Howard government." Australian Health Review 29, no. 3 (2005): 274. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah050274.
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ON THE 1ST OF JULY 2005, the Howard Government took control of both the House of Representatives and the Senate and substantial reform of the nation?s industrial relations framework is likely to proceed. In order to understand the implications of the proposed industrial relations (IR) reform agenda on aged care, it is necessary to briefly revisit the past. Historically, the ability of the Commonwealth Parliament to regulate industrial relations was construed in the context of Section 51 (xxxv) of the Australian Constitution Act 1900 (Cwlth) that enabled the Commonwealth to make laws concerning ?conciliation and arbitration and the prevention and settlement of industrial disputes extending beyond the limits of any one state?. Since 1904, the Commonwealth, with the states following shortly thereafter, established a regime of industrial tribunals responsible for third party independent conciliation and arbitration, overseeing a system of legally binding industrial awards covering wages and employment conditions. This system, in the words of one of its chief architects, Justice Higgins, ? . . . would substitute for the rude and barbarous processes of strike and lock-out?1 (page 2). By 1991, Australian wages policy gradually shifted from centralised arbitration, elevating workplace agreements to the status of government policy on both sides of politics.2 This process accelerated labour market deregulation, shifting industrial relations and human resource issues to the enterprise level.3 The shift towards workplace agreements post 1990?s was underpinned by a bold reinterpretation of Section 51 (xx) of the Constitution Act that enabled the Commonwealth to regulate the affairs of ?trading or financial corporations formed within the limits of the Commonwealth?, thus, by definition, including regulating employee relations of corporations. The use by the Commonwealth of these powers has extended the jurisdiction of the Australian Industrial Relations Commission (AIRC) to include the making and approving of certified agreements made by constitutional corporations or in settlement of an industrial dispute. Other types of employers such as sole traders, churches and charities, partnerships and unincorporated associations remained covered by state industrial jurisdictions. (On these powers of the Commonwealth, see State of
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Akers, H. F., M. A. Foley, P. J. Ford, and L. P. Ryan. "Sugar in Mid-twentieth-century Australia: A Bittersweet Tale of Behaviour, Economics, Politics and Dental Health." Historical Records of Australian Science 26, no. 1 (2015): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/hr15001.
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History is replete with debates between health professionals with concerns about practices and products and others who either challenge scientific evidence or believe that the greatest public good is achieved through maintenance of the status quo. This paper provides a 1950s socio-scientific perspective on a recurring problem for health professionals. It analyses dentists' promotion of oral health by discouraging sugar consumption and the sugar industry's defence of its staple product. Despite scientific evidence in support of its case, the dental profession lacked influence with government and large sections of the Australian community. The division of powers within the Australian Constitution, together with the cause, nature and ubiquity of caries and Australians' tolerance of the disease, were relevant to the outcome. In contrast, the sugar industry was a powerful force. Sugar was a pillar of the Australian and Queensland economies. The industry contributed to the history of Queensland and to Queenslanders' collective psyche, and enjoyed access to centralized authority in decision-making. The timing of the debate was also relevant. Under Prime Minister Robert Menzies, the Australian Government was more concerned with promoting industry and initiative than oral health. This was a one-sided contest. Patterns of food consumption evolve from interactions between availability, culture and choice. Food and associated etiquettes provide far more than health, nutrients and enjoyment. They contribute to economic and social development, national and regional identity and the incidence of disease. The growing, milling and processing of sugarcane and the incorporation of sugar into the Australian diet is a case study that illuminates the interface between health professionals, corporations, society and the state. Today, for a variety of reasons, health professionals recommend limits for daily intake of sugar. Calls for dietary reform are not new and invariably arouse opposition. The issue came to the fore between 1945 and 1960, when dentists contended that the consumption of sugar either caused or contributed to a major health problem, namely dental caries (tooth decay). Representatives of the sugar industry defended their staple product against these claims, which emerged at a critical time for the industry. With hindsight, these exchanges can be seen as a precursor to more diverse and recurring debates relating to contemporary health campaigns. This paper documents and analyses the contemporaneous scientific and socio-political backgrounds underpinning these engagements
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Hayden, Jacqueline. "Available, Accessible, High Quality Child Care in Australia: Why we haven’t moved very far." Children Australia 17, no. 1 (1992): 10–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1035077200030091.
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In a recent article in Children Australia (16:2, 1991) Moore points out how our system of social services and community work reinforces traditional concepts of family (especially mother) responsibility for the care of children with disabilities. This same attitude reflects a fundamental ambivalence in our society towards the provision of state assisted child care. Like care for the disabled, out-of-home care for young children is assumed to rest within the private sphere, so that state assistance in any form becomes gratefully accepted as a generous gift.Child care in Australia moved into the political realm with the enactment of the Child Care Act in 1972. This legislation described the conditions under which the Commonwealth Government would distribute funds for capital expenses, and provide some wage supplements to non-profit groups delivering child care services in formal centre settings. Since that time, promises of increased Commonwealth funding to meet increasing demand have become more and more ambitious – 20,000 spaces were promised in 1984; 30,000 in 1988; and by 1990, the promise had expanded to 78,000 new child care spaces to be funded by the Labor Party. As it turned out, many of the 78,000 spaces promised during the 1990 election campaign were not ‘new’ at all, but represented already existing private spaces, now made eligible for funding by a change in policy. The bulk of the spaces meanwhile were targeted for after-school care (much less expensive to fund), when research clearly indicated the dearth of spaces and critical need for infant care (very expensive to fund).
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Moore, Clive. "Greg Weir." Queensland Review 14, no. 2 (July 2007): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600006620.
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How do political activists begin? What is their motivation? For quiet Greg Weir, just graduated as a trainee school teacher from Kelvin Grove College of Advanced Education in 1976, it was being refused employment by the Queensland government because he was a spokesperson for a gay student support group. Minister for Education Val Bird said in Parliament that ‘student teachers who participated in homosexual and lesbian groups should not assume they would be employed by the Education Department on graduation’. With his future as a teacher destroyed, Greg became one of Queensland's best-known political activists. His cause was taken up by the Australian Union of Students and he became a catalyst in developing awareness of gay and lesbian issues all over Australia. Greg was then employed as a staff member in the office of Senator George Georges and later Senator Bryant Burns, and became a Labor Party activist, influential in the peace, anti-nuclear, education and civil liberties movements in the 1970s and 1980s. He also helped set up HIV/AIDS awareness groups in the 1980s, and went on to become one of the central organisers of the campaign for gay law reform in 1989–90, which culminated in the decriminalisation of male homosexuality in 1990. In 1991 Greg was involved in campaigns to include homosexuality as a category in new antidiscrimination legislation.
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Kau, Max, Trevor Carlyon, and John Pearson. "Kids Help Line: A unique counselling service for children." Children Australia 17, no. 2 (1992): 4–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1035077200007914.
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Brother Paul Smith returned to Australia from Britain in 1990 committed to establishing a national telephone counselling service for children that would be preventive.As a De La Salle Brother, Paul Smith had worked with young people in a number of community and institutional settings. At the time of his visit to Britain he was in his tenth year as Director of Boystown, a residential facility for young males placed in care as the result of child protection concerns or offending behaviour. His frustration with Government bureaucracies and their inability to support preventive programs was well known in Queensland.The study tour of Britain included time at Childline, a telephone counselling service for children established in 1986. Childline counselled 57,342 children in 1990 with more than 30% of their calls relating to physical or sexual abuse. Childline is 80% funded by donations and covenants, and markets itself to children in need of help and protection. The service is supported by a referral system and a client-call data base as well as a sophisticated supervision system for its volunteer counsellors.Brother Paul returned home impressed with the potential of a service such as Childline, but determined to both broaden its access by children and to support the counselling with state-of-the-art technology.
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Adams, Tony, and James A. Gillespie. "The Price of Health: Australian Governments and Medical Politics 1910-1960." Journal of Public Health Policy 13, no. 4 (1992): 537. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3342549.
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Albinski, Henry S., and James A. Gillespie. "The Price of Health: Australian Governments and Medical Politics, 1910-1960." American Historical Review 99, no. 2 (April 1994): 628. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2167435.
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Madison, Donald L., and James A. Gillespie. "The Price of Health: Australian Governments and Medical Politics, 1910-1960." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 24, no. 4 (1994): 773. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/205684.
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Crichton, Anne, and James A. Gillespie. "The Price of Health: Australian Governments and Medical Politics 1910-1960." Pacific Affairs 66, no. 3 (1993): 459. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2759658.
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Gross, Paul. "The price of health. Australian governments and medical politics 1910–1960." Health Policy 21, no. 3 (July 1992): 281–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0168-8510(92)90023-5.
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Dickie, Brian, Brian Dickey, and James A. Gillespie. "The Price of Health: Australian Governments and Medical Politics 1910-1960." Labour History, no. 64 (1993): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27509182.
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Byerlee, Derek. "The Super State: The Political Economy of Phosphate Fertilizer Use in South Australia, 1880–1940." Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 62, no. 1 (April 30, 2021): 99–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2021-0005.
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Abstract From 1882 to 1910 superphosphate was almost universally adopted by wheat farmers in South Australia. A supply chain perspective is used to link the mining of phosphate rock in distant Pacific islands to the final application of superphosphate in the fields of Australian wheat farmers. Farmers and private manufacturers led the adoption stage in the context of a liberal market regime and the role of the state at this stage was limited although strategic. After 1920, the role of the state in the industry sharply increased in all phases of the industry. A political economy perspective is used to analyse state-ownership of raw material supplies and protectionist policies to manufacturers that resulted in high prices in Australia by 1930. Numerous government reviews pitted the interests of farmers and manufacturers leading to a complex system of tariffs and subsidies in efforts to serve all interests. Overall, the adoption of superphosphate was a critical factor in developing productive and sustainable farming systems in Australia, although at the expense of Pacific Islanders who prior to WWII received token benefits and were ultimately left with a highly degraded landscape.
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Marceau, Raelene, Kathleen Hunter, Stephanie Montesanti, and Tammy O’ Rourke. "Sustaining Primary Health Care Programs and Services: A Scoping Review Informing the Nurse Practitioner Role in Canada." Policy, Politics, & Nursing Practice 21, no. 2 (May 2020): 105–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1527154420923738.
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Sustainability is a key concept in the politics and local policy of health care delivery, particularly during discussions on the principles of primary health care (PHC) and health care reform. In Canada, previous reforms in PHC were implemented with the goal of achieving long-term sustainable change in health systems across the country. However, insufficient resources and a changing environment have impeded the sustainability of many PHC programs and services. An example is the nurse practitioner (NP) role, which was introduced in Canada in 1967 but failed to be sustained. In the mid-1990s, in response to a call for PHC reform, the role was reimplemented with the support of government legislation, regulation, and remuneration mechanisms. However, despite evidentiary success of NP role effectiveness and efficiency in Canada’s health system, many barriers toward full implementation of the role continue to exist and sustainability remains at risk. This scoping review was undertaken to inform a research project exploring the closure of an NP clinic in a western Canadian province. The review searched relevant peer-reviewed and gray literature from Canada, United Kingdom, and Australia, to better understand and describe the factors influencing sustainability of the NP role and other PHC programs and services.
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MIKLOUHO-MACLAY, Niсkolay N. "DIGITALIZATION FORMATION OF THE INDEPENDENT STATE OF PAPUA NEW GUINEA: CHALLENGES AND SOLUTIONS." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 4(57) (2022): 166–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-4-4-54-166-175.
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This article presents the main stages of the independent state of Papua New Guinea (PNG). It analyses the first steps in the formation of a democratic government in 1975 and subsequent political reforms, including the provincial government as a stabilization measure. The topic of crime (raskolism), the causes of corruption and intertribal conflicts that the young state faced, and the effectiveness of the fight against it are analyzed, as well as the reasons for restraining economic growth, the foreign policy of the state in the first decade of independent PNG and its relations with Australia.
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Fensham, Peter J. "Developments & Challenges in Australian Environmental Education." Australian Journal of Environmental Education 6 (1990): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0814062600001993.
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This year of 1990 is an appropriate time to review the place of environmental education in the Australian school curriculum. After a period in the mid 1980s when environmental issues and political attention to the environment were on the back burner in comparison with economic issues, the environment is again a top international political priority. With Green victories in a number of European elections, even the hitherto unmindful Thatcher government in Britain is claiming an environmental concern and announcing several conservation measures, albeit with rather distant targets compared with a number of their prospective partners in Europe.The Hawke government in its third term sensed a growing environmental disenchantment among its supporters, and appointed one of its heavy-weights to the Environment portfolio. This move, and the strong action he took over several sensitive issues, were enough to keep the Green preferences in line and ensure in 1990 a fourth, unprecedented Labor term of office.The first Australian government involving official Green support appeared in Tasmania and in most of the other states the governments have upgraded Conservation and the Environment among their ministries.Most Australians, according to a poll conducted late in May (The Age, 15 June, 1990), feel that the threat to the environment is real, and that its protection should be put ahead of economic growth. Such strong public support for the environment would have been unthinkable a decade ago, even though the evidence for much of the now widely recognised damage to the Australian and global environment was available.
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Benvenuti, Andrea, and Moreen Dee. "The Five Power Defence Arrangements and the reappraisal of the British and Australian policy interests in Southeast Asia, 1970–75." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 41, no. 1 (December 21, 2009): 101–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463409990270.
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Working from recently declassified Australian and British government files, this paper examines the archival evidence on policy thinking in London and Canberra towards the Five Power Defence Arrangements (FPDA) during the period 1970–75. The article argues that one of the main reasons for the Heath government's decision to deploy a token military force in Southeast Asia as part of a multilateral defence arrangement with Australia, New Zealand, Malaysia and Singapore was the desire to uphold these Commonwealth connections. By contrast, Canberra was beginning to question the value of such arrangements in a rapidly changing Southeast Asian strategic environment.
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Butler, Julia. "Law Libraries in Australia - Government Libraries." International Journal of Legal Information 28, no. 2 (2000): 429–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500009203.
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Since the mid 1980's to the present time there has been an unprecedented attitudinal change by governments, both at the federal and state levels, regardless of political persuasion, towards the role of the public sector. There has been a sustained policy to wind back the size of the Public Service across the board.
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De Deckker, Paul. "Decolonisation Processes in the South Pacific Islands: A Comparative Analysis between Metropolitan Powers." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 26, no. 2 (May 1, 1996): 355. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v26i2.6172.
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The South Pacific islands came late, by comparison with Asia and Africa, to undertake the decolonising process. France was the first colonial power in the region to start off this process in accordance with the decision taken in Paris to pave the way to independence for African colonies. The Loi-cadre Defferre in 1957, voted in Parliament, was applied to French Polynesia and New Caledonia as it was to French Africa. Territorial governments were elected in both these Pacific colonies in 1957. They were abolished in 1963 after the return to power of General de Gaulle who decided to use Moruroa for French atomic testing. The status quo ante was then to prevail in New Caledonia and French Polynesia up to today amidst statutory crises. The political evolution of the French Pacific, including Wallis and Futuna, is analysed in this article. Great Britain, New Zealand and Australia were to conform to the 1960 United Nations' recommendations to either decolonise, integrate or provide to Pacific colonies self-government in free association with the metropolitan power. Great Britain granted constitutional independence to all of its colonies in the Pacific except Pitcairn. The facts underlying this drastic move are analysed in the British context of the 1970's, culminating in the difficult independence of Vanuatu in July 1980. New Zealand and Australia followed the UN recommendations and granted independence or self-government to their colonial territories. In the meantime, they reinforced their potential to dominate the South Pacific in the difficult geopolitical context of the 1980s. American Micronesia undertook statutory evolution within a strategic framework. What is at stake today within the Pacific Islands is no longer of a political nature; it is financial.
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Plumb, James. "‘Back to the Future' A review of Australian reservation and other natural gas export control policies." APPEA Journal 59, no. 2 (2019): 505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj18282.
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Despite record levels of domestic production, forecasters are predicting that the east coast Australian gas market will remain tight in 2019. The introduction of the Australian Domestic Gas Security Mechanism (ADGSM) by the Federal Government in 2017, and the proposal announced by the Australian Labour Party (ALP) to bolster the mechanism, have again thrust the issue of political intervention in the export gas market into sharp focus. This paper provides an overview of the current regulatory intervention at the state and federal level, and looks back at the history of controls imposed upon the Australian gas export market. The paper is divided into two parts: Part 1, which looks at current regulatory controls engaged by various State and Federal governments: (a) the development and implementation of the ADGSM; (b) the development and implementation of the Queensland Government’s Prospective Gas Production Land Reserve policy (PGPLR); and (c) the Government of Western Australia’s (WA Government) domestic gas policy. The paper also reviews policy announcements made by the ALP in the lead up to the 2019 Federal election. Part 2 provides a broad overview of the history of controls on gas exports in Australia, from the embargo on exports from the North West Shelf between 1973 and 1977, through the increasing liberalisation of Australian energy policy during the 1980s and 1990s (and the associated conflict with state concerns of ensuring sufficiency of the domestic supply of gas), up to the removal of federal controls on resources exports (including liquefied natural gas) in 1997.
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Briggs, Freda. "Child sexual abuse and the legal system." Children Australia 32, no. 2 (2007): 4–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1035077200011512.
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When Australia signed the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1990, federal and state governments agreed, under Article 19, to create appropriate legislation and all necessary social and educational measures to protect children from all forms of abuse and exploitation and provide treatment and social support for victims and their carers. Seventeen years later, Australian child advocates are wondering where those services are, especially for those outside state capital cities. More importantly, where is the justice system that protects children and caters for victims of sexual abuse?Australia, in common with other former British colonies, inherited the Westminster adversarial system, described by Mallon and White (1995, p. 50, cited in McGrath 2005) as:
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Kelly, Veronica. "The Globalized and the Local: Theatre in Australia and Aotearoa/New Zealand Enters the New Millennium." Theatre Research International 26, no. 1 (March 2001): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883301000013.
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Late in 1999 the Commonwealth of Australia's Department of Communications, Information Technology and the Arts released Securing the Future, the final Report of the Major Performing Arts Enquiry chaired by Helen Nugent (commonly referred to as the Nugent Report). The operations of the committee and the findings of the Report occasioned considerable public debate in the Australian arts world in the late 1990s, as the Enquiry solicited and analysed information and opinion on the financial health and artistic practices of thirty-one national major performing arts companies producing opera, ballet, chamber and orchestral music as well as theatre. The Report saw the financial viability of Australian live performance as deeply affected by the impact of globalization, especially by what elsewhere has been called ‘Baumol's disease’ – escalating technical, administrative and wage costs but fixed revenue – which threaten the subsidized state theatre companies of Brisbane, Adelaide and Perth with their relatively small population bases. The structural implementation recommended a considerable financial commitment by Commonwealth and State Governments to undertake a defined period of stabilizing and repositioning of companies. Early in 2000 both levels of Government committed themselves to this funding – in fact increasing Nugent's requested $52 million to $70 million – and to the principle of a strengthened Australia Council dispensing arms-length subsidy. In an economically philistine political environment, these outcomes are a tribute to Nugent's astute use of economic rhetoric to gain at least a symbolic victory for the performing arts sector. In 2000 New Zealand arts gained a similar major injection of funding, while a commissioned Heart of the Nation report, advocating the dilution of the principle of arm's-length funding through the abolition of the national funding organization Creative New Zealand, was rejected by Prime Minister Helen Clark.
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Yeh, Hsiu-shan, and Wan-I. Lin. "Disability employment services under new public management: A comparison of Australia and Taiwan." International Social Work 61, no. 3 (June 10, 2016): 437–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872816648201.
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In the 1990s, both Australia and Taiwan were influenced by new public management (NPM) and subsequently reformed their public employment services. However, the reforms of the two countries have led to divergent results. This study assumes that the essential differences lay in the mobilization capacity of the disabled rights advocacy organizations and the disability employment benefits. Taiwan’s disability employment services (supported employment), though privatized, are limited to nonprofit organizations (NPOs), while for-profit organizations (POs) remain absent in this area. In Australia, the employment services (open employment services for people with disabilities) have been privatized, and for-profit organizations are encouraged to compete with one another to enhance the service quality and to reduce the costs. By providing job-search benefits for disabled people and implementing workfare policy, the Australian government reforms have resulted in the change of the relationship between the government and the citizens. In contrast, since the Taiwanese government never provided sufficient social welfare benefits for disabled people, they have to actively seek employment not after encouragement from the government, but as a result of their desperate need to earn a living. Despite the two countries’ differences, the force of neoliberalism, along with NPM, ostensibly continues to be a part of their employment policies for the socially underprivileged.
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Segal, Naomi. "Compulsory Arbitration and the Western Australian Gold-Mining Industry: A Re-Examination of the Inception of Compulsory Arbitration in Western Australia." International Review of Social History 47, no. 1 (April 2002): 59–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859001000487.
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In 1900, Western Australia, a self-governing British colony, adopted compulsory conciliation and arbitration legislation, the first Australian colony to do so. This article focuses primarily on the roles the colonial state and capital played in the adoption of the legislation and proposes a broader, more complex explanation for the introduction of the legislation than current mainstream Western Australian historiography, which, mostly, constructed the event as an unproblematic regional labour triumph. This article argues that the legislation was passed to prevent disruption to gold mining, the industry driving the development of the colony, and to revive the flagging political fortunes of the colonial government. It asserts that the timing of the legislation pre-empted a more effective bill being introduced under conditions less favourable to capital. Organized labour, which, through its lobbying, had created consensus about the desirability of introducing the legislation, was unable to influence the shape of the legislation significantly.
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Pusey, Michael. "Economic rationalism in Canberra 25 years on?" Journal of Sociology 54, no. 1 (February 23, 2018): 12–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783318759086.
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This article, based on an edited transcript of a speech at The Australian Sociological Association (TASA) conference in Melbourne in December 2016, summarises the criticisms of ‘economic rationalism’, cum neoliberalism, that emerged from the ‘economic rationalism debate’ in Australia of the early 1990s to the present. Economic rationalism reversed Australia’s historic nation-building legacy. Free market neoliberal doctrines have captured the central Canberra policy-making apparatus and radically reduced the coordinating role of the state in most areas of public policy. Economic ‘reform’ is seen primarily as a political project led by international and domestic corporate interest groupings and aimed at the transformation of Australia’s institutions. The neoliberal orthodoxy continues to distort the policy process as it has become functionally indispensable for the process of policy making and government, despite its failing intellectual legitimacy.
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Capling, Ann, and Kim Richard Nossal. "Parliament and the Democratization of Foreign Policy: The Case of Australia's Joint Standing Committee on Treaties." Canadian Journal of Political Science 36, no. 4 (September 2003): 835–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423903778883.
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There is little agreement about the degree to which parliamentary institutions can help overcome the democratic deficit in global governance. While much of the literature on the European Union's democratic deficit focuses on reforming parliament, most commentary on the subject in global governance and foreign policy holds out little hope that national parliaments could be used to mitigate the effects of the internationalization of public policy. This article examines the case of the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties (JSCOT), established by the Australian government in 1996 in an explicit attempt to use parliamentary reform to address the democratic deficit. Although JSCOT was highly active, it did not significantly change the way in which Australian national positions in international negotiations were arrived at; the democratic deficit created in Australia by increasing internationalization has not been mitigated by the creation of this committee. While the JSCOT initiatives might have been motivated by the concerns of the government of John Howard to overcome the democratic deficit, the way in which JSCOT actually evolved departed considerably from those original intentions. Ironically, JSCOT evolved in ways not dissimilar to the evolution of NGO consultation in Canada in the 1990s: as a tool of political management, a means by which the government could channel protest, deflect opposition, and in essence legitimize its own policy preferences.
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James, Marcus. "The Struggle against Silicosis in the Australian Mining Industry: The Role of the Commonwealth Government,1920-1950." Labour History, no. 65 (1993): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27509198.
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Bates, Gerry. "Environmental Assessment Australia's New Outlook under the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act 1999 (Cth)." Environmental Law Review 4, no. 4 (December 2002): 203–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/146145290200400402.
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Environmental law in Australia owes much of its origins to British ancestry, but as a political federation of states and territories, Australia has also looked to other federal jurisdictions in the USA and Canada to help determine appropriate legal responsibilities for protection of the environment and management of natural resources. Environmental assessment of activities at Commonwealth level indeed was initially influenced by the American and Canadian models; but in recent years Australian governments have sought a more refined approach that reflects the realities of a new era of ‘co-operative federalism’ ushered in by the Inter-governmental Agreement on the Environment 1992. The promulgation of the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act 1999 (Cth) (EPBCA) represents the conclusion of this search for the most appropriate statement of Commonwealth/state responsibilities for the environment; and represents the most fundamental reform of Commonwealth responsibility for the environment in the past 30 years. The Act, which came into force on 16 July 2000, replaces five existing statutes; the Endangered Species Protection Act 1992 (Cth); the Environment Protection (Impact of Proposals) Act 1974 (Cth) (EPIP Act); the National Parks and Wildlife Conservation Act 1975 (Cth); the Whale Protection Act 1980 (Cth), and the World Heritage Properties Conservation Act 1983 (Cth).1 The passage of the Act has been controversial because it appears to limit the legal responsibilities of the federal government to a narrow list of defined circumstances, omitting in the process some environmental issues in Australia that might appear to demand a national approach. The purpose of this paper is to describe the background and philosophy behind the new legislation, and outline the provisions for Commonwealth environmental assessment and approval of actions that might significantly affect the environment.
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Mayrl, Damon. "Administering Secularization: Religious Education in New South Wales since 1960." European Journal of Sociology 52, no. 1 (April 2011): 111–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000397561100004x.
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AbstractThis paper examines the development of religious education policy in the government schools of New South Wales (Australia) since 1960. The New South Wales religious education curriculum features three components: (1) teacher-led “general religious education” (gre); (2) right-of-entry denominational instruction provided by visiting clergy (“special religious education”, or sre); and (3) occasional additional devotional exercises such as hymns and prayers. Between 1960 and 1980, this system underwent a partial secularization. gre was transformed from a straightforward course in Christianity built around government-produced Scripture readers to a flexible curricular component built around the academic study of multiple religions. At the same time, sre was strengthened and had its position in the curriculum secured; and devotional exercises were allowed to continue only in those settings where they formed an “appropriate” match with the community. I find that “secularizing” reforms were most consistently driven by teachers and administrators with practical motives: avoiding controversy, improving working conditions, and facilitating class management. This finding both challenges and complements recent works that interpret secularization as a political process driven by politicians and professionals primarily interested in enhancing their power or prestige at the expense of religious actors.
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Lewis-Beck, Michael S., and Peverill Squire. "The Politics of Institutional Choice: Presidential Ballot Access for Third Parties in the United States." British Journal of Political Science 25, no. 3 (July 1995): 419–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400007274.
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During the nineteenth century, a presidential voter actually selected a party-prepared candidate list, casting it in full view of others. The ‘Australian’ ballot, adopted in nearly all states by 1900, took away party preparation of the ballot. State officials now prepared overall candidate lists from which the voter picked in secret. The introduction of the Australian ballot was heralded as a blow against political corruption and for ‘good government’. But practical questions arose. With the state itself responsible for the ballot, how should it decide which candidates to list? Some barriers to entry seemed necessary, otherwise the list would be unwieldy. Each of the states began to pass laws restricting ballot access, often aimed at third parties.
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Mendes, Philip. "The Radical Arm of the Welfare Lobby: A History of the Victorian Coalition Against Poverty and Unemployment, 1980-91." Labour History 120, no. 1 (May 1, 2021): 117–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jlh.2021.7.
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Australia has had high levels of unemployment since the mid-1970s, particularly from approximately 1976-94, yet to date there has been no significant study of political activism by the unemployed in the modern era. This article fills some of this knowledge gap by examining the activities of the Victorian Coalition against Poverty and Unemployment (CAPU), an activist group based on an alliance of trade unions, churches, community groups and the unemployed. Whilst CAPU was influenced by conventional Marxist critiques of the welfare state and highly critical of both the professional social welfare sector and the Australian Labor Party, it also worked co-operatively with key community welfare groups such as the Victorian Council of Social Service and the Brotherhood of St Laurence on specific campaigns. Consequently, it is argued that CAPU was not an anti-welfare organisation per se, but rather acted as the radical arm of the welfare lobby seeking to shame governments into operationalising in practice their declared social justice principles.
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McKnight, David. "‘Not Attributable to Official Sources’: Counter-Propaganda and the Mass Media." Media International Australia 128, no. 1 (August 2008): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0812800103.
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During the Cold War in Australia, the political agenda was dominated by the threat of communism. One factor in building this agenda was the ‘counter-propaganda operations’ of the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO) which regularly released unattributable information to selected mass media outlets. In the period when these activities were most prevalent (1960–72), ASIO officers had regular contact with editors and with selected journalists on major newspapers and television. This formed part of a broader ‘cultural Cold War’ in which anti-communism was an organising principle. This article outlines new information on these activities, suggests that these operations were more extensive than previously thought, and discusses this relationship in terms of the scholarly work on media sources, government-sponsored intervention in the media and classical theories of propaganda. It suggests that one way to understand the controversial media role in counter-propaganda operations lies in the relationship between police and crime reporters.
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Raftery, Judith. "James A. Gillespie, The price of health: Australian governments and medical politics 1910-1960 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991. Pp. xvii + 358. Index. $49.95.)." Australian Economic History Review 33, no. 1 (January 1, 1993): 91–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aehr.331br4.
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Jackson, Judge Hal. "Policy and Politics: Two recent examples in Western Australia." Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 29, no. 1 (March 1996): 58–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000486589602900105.
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In a state known for consistently high incarceration rates, especially of Aboriginal people, the Labor governments of the 1980s created two criminologically based research or advisory bodies. The paper looks at the background and history of each — the State Government Advisory Committee on Young Offenders and the Crime Research Centre (and the lessons learned therefrom in light of policy making decisions, both by the Labor Government which created them and its successor, the Liberal Government of Richard Court). The first was composed largely of high ranking judicial, police and bureaucratic members, high profile community members and skilled research staff. Its fate was sealed by its insistence on independence. The second is university-based with a statistical and research focus. Independently funded, it survives but what effect has it had? The author was at one time a member of the Committee and a member of the Advisory Board of the Centre.
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Upstill, Garrett, and Thomas H. Spurling. "Engaging with Australian industry: CSIRO in the late twentieth century." Historical Records of Australian Science 31, no. 1 (2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/hr19006.
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The increased engagement of the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation (CSIRO) with Australian industry from the early 1980s to the late 1990s marks it as an unusual era for CSIRO. The reasons lie in CSIRO’s response to the economic and political background of the time and to government moves to reinvigorate the industrial sector. By the end of the century, external pressures for industry engagement had receded as macroeconomic conditions improved and Australian industry diversified. The engagement can be seen in the growth of direct contacts between CSIRO and research users and Australian companies that occurred across the organisation. This paper analyses CSIRO’s technology transfer policies and practices within an economic and political context and addresses two questions: why did the organisation’s approach to technology transfer change and how? We look at three mini-eras in the 1980s and 1990s and draw out major changes in technology transfer during these two decades.
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Bean, Clive. "Party Politics, Political Leaders and Trust in Government in Australia." Political Science 53, no. 1 (June 2001): 17–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231870105300102.
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Gough, Annette Greenall. "Sustaining Development of Environmental Education in National Political and Curriculum Priorities." Australian Journal of Environmental Education 8 (1992): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0814062600003335.
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The purpose of this paper is to explore the relationship between national economic and political priorities and environmental education policy formulation and curriculum strategies. This relationship will be placed in the historical context of developments in environmental education in Australia from 1970 until the present and will be analysed in terms of the ideological and pedagogical stances implicit, and explicit, in the developments during this period. I will argue that the emphasis throughout the period has been to sustain the development of environmental education without any questioning of why, what and how this development should occur.‘Sustainable development’ has become a slogan for governments, industry and conservation groups in recent times. It was the subtitle for the World Conservation Strategy (IUCN 1980) and the National Conservation Strategy for Australia (DHAE 1984) - living resource conservation for sustainable development - and was popularised in the report of the World Commission on Environment and Development, more commonly known as the Brundtland Report or Our Common Future (WCED 1987). The definition of sustainable development given in the World Conservation Strategy (IUCN 1980: section 1.3) and repeated in the National Conservation Strategy for Australia (DHAE 1984: 12) is as follows:Development is…the modification of the biosphere and the application of human, financial, living and non-living resources to satisfy human needs and improve the quality of human life. For development to be sustainable it must take account of social and ecological factors, as well as economic ones; of the living and nonliving resource base; and of the long term as well as the short term advantages and disadvantages of alternative actions.
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Robbins, John R. "A Burning Issue—the Politicization of a Bushfire." International Journal of Mass Emergencies & Disasters 8, no. 3 (November 1990): 325–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/028072709000800306.
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The Stirling bushfire of 1980 produced the first substantial claim for disaster liability against a South Australian local authority. In the absence of precedent and clear rules of process this developed into a long and costly legal battle lasting nine years and then developed into a political conflict between the Council and the ruling Labor State government. The community is riven by discord about the terms of settlement. A positive outcome has been the establishment of a Local Government Association Mutual Liability Scheme which indicates the possibility of local government collaboration as an alternative to a state-local relationship with its concomitant conflict.
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Watts, Rob. "Family allowances in Canada and Australia 1940–1945: A comparative critical case study." Journal of Social Policy 16, no. 1 (January 1987): 19–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279400015713.
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ABSTRACTWhilst quantitive and ‘positivist’ modes of comparative social policy can reveal significant structural factors involved in the making of welfare states, they too often ignore the role of human agency, intention and political processes. A critical-historical comparative case study of the introduction of ‘child endowment’ and of ‘family allowances’ respectively in Australia (1941) and in Canada (1944) reminds us of the interplay between structural constraints and human agency in the history of welfare states. Detailed analysis suggests that institutionalised arrangements in Australia after 1905 to resolve capital-labour conflict via arbitral and wage fixation mechanisms put the question of the adequacy of wages in meeting family needs and with it proposals for child endowment onto the public agenda as early as 1920. In Canada the absence of such mechanisms, and alternative welfare arrangements to deal with family welfare, combined to keep such proposals off the public agenda. After 1939 the development of ‘war economies’ in Australia and Canada created common contradictions for governments, trying to maintain both industrial peace and anti-inflation policies, which the introduction of family allowances in both countries were attempts to resolve. Consideration is also given to a range of political problems and contexts in both countries which this particular policy measure attempted to deal with.