Dissertations / Theses: 'Australia Politics and government 1990-'

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Hayman, Christopher Charles Douglas School of Politics &amp International Relations UNSW. "The balance of power in Second World War Australia :the deliberative role of Coles and Wilson in the House of Representatives from 1940." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Politics and International Relations, 2005. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/22446.

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The problem being investigated is the historical situation relating to two independent MPs holding the balance of power in the Australian House of Representatives in 1940 and 1941. The two MPs, Arthur Coles and Alex Wilson, supported the conservative Menzies and Fadden governments before shifting their support (on October 3 1941) to the Labor Party led by Curtin. The procedure followed is the examination, in the form of a historical narrative, of primary evidence in private papers (such as Coles???s), analysis of Hansard (CPD), local and metropolitan newspapers. Also examined are references to the two independents in secondary literature. The key focus of interest will be the idea that chance or serendipity played a major role in achieving all the key outcomes which many Australians (and historians like Hasluck) often otherwise depict as the triumph of good sense within a supposedly non-problematic twoparty political system which self-selected the best possible leadership during time of war. Coles took over the seat of a popular Cabinet minister who had died in an air disaster. Coles???s and Wilson???s holding the balance of power was another extreme aberration, as no House of Representatives from 1906 to 1940, and none since, has not had either of the two party blocs (Labor and anti-Labor) without a majority. Hasluck, the most influential historian of Australian politics during the 1939-1945 war, viewed the fact of Coles???s and Wilson???s serendipity as evidence, in itself, of their wider historical, ideological and political irrelevance. The general results obtained by pursuing a critical historical narrative approach is that a strong counter-argument has been developed that suggests that Hasluck (and wider historical memory) has insufficiently valued as historical factors Coles???s and Wilson???s ideological aims. Coles was a representative of business progressivism and Wilson of agrarian socialism. The major conclusion reached is that Coles???s and Wilson???s wider aims led them to adopt the tactic of timing their shift to Labor so as to maximize their ideological influence on the Labor administration that would result whenever they decided to exercise their entirely serendipitously attained balance of power.

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Risely, Melissa. "The politics of precaution : an eco-political investigation of agricultural gene technology policy in Australia, 1992-2000." Title page, contents and abstract only, 2003. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phr5953.pdf.

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Brankovich, Jasmina. "Burning down the house? : feminism, politics and women's policy in Western Australia, 1972-1998." University of Western Australia. School of Humanities, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0122.

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This thesis examines the constraints and options inherent in placing feminist demands on the state, the limits of such interventions, and the subjective, intimate understandings of feminism among agents who have aimed to change the state from within. First, I describe the central element of a

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Chartprasert, Kiattikhun. "Australia and the Kampuchean problem : Thai perspectives." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112144.

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Throughout recorded history, Indochina has experienced conflict, turbulence and violence. One of the first recorded conflicts was in the first century A. D. when the Hung Sisters led a revolt in Northern Vietnam against Chinese domination. Ever since, relations with China have included long periods of peace and stability broken by conflict, invasion and resistance. But it was not until the United States directly participated in Vietnamese affairs following the French withdrawal after the battle of Dien Bien Phu and the Geneva Settlement of 1954 that the region has been the scene of "superpower rivalry". The wars which have engulfed the Indochina states over the past 30 years have brought untold human suffering and misery. When hostilities finally ceased as a result of the communist victories in Indochina in mid 1970s, the world looked forward hopefully to a long period of peace in which the well-being of the people of the region could be advanced and assured. Unfortunately, conflicts and instability have broken out anew.

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Economou, Nicholas. "Greening the Commonwealth : the Australian Labor Party government's management of national environmental politics, 1983-1996 /." Connect to thesis, 1998. http://eprints.unimelb.edu.au/archive/00000333.

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Robinson, Nick. "Major government, minor change : the politics of transport, 1990-1997." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1998. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/4311/.

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This thesis looks at the politics of transport in the Major era, arguing that transport has emerged as an issue of high political salience in the 1990s. In this period transport, and most particularly the motor car, increasingly came to be blamed for a combination of economic and environmental problems including rising congestion, noise, land-use impacts and a deterioration of air quality and traffic safety standards. The primary. aim of this thesis is to explain these developments and their effects by utilising agenda setting theory. This thesis argues that the operation of the agenda setting dynamic in the transport case illustrates aspects of a number of models of agenda setting. It looks at the role of actors, problems, external events and non-decision making and argues that, in part, they all make a useful contribution to the study of political change in the Major era. However, it also argues that different models of agenda setting apply in different circumstances and that a model which may provide a useful explanation of situation A may provide a less satisfactory explanation of situation B. The explanation for this is that transport is a multi-faceted issue which affects mobility, the environment, and economic development as well as issues of lifestyle and personal freedom; the priorities which central government attaches to transport policy outcomes reflect this diversity. These different aspects of the transport issue are affected by different agenda setting processes, depending on the extent to which they challenge the dominant policy imperatives of the state. For example, in a situation in which the policy imperatives of the state are threatened, the agenda setting process will be highly constrained and proponents of change, will find it very difficult, if not impossible, to alter the agenda. In such a case, the models of non-decision making will be an important, often the dominant, explanation of the agenda setting process. Overall, this study argues that the transport agenda setting process operates in, and is constrained by, a policy making environment which is dominated by the policy imperatives of the state.

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Truna, Dody S. "Islam and politics under the 'new order' government in Indonesia, 1966-1990." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=56901.

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The 'New Order' government, under President Suharto's leadership, has undertaken different initiatives in the face of both 'political' Islam and 'religious' Islam in Indonesia. Since coming into power in 1966, it has exercised strict control over 'political' Islam; on the other hand, its attitude towards 'religious' Islam has generally been tolerant and even supportive. The result has been a considerable weakening of Islamic political forces but a rapidly developing 'religious' Islam. This reality has forced the present-day generation of Indonesian Muslim thinkers to take an approach which is different from that of the previous generation in responding to the government's policies towards Islam. Unlike their predecessors, some of whom had too ideological and formalistic a conception of an Islamic state, the present Muslim thinkers take an approach which is for the most part politically non-partisan. There has been a growing tendency among them to denounce the efficacy of Islamic political parties. They see that the realization of an Islamic community and the well-being of the ummah will come about not through exclusive and uncompromising political actions but through socioeconomic and cultural means and the ability to be less exclusive and willing to work with those who share different ideas. As a result of efforts along these lines, the relationship between the Muslim community and the government has improved substantially. Nevertheless, it remains to be seen whether or not this developing 'religious' Islam will, at some future date, be transformed into a powerful 'political' Islam.

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Terrill, Gregston Charles. "Secrecy and openness, publicity and propaganda : the politics of Australian federal government communication." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1996.

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Zigby, Mohammed Ak. "Bullets to ballots : the Lebanonization of Hizballah." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33319.

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In the span of two decades, Hizballah has evolved from an armed resistance movement against Israeli occupation into an efficient political party and---by extension---into a permanent fixture on Lebanon's mainstream political stage. The present analysis traces the evolution of the party from its inception and assesses its performance vis-a-vis the major players of Iran, Israel and Syria. Factors including the characteristics of the movement and the Shiite community itself, the shifting position, interests and policies of various regional actors, and the changing domestic conditions in Lebanon were isolated in order to adequately explain the behaviour and development of Hizballah. As a result, such alternatives to cultural factors (i.e the "Islamic variable") were found to be stronger explanatory factors rather than the Islamic factor. Ultimately, the essay illustrates that Islamic considerations are secondary, if not tertiary, when political decisions are to be made in different contexts. Rather, it is the interests of the more powerful actors that govern the organization's next move, in addition to the aforementioned variables. On the basis of such assumptions and findings, conclusions were finally drawn regarding Hizballah's future developments and its prospects following an Israeli withdrawal.

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Jose, Jim. "Sexing the subject : the politics of sex education in South Australian State Schools, 1900-1990 /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1995. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phj828.pdf.

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Stanton, Richard. "Saga city : patterns of influence in politics, public relations and journalism : professional communicators in a regional city." Monash University, School of Political and Social Inquiry, 2003. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/6601.

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Quinn, Leon Roman. "The politics of pollution? : government, environmentalism and mass opinion in East Germany 1972-1990." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.271839.

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Cornell, Stephen. "Processes of Native Nationhood: The Indigenous Politics of Self-Government." UNIV WESTERN ONTARIO, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/621710.

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Over the last three decades, Indigenous peoples in the CANZUS countries (Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and the United States) have been reclaiming self-government as an Indigenous right and practice. In the process, they have been asserting various forms of Indigenous nationhood. This article argues that this development involves a common set of activities on the part of Indigenous peoples: (1) identifying as a nation or a people (determining who the appropriate collective "self " is in self-determination and self-government); (2) organizing as a political body (not just as a corporate holder of assets); and (3) acting on behalf of Indigenous goals (asserting and exercising practical decision-making power and responsibility, even in cases where central governments deny recognition). The article compares these activities in the four countries and argues that, while contexts and circumstances differ, the Indigenous politics of self-government show striking commonalities across the four. Among those commonalities: it is a positional as opposed to a distributional politics; while not ignoring individual welfare, it measures success in terms of collective power; and it focuses less on what central governments are willing to do in the way of recognition and rights than on what Indigenous nations or communities can do for themselves.

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Bagshaw, Geoffrey. "Analysis of local government in a multi-clan community." Thesis, The University of Adelaide, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/273051.

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Edmundson, Anna Margaret. "For science, salvage & state - official collecting in colonial New Guinea." Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/155795.

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The Papuan Official Collection is a unique colonial collection assembled between 1907 and 1938 by government officers of the Australian administration of the Territory of Papua. It represents the first instance in the world where a colonial government made ethnographic collecting a requisite duty of its field officers. This unusual turn of events came at the insistence of Papua's first and longest serving Lieutenant-Governor, J.H.P. Murray, who administered the colony for over three decades. The story of how Murray came to establish an official government collection, and its subsequent formation, interpretation, and display over several decades, provides a case study par excellence for examining the complex relationship between colonialism, collecting and anthropology, which emerged over the course of the twentieth century. This study explores the genesis and history of the Papuan Official Collection, and situates it within the wider rubric of Australian colonialism. It establishes Murray as one of the earliest colonial governors in the world to implement, and publically advocate for, anthropology as a tool for colonial administration. It charts the rise of colonial discourses that linked loss of culture to physical demise in Pacific populations, and documents its influence on Australian colonial policy. Its findings suggest that the protection, preservation and management of Indigenous cultural heritage should not be considered a sideline of Australian colonial policy in Papua, but rather one of its most defining features. Over the course of its lifespan the Papuan Official Collection has been displayed in four different museums providing an opportunity to examine how a fixed body of objects (the collection) moved across time and space, to be re-interpreted into different conceptual frameworks: as curios and antiquities; ethnographic artefacts; scientific specimens; artworks; and, finally, as historic objects. My institutional history of the POC cautions against the assumption that colonial collections were always used as uncontested propaganda, which metropolitan museums were content to display on behalf of the imperial mission. While the Murray administration in Papua was able to provide goods and information to the various museums which housed the Collection, each institution had its own competing agendas and the relationship was not always a smooth one.

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Castleman, Beverley Dawn, and mikewood@deakin edu au. "Changes in the Australian Commonwealth departmental machinery of government: 1928-1982." Deakin University, 1992. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20050815.095625.

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The Commonwealth departmental machinery of government is changed by using Orders in Council to create, abolish or change the name of departments. Since 1906 governments have utilised a particular form of Order in Council, the Administrative Arrangements Order (AAO), as the means to reallocate functions between departments for administration. After 1928 successive governments from Scullin to Fraser gradually streamlined and increasingly used the formal processes for the executive to change departmental arrangements and the practical role of Parliament, in the process of change, virtually disappeared. From 1929 to 1982, 105 separate departments were brought into being, as new departments or through merger, and 91 were abolished, following the merger of their functions in one way or another with other departments. These figures exclude 6 situations where the change was simply that of name alone. Several hundred less substantial transfers of responsibilities were also made between departments. This dissertation describes, documents and analyses all these changes. The above changes can be distilled down to 79 events termed primary decisions. Measures of the magnitude of change arising from the decisions are developed with 157.25 units of change identified as occurring during the period, most being in the Whitlam and Fraser periods. The reasons for the changes were assessed and classified as occurring for reasons of policy, administrative logic or cabinet comfort. 47.2% of the units of change were attributed to policy, 34.9% to administrative logic, 17% to cabinet comfort. Further conclusions are drawn from more detailed analysis of the change and the reasons for the changes.

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Desrosiers, Eric K. "Nationalisme et racisme : analyse de dix ans de discours du Parti Québécois à l'égard des communautés minoritaires du Québec (1981- 1990)." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61289.

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How well founded are accusations of racism against Quebec nationalist? No research has been done on this question regarding contemporary Quebec. Authors who have examined the link between nationalism and racism in other contexts have disagreed about its relevance. To provide an answer, a broad and flexible definition of the concept of racism is required. This thesis analyses the content of the Parti Quebecois' political discourse concerning minority communities as reported in newspapers between 1981 to 1990. An original aspect of this research is the fact is submits its results to representatives of the Parti Quebecois and minority communities to shed different lights on the author's interpretation of his results. The research supports the conclusion that the Parti Quebecois' discourse from 1981 to 1990 was not racist. As a result, a direct link between nationalism and racism cannot be established.

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Choudhury, Zahidul Arefin. "Politics of natural disaster : how governments maintain legitimacy in the wake of major disasters, 1990-2010." Diss., University of Iowa, 2013. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/1566.

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This dissertation is about major natural disasters, and how they contribute to legitimacy crises of governments. Three major factors explain the emergence of a legitimacy crisis in a post-disaster context: the frequency of disaster occurrence, the quality of the government response to disasters, and the type of regime within which the government operates. Employing a large-N statistical analysis of data on major natural disasters and anti-government domestic political activities for the years between 1990 and 2010, I show that higher counts of disasters, as a rule, increase the risks of anti-government demonstrations, revolutions, riots, guerrilla warfare, and intrastate conflict. The disaster-political opposition relationship is conditional upon the characteristics of political regimes. No regime is entirely free from the political dangers of disasters. Consolidated autocracies and well established democracies are less likely than mixed regimes to observe political crises in the context of a higher frequency of natural disasters. To evaluate the quality of government response and how it mediates the disaster-legitimacy relationship, I conduct a qualitative analysis of news reports on four major disaster events in South Asia - cyclone Sidr of 2007 and cyclone Aila of 2009 in Bangladesh and cyclone Aila and the Kashmir earthquake of 2005 in India. The case studies reveal that poor preparedness and inadequate immediate and long-term response of a government invite public criticism of the incumbent, antigovernment protest movements, and anti-incumbent voting in elections. When opposition parties translate this public frustration into broader political mobilization, the moral claim of the incumbent to remain in power diminishes substantially, sometimes causing a legitimacy crisis. As opposed to common expectations, democracy may not provide the best political environment for effective disaster response. The quality of government response is influenced rather by a regime's security concerns, the level of administrative efficacy and corruption, the military's role in the disaster response process, socio-economic conditions of the affected people, and leadership competition over the disaster management process. This study has broader implications for understanding the kinds of political strains that disasters create in a society and how governments function in Bangladesh and India. Much of these governments' energy is devoted to managing disasters, which diminishes their capacity to govern. Political elites in Bangladesh and India use disaster events as opportunities to strengthen clientelism and exclude political opposition in the affected areas

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Herbert, Lise Jean. "From the supreme Islamic Shii council to AMAL : Shii politics in Lebanon from 1969-1984." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=30174.

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This thesis highlights a new approach to the programs and agenda of the Shi`ite representative body in Lebanon known under the acronym AMAL. The period studied is from 1969--1984. Previous studies have drawn insufficient attention to the important and quintessentially Islamic relation between religion and politics for this particular community. This relation becomes a focal point for this thesis.
Here, I study and tell the story of how a politically and socially marginalized sector of a society awakened unto itself and sought change in its political, social and economic position. This change involved a reaffirmation of specifically Shi`i doctrines, beliefs and motifs which helped this community assert themselves with a new identity during this fifteen year period.

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Judikis-Preller, Juan C. "The impact of the military government on higher education in Chile : 1973-1990." Virtual Press, 1999. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1137604.

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The general purpose of this study completed in 1999 was to create an accurate, documented description of the experiences of nine students, three faculty members and two administrators in higher education in Chile during the military government 1973 - 1990.A qualitative approach was selected as the most appropriate methodology to' complete the study. A variety of methods and data collection strategies were used. The major data collection strategies were interviews and reviewing of primary and secondary written sources. The interviews were used to collect evidence concerning interviewees' experiences, as well as their attitudes, and perceptions regarding the events that occurred in higher education during the rule of the military government 1973 - 1990.The researcher decided to use a judgment sample of interviewees from the population based on their knowledge about the topic and their willingness to share their knowledge and experiences. Geographical representation, position within the institutions, kind of institution represented, and gender were major the considerations at the moment of selecting the sample too.Thanks to the U.S.A. Freedom of Information Act, which established an effective statutory right to access by any person or organization to federal government information, the researcher found official information that allowed for triangulation of evidence.The findings showed that the changes the military government implemented through their modernization of the educational system did not follow the historical trend of educational development in Chile. Furthermore, under the military government, policymaking in higher education was circumscribed to autocratic arenas, which usually coincided with government policy. Education was utilized to serve the purpose of the government. The educational system 1973 - 1990 failed to serve those with special needs. Free-market policies profoundly transformed education from a right available to all, to a commodity available in varying quantity and quality according to purchasing power of individuals.The impact of military government on higher education during the military rule was notorious and huge. Even though they were destructive in some aspects the military government did good things for the educational system. The issue in discussion is the price that was paid.
Department of Educational Leadership

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Zahar, Marie-Joëlle. "The Lebanese Forces and the Ta'if Accord : militia decision-making in theoretical perspective." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26366.

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This thesis addresses the determinants of militia decision-making. Focussing on the Lebanese Forces (LF), the major Christian militia in Lebanon's Civil War, it analyses the motives which drove the LF to accept the Ta'if Accord--an acceptance that stands in stark contrast to its rejection of two earlier settlement blueprints, the Lausanne talks and the Tripartite Agreement. Steering away from the literature's focus on ideology as the prime mover of militias, the research explores other dimensions of militia decision-making, notably the impact of inter-communal power struggles, of the extra-communal balance of power, and of the international setting. Particular attention is given to the impact of the process of institutionalization. By rendering decisions more sensitive to cost-benefit and other prasmatic considerations, institutionalization is insruumental in bringing the more hawkish of militias to the negotiation table and in opening a window of opportunity for lasting conflict resolution.

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Badawi, Omar. "Toward a process theory of revolution : understanding the failure of the Islamist insurgency in Algeria." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83169.

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In 1992, Algeria's government held its first ever democratic elections. With the Front Islamique du Salut poised to win the elections overwhelmingly, the Algerian military cancelled the democratic process and imposed military rule. Soon afterward, Algeria plunged into a civil war that claimed upward of 100,000 lives. Despite very significant popular support for the Islamist insurgency aiming to violently overthrow the Algerian government, the insurgency ultimately failed. Why? This paper will argue that while structural and actor-oriented approaches to understanding revolution are certainly important, they focus inadequate attention on contingencies that arise during a conflict, which in turn, affect structural and actor-oriented variables. Furthermore, a process-level approach enables us to factor in actor-oriented and structural variables dynamically, and is necessary to understanding the ultimate failure of the Islamist insurgency in Algeria.

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Singh, Karandeep. "Sikh Terrorism in India 1984-1990: A Time Series Analysis." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1991. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279217/.

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In recent times, religion has become a powerful force in giving legitimacy to terrorist actions. The present work considers this highly salient fact, as well as stresses the necessity to consider the historical and social contexts and group power resources in any meaningful analysis of violent protest movements. Quantitative rigor is combined with a sensitivity to context. Terrorism is operationalized by taking a time-based count of terrorist killings of innocent people. Regime acts of omission and commission are coded as time series interventions. The analysis also includes a continuous variable measuring the incidence of economic distress in Punjab. A case is also made for the superiority of Box- Jenkins time series techniques for the quantitative analysis of problems of this nature.

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Baumann, Steffen. "Political Culture in West and East Germany at the TIme of Reunification: Revisiting the Civic Culture." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1997. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278781/.

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Studies of political culture have often focused on the impact of political institutions on political culture in a society. The scientific community has accepted the position that institutions shape beliefs and attitudes among the citizens towards the system they live in. This study tests this hypothesis by using survey data collected during the fall of 1990 in the United States, Great Britain, Italy, West, and East Germany.

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Dayimani, Bongikhaya. "Elite attitudes and the ANC's shift from nationalization to privatization : 1990-2000." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52820.

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Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The period prior to the 1990's marked the ANC as a liberation movement, perceived by many as being in favour of nationalization and a state controlled economy. The advent of democracy and the ANC's assumption of political power have, however, seen a change in the ANC elites' policy rhetoric, practice and approach to policy formulation. This essay examines the extent to which elite views and attitudes have shifted from nationalization to privatization. It notes that while the ANC government has been persuing and implementing Gear and its privatization component, its elite seems to be less supportive and to some extent ambivalent on the question. In addition, continued implementation of Gear and its privatization elements, in spite of reservations by the majority of the elites supporting the ANC, reveals a technocratie nature in approach to policy-making on the part of the ANC-led government.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Voor 1990 was die ANC oor die algemeen beskou as 'n bevrydingsorganisasie, ten gunste van nasionalisering en 'n staatsbeheerde ekonomie. Met die totstandkoming van demokrasie en die ANC se aanname van politieke mag, het daar 'n verandering plaasgevind onder ANC elite ten opsigte van beleidsretoriek, praktyk en hulle benadering betreffende beleidsformulering. Hierdie studie ondersoek tot hoe 'n mate die elite se sieninge en houdings verskuif het vanaf nasionalisering na privatisering. Terwyl die ANC regering GEAR implementeer met sy privatiseringkomponent, is die ANC elite al minder ondersteunend t.o.v die privatiseringskwessie; om die waarheid te sê, hul standpunt hieroor is tot 'n mate dubbelsinnig. Verder toon die implementering van GEAR, en sy privatiseringselement, ten spyte van bedenkinge onder die meerderheid van die elite wat die ANC ondersteun, 'n toenemende tegnokratiese benadering tot beleidsmaking aan die kant van die ANC regering.

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Marti, Werner Johannes. "Revolutionary change in Nicaragua and El Salvador: a comparative analysis." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/44685.

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With the success of a leftist revolution in Nicaragua and a civil war against a strong revolutionary movement in El Salvador, Central America has become one of the flash points of world politics. The two revolutionary movements, which adhere to similar ideologies, emerged in countries with similar historical roots and similar socio-economic background. This thesis analyzes the question why the Nicaraguan revolution was successful after one and a half years of general insurrection, whereas the Salvadorean revolutionary movement has failed so far in gaining power. The author looks at four major factors which seem crucial for revolutionary success: Breadth of the Revolutionary Coalition, Military Strength and Strategies, Role of the Church, and External Influences. The comparative analysis shows that three of these four factors favor the Nicaraguan revolutionaries. In contrast to El Salvador, the Nicaraguan revolutionary coalition included all major classes, not only the lower classes and parts of the middle class. When compared to the government forces, the Nicaraguan guerrillas were stronger than the Salvadorean. Furthermore, the counterstrategy of the Nicaraguan government was not as systematic and sophisticated as in El Salvador. In contrast to Somoza, the Salvadorean government has gotten strong U.S. support and the Salvadorean movement does not get the same support from other states that the Nicaraguan revolutionary movement received. Only the role of the Church is in favor of the Salvadorean revolutionaries. The Salvadorean Church was more active in promoting Liberation Theology and thereby helped to make the people conscious about the social injustices prevailing in the country and to organize the lower classes.

Master of Arts

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Arguello, Vargas Tatiana. "Culture and Arts in Post Revolutionary Nicaragua: The Chamorro Years (1990-1996)." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1281638909.

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Hung, Lu-hsun Theodore. "Party-Military Relations in the PRC After Mao, 1976-1990." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1991. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277990/.

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The importance of party-military relations in the People's Republic of China was succinctly stated by Mao in his dictum that "political power comes from the gun" and "the Party should command the gun." Party-military relations in the PRC have never fully conformed to Mao's warning. This study seeks to analyze the nature and types of party-military relations in the PRC during the post-Mao period and the factors affecting change in these relations.

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Nuyken, Mark E. "Between domestic constraints and multilateral obligations : the reform of the Bundeswehr in the context of a normalised German foreign and security policy." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/6511.

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This thesis seeks to understand the developments in Germany’s foreign and security policy since the end of the Cold War. Primarily, this thesis will centre on the question of whether Germany can now, after being re-unified for more than 20 years, be considered a normal actor in international relations. Although this subject has been debated extensively, the effects a possible change in foreign policy behaviour has on related fields of policy, have largely been left aside. This thesis therefore sets out to understand if there has in fact been a change in Germany’s foreign and security policy and will then apply the findings on the institution most affected by this change, i.e. Germany’s armed forces the Bundeswehr. It will therefore firstly discuss the perceived changes in German foreign policy since 1990 by analysing the academic debate on the process of normalisation and continuation. It will be argued that Germany has in fact become more normal and abandoned the constrained foreign policy of the Cold-War-era. The Bundeswehr will therefore have to be reformed accordingly to accommodate the new tasks set out by the changed foreign policy – most importantly peacekeeping and peace-enforcing out-of-area missions. This thesis will therefore analyse the reform efforts made over the last 20 years and apply them to the Bundeswehr’s large deployments in Kosovo and Afghanistan to determine how effective the reforms have been. Finally, this thesis will be able to contribute to the discussion on Germany’s status of a normal player in international relations with the added perspective from the Bundeswehr’s point of view.

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Ruiters, Michele René. "Namibia's long road to independence : the Botha era." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002001.

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This thesis deals with the ten years preceding Namibia's independence in March 1990. It examines the various characters and groups in this process, and how their roles delayed or promoted it. The era of Pieter W. Botha is very significant in that his rule brought many changes to the decision-making process and content of South African foreign policy. This period, 1978 - 1989, marked the formulation of the Total National Strategy in response to the Total Onslaught being waged on South Africa by perceived hostile external forces. Namibia's transition to independence suffered under this military-oriented policy as did the rest of the region. Never before in South Africa's policy-making history had the security sector played such a major role. Regional relations changed subsequent to the policy changes because of the distorted vision the Botha regime had of black-ruled states. Namibia was seen as an important pawn in the Total National Strategy as the last buffer state in Southern Africa protecting South Africa's white minority regime

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Manning, Elizabeth Sophie Mary. "Local content and related trade policy: Australian applications /." Title page, abstract and table of contents only, 2004. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phm2832.pdf.

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Malone, David. "Decision-taking in the UN security council, 1990-96 : the case of Haiti." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670235.

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Rapkin, Jonathan D. "Out with the Old? Voting Behavior and Party System Change in Canada and the United States in the 1990's." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1997. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278907/.

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This study has attempted to explain the dramatic challenges to the existing party system that occurred in Canada and the United States in the early 1990s. The emergence of new political movements with substantial power at the ballot box has transformed both party systems. The rise of United We Stand America in the United States, and the Reform Party in Canada prompts scholars to ask what forces engender such movements. This study demonstrates that models of economic voting and key models of party system change are both instrumental for understanding the rise of new political movements.

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Ward, Damen Andrew. "The politics of jurisdiction : 'British' law, indigenous peoples and colonial government in South Australia and New Zealand, c.1834-60." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.289016.

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Pushkar. "Centre parties and the social question : the Christian Democratic Party (PDC) and health policies in Chile, 1990-2000." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102153.

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How are Centre parties distinct from Left and Right parties in term of their policy preferences? The scholarship on political parties either ignores Centre parties or treats them as a residual category. In this study, I attempt to rescue Centre parties from obscurity by looking at a quintessential Centre party: the Chilean Christian Democratic Party (PDC). Between 1990--2000, the PDC led two centre-left Concertacion coalition governments under Patricio Aylwin (1990--1994) and Eduardo Frei (1994--2000). It was the PDC's responsibility to negotiate the 'Chilean paradox': a country that had achieved economic success with neoliberalism and become a "model" for Latin America but where the "social debt" increased exponentially during 17 years of military rule under Augusto Pinochet (1973--1990). Health was one of the main concerns for Chileans through the decade but there was little headway made in the policy arena. My study seeks to explain why this was so.
I make a distinction between (1) the "defensive" Centre which aspires to be neither left nor right; and (2) the "encompassing" Centre parties that are both left and right. Christian Democratic parties are "encompassing" Centre parties par excellence since they incorporate elements of both left and right ideologies in a manner consistent with their social Catholic beliefs. They are known to combine a conservative position on social and moral issues with a pro-poor orientation on welfare issues. The main policy dilemmas of the PDC emerged from its status as an "encompassing" Centre Party as it sought to reconcile left and right. During the 1990s, the PDC shifted allegiance from state-led development policies to neoliberalism. As a result, the scope of the party's commitment to welfare issues was defined within the range of options available within the neoliberal model. However, while neoliberals dominated key policy positions, statists retained influence in the Congress and within the party organization. The uneven nature of adaptation to neoliberalism became one of the main obstacles in reaching a consensus for reform. My study also gives due emphasis to the constraints introduced by the country's institutional framework, notably the 1980 Constitution inherited from the military regime.

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Bickford, Louis N. "Strengthening democracy, stakeholder institutions, public policy and democratic quality : the case of Chile, 1990-1998." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ64518.pdf.

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Whytock, Ian Alexander. "South Africa’s home policy and its foreign relations : a study of transitions since 1990." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/97129.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a study of South African transitions. A transition, within the context of South African contemporary history, usually refers to the period in the early 1990s when South Africa underwent a negotiated transition from racial minority rule to a full democracy in 1994. This thesis takes a liberal understanding of South Africa’s transition timeline and is not confined just to South Africa’s political transition, but also examines transitions within transitions. This will be done through three studies beginning with a survey of the global political transitions that took place against the backdrop of South Africa’s domestic political transition in the early 1990s. Secondly, we will look at the role that national historical identity plays in diplomacy and international relations and, more specifically, at the cultivation of a new historic identity in South Africa’s international relations. Lastly, we will examine the policy transitions that came in the “new” South Africa through a case study of the nationalization debate. All three of these focuses will be studied through the lens of South Africa’s foreign relations with China and the United States which provides a unique vantage point for viewing the complexities. The goal of this thesis is to develop a broader understanding of transitions in South Africa and the role that the United States and China played in them. As this theme is interrogated, some of the continuities and discontinuities will be exposed between the “old” and “new” South Africa.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis bestudeer Suid-Afrikaanse transisies. 'n Transisie, binne die konteks van kontemporêre Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis, verwys gewoonlik na die tydperk van die vroeë 1990's toe Suid-Afrika 'n bemiddelde oorgang ondergaan het vanaf radikale minderheidsbewind na 'n volledige demokrasie in 1994. Hierdie tesis neem 'n liberale benadering tot die tydperk waarbinne hier periode beskou word en is nie beperk tot slegs Suid-Afrika se politieke transisie nie, maar ondersoek ook transisies binne-in transisies. Dit sal gedoen word deur drie ondersoeke, wat begin met 'n oorsig van die wêreldwye politieke transisies wat op daardie stadium plaasgevind het teen die agtergrond van Suid-Afrika se binnelandse politieke transisie van die 1990's. Tweedens sal ons kyk na die rol wat nasionale historiese identiteit speel in diplomatiese en internasionale verhoudinge en, meer spesifiek, die kultivering van 'n nuwe nasionale historiese identiteit in Suid-Afrika se internasionale verhoudinge. Laastens beskou ons die beleidstransisies wat ingekom het in die "nuwe" Suid-Afrika. Dit word gedoen deur 'n gevallestudie van Suid-Afrika se debat oor nasionalisering. Al drie hierdie fokusse sal beskou word deur die lens van Suid-Afrika se verhoudinge met Sjina en die Verenigde State. Hierdie verhoudinge verskaf 'n unieke oogpunt waar rondom die kompleksiteite van hierdie debat beskou kan word. Die doel van hierdie tesis is om 'n breër verstandhouding te skep waarin Suid-Afrika se transisies beskou kan word. Soos hierdie tema ondersoek word, word van die kontinuïteite en diskontinuïteite van die "ou" en "nuwe" Suid-Afrika ontbloot.

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Johnson, Stuart Buchanan School of History UNSW. "The shaping of colonial liberalism: John Fairfax and the Sydney Morning Herald, 1841-1877." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of History, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/24321.

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The goal of this thesis is to examine the editorial position of the Sydney Morning Herald, Australia's oldest continually produced newspaper, as a way of examining the character of colonial liberalism. Analysis will proceed by way of close scrutiny of key issues dealt with by the Sydney Morning Herald, including: state-aid to churches; education policy; free trade; land reform; the antitransportation movement; issues surrounding political representation; and the treatment of Chinese workers. Such analysis includes an appraisal of the views of John Fairfax, proprietor from 1841 to his death in 1877, and the influences, particularly religious nonconformity, which shaped his early journalism in Britain. Another key figure in the thesis is John West, editor 1854-1873, and again his editorial stance will be related to the major political and religious movements in Britain and Australia. Part of this re-evaluation of the character of colonial liberalism in the thesis provides a critical study of the existing historiography and calls into question the widely held view that the Sydney Morning Herald was a force for conservatism. In doing so, the thesis questions some of the major assumptions of the existing historiography and, while doing justice to colonial context, attempts to contextualise colonial politics with the broader framework of mid nineteenth-century Western political thought.

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Dafri. "The Australian Labor Government 1983-1993 : Strategies for maintaining office." Master's thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/125184.

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There has been much discussion and comment on the development of the Australian Labor Party in recent decades. From this there has emerged a basic agreement among commentators that the contemporary Labor Party is no longer the Labor Party in its original sense. The Labor Party today is even very different from the Labor Party, let us say, of the 1960s. Dean Jaensch (1989a: 21-22) insists that since the late 1960s the Labor Party has increasingly shifted to the model which Kirchheimer called a "catch-all" party. It is becoming progressively more pragmatic and responsive rather than expressive, and is placing much less emphasis on ideology, membership, organisational solidarity and expression. Since 1967, for instance, the Labor Party has been involved in considerable introspection and some changes, involving departures from traditional ideology and policy positions and fundamental changes to its internal structures and processes. These developments are still continuing. They received their initial momentum from the Whitlam government, which launched reforms in almost all sectors, and culminated in the period of the Hawke and Keating governments.

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Fry, Simon Benedict. "Private interest theories of politics and the introduction of WorkCare." Phd thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/145931.

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Pokarier, Christopher James. "Politics of foreign direct investment in Australia, 1960-96." Phd thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110001.

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Foreign direct investment has played an important role in the Australian economy yet despite frequent public controversy there is still no general study of the politics of inward FDI in Australia. This thesis seeks to explain why Australia turned away from a long-established 'open door' policy towards FDI in the late 1960s only to liberalise policy again from the mid-1980s and why policy openness varied across sectors. In doing so the thesis tests the explanatory power of both private and public interest theories of FDI policy. Both accounts are grounded in a theory of political markets characterised by information shortages and political entrepreneurialism. This thesis concludes that Australia's FDI policy during 1960-96 principally reflected government attempts to make politically optimal compromises between competing conceptions of the public interest in relation to FDI. Yet rent seeking was rife and, to some degree, influenced popular and elite perceptions of the public interest. Liberal business constituencies and the imperative of growth-oriented policy strategies usually outweighed private interest suppliers of restrictive FDI policy although periodically the latter did find some influence. Private interests seeking restrictive policy were helped by shortages of information about the real costs and benefits of FDI, in the case of the mining industry in particular, and by popular concern about the cultural consequences of FDI in the case of the mass media. The public interest politics of FDI policy also proved to be inseparable from the use of restrictions on FDI as a second best solution to poor regulatory design, tariff policy and mismanagement of national resources. These findings about the politics of FDI in Australia suggest that when confronted by a weak economy most governments will deliver quite liberal policy in practice for all but the most politically sensitive sectors. The economic costs of economic nationalism may engender their own political momentum for the liberalisation of FDI policy. Yet the Australian experience also suggests that governments will be very hesitant to give up discretionary controls on FDI, such as the Foreign Investment Review Board. This is because they provide a mechanism for managing politically resilient economic nationalist sentiment in the electorate and for providing the odd favour to an influential private interest.

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Risely, Melissa. "The politics of precaution : an eco-political investigation of agricultural gene technology policy in Australia, 1992-2000 / Melissa Risely." Thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/21968.

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Evans, Case Rhonda Leann. "The politics and law of Anglo-American antidiscrimination regimes, 1945-1995." Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/1313.

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44

Henry, Adam. "Manufacturing Australian foreign policy 1950 - 1966." Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150822.

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The transition from the liberal foreign policy approach of the Chifley Labor Government to the more strident anti-communism of the conservative Menzies Government after 1949 is a significant event in 20th Century Australian history. During the period 1950-1966 the Menzies Government faced a range of challenges such as relations with the USA, responses to the USSR and China and the question of Indonesia and decolonisation in post-war Southeast Asia. In response the Menzies Government developed new foreign policies, encouraged a particular style of diplomacy and helped to establish a new Cold War attitude towards Australian international affairs. In the 1950s, the Cold War, the United Nations (UN) and the establishment of new overseas diplomatic missions (particularly in Asia) placed growing administrative and bureaucratic demands on the machinery of Australian diplomacy. From the mid 1950s the Department of External Affairs (DEA) was restructured in order to meet such demands. This process allowed the Department to establish what were considered to be the defining characteristics and attitudes of a new professional Australian diplomacy. The selection and training of new diplomatic recruits is one such area in which this occurred. This period saw growing interest from politicians, diplomats and academics for developing new types of foreign policy analysis about communism in South East Asia, or the Cold War in general. While some networks between politics, bureaucracy and academia linked to foreign policy analysis had existed in the 1930s and 1940s, from the 1950s new and more powerful relationships were being established. Various academics, many from the Australian Institute of International Affairs (AlIA) and the Australian National University (ANU) forged close and ongoing contacts with the DEA. The relationships between small groups of key individuals and institutions ultimately wielded significant influence on issues such as the Cold War and Australian foreign policy debates. By the 1960s this small foreign policy network had built a vital relationship with the Ford Foundation of New York. This relationship certainly helped to define dominant attitudes towards Australian foreign policy debates. The ANU, AIIA, DEA and Ford Foundation network established a style of foreign policy analysis that was openly (or at least cautiously) sympathetic to the policies of Canberra and Washington often accepting the official justifications at face value.

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Jha, Himanshu. "Liberalization in the federal context : institutional arrangements for policy making in Australia and India (1990s)." Master's thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150247.

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Tow, Shannon. "Independent ally? : Australian engagement with rising powers, 1908-1998." Phd thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/148374.

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Hackforth-Jones, Simary. "The ALP's foreign policy towards Indonesia 1983-1996 : cooperating for peace?" Master's thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151221.

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Love, Peter. "Frank Anstey : a political biography." Phd thesis, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112090.

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This biography of Francis George Anstey (1865-1940) is a study of a radical in Labor politics. Although he did not achieve fame through high office, Anstey was one of the most prominent and influential Labor politicians of his generation. He was a flamboyant and witty orator who could enthral and delight his audiences on an impressive range of subjects. He was a prolific journalist and occasional editor of a labour weekly he helped establish. His stirring account of the Russian revolution and civil war was received enthusiastically by radicals in Australia and abroad. But his greatest influence was as a popular theorist. It was he more than anyone else who defined and elaborated a radical political economy of finance capital which not only helped sustain pressure for public control over the monetary system, but was at the centre of a tradition which inspited the Chifley government s attempt to nationalise the private banks. He was a publicist, a theorist and, on matters of loyalty to its working class origins, a conscience of the Labor party. Anstey, however, could be a difficult colleague. He was a man of prodigious, if erratic, energy whose extravagant moods could change quickly from elation to despondency. His gently ironic wit could switch suddenly to savage satire and, occasionally, vitriolic abuse. He was also a man of strong principles which often brought him into conflict with his party colleagues who were more willing to accept the limitations which parliamentary politics imposed on the exercise of power, and to make the necessary compromises. Anstey had no taste nor talent for that. He was impatient for Labor to implement its policies and advance the cause of working class emancipation. The thesis argues that the very qualities which brought him to prominence as a romantic, populist radical were ill-suited to the steady, cautious reform which has characterised the work of the parliamentary Labor party. It suggests that the tension between his ideas, principles and personality, and the constraints imposed by liberal parliamentary democracy in a capitalist economy finally condemned him to failure. It further argues that his somewhat romantic vision of the potential for the working class to transform society, in the end, turned his disappointment into an embittered fatalism The tragedy of Anstey's career, it is suggested, was not just the destruction of his faith, but its apparent inevitability,

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Jenkins, Stephen (Stephen William). "Australia's Commonwealth Self-determination Policy 1972-1998 : the imagined nation and the continuing control of indigenous existence." 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phj522.pdf.

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"September 2002." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 336-366) Argues that the Australian nation is the primary obstacle to the granting of self-determination to indigenous people because it is imagined and constituted as a monocultural entity, one that resists any divisions within the national space on the basis of culture or 'race'.

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Jenkins, Stephen (Stephen William). "Australia's Commonwealth Self-determination Policy 1972-1998 : the imagined nation and the continuing control of indigenous existence / Stephen Jenkins." Thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/21932.

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"September 2002."
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 336-366)
vii, 366 leaves ; 30 cm.
Argues that the Australian nation is the primary obstacle to the granting of self-determination to indigenous people because it is imagined and constituted as a monocultural entity, one that resists any divisions within the national space on the basis of culture or 'race'.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of Politics, 2002

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Australia Politics and government 1990-'

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