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1
Tsokhas, Kosmas. "Dedominionization: the Anglo-Australian experience, 1939–1945." Historical Journal 37, no. 4 (December 1994): 861–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00015120.
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ABSTRACTThe role of decolonization in the decline of the British empire has received a great deal of attention. In comparison there has been little research or analysis of the process of dedominionization affecting Australia and the other dominions. During the Second World War economic ties were seriously weakened and there were substantial conflicts over economic policy between the British and Australian governments. Australia refused to reduce imports in order to conserve foreign exchange, thus contributing to the United Kingdom's debt burden. The Australian government insisted that the British guarantee Australia's sterling balances and refused to adopt the stringent fiscal policies requested by the Bank of England and the British treasury. Australia also took the opportunity to expand domestic manufacturing industry at the expense of British manufacturers. Economic separation and conflict were complemented by political and strategic differences. In particular, the Australian government realized that British military priorities made it impossible for the United Kingdom to defend Australia. This led the Australians towards a policy of cooperating with the British embargo on Japan, only to the extent that this would be unlikely to provoke Japanese military retaliation. In general, the Australians preferred a policy of compromise in the Far East to one of deterrence preferred by the British.
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Londey, Peter. "Australia and Peacekeeping." Journal of International Peacekeeping 18, no. 3-4 (November 26, 2014): 175–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-1804004.
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This article traces the history of Australian peacekeeping since its beginnings in September 1947. It shows that, while there have always been Australian peacekeepers in the field since 1947, the level of commitment in different periods has varied greatly. The article sets out to explain this phenomenon, chiefly in political terms. It argues that Australia’s early involvement in the invention of peacekeeping owed much to External Affairs Minister H.V. Evatt’s interest in multilateralism, but that under the subsequent conservative Menzies government a new focus on alliance politics produced mixed results in terms of peacekeeping commitments. By contrast, in the 1970s and early 1980s, for different reasons Prime Ministers Whitlam and Fraser pursued policies which raised Australia’s peacekeeping profile. After a lull in the early years of the Hawke Labor government, the arrival of internationalist Gareth Evans as Foreign Minister signalled a period of intense peacekeeping activity by Australia. For different, regionally-focused reasons, Australia was again active in peacekeeping in the late 1990s and early 2000s. In recent years, however, Australia’s heavy commitment to Middle East wars has reduced its peacekeeping contribution once again to a low level.
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Forsyth, Hannah. "Post-war political economics and the growth of Australian university research, c.1945-1965." History of Education Review 46, no. 1 (June 5, 2017): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/her-10-2015-0023.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to consider the national and international political-economic environment in which Australian university research grew. It considers the implications of the growing significance of knowledge to the government and capital, looking past institutional developments to also historicise the systems that fed and were fed by the universities. Design/methodology/approach The paper is based on the extensive archival research in the National Archives of Australia and the Australian War Memorial on the formation and funding of a wide range of research programmes in the immediate post-war period after the Second World War. These include the Australian Atomic Energy Commission, the NHMRC, the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation, the Australian Pacific Territories Research Council, the Commonwealth Office of Education, the Universities Commission and the Murray review. This research was conducted under the Margaret George Award for emerging scholars for a project entitled “Knowledge, Nation and Democracy in Post-War Australia”. Findings After the Second World War, the Australian Government invested heavily in research: funding that continued to expand in subsequent decades. In the USA, similar government expenditure affected the trajectory of capitalist democracy for the remainder of the twentieth century, leading to a “military-industrial complex”. The outcome in Australia looked quite different, though still connected to the structure and character of Australian political economics. Originality/value The discussion of the spectacular growth of universities after the Second World War ordinarily rests on the growth in enrolments. This paper draws on a very large literature review as well as primary research to offer new insights into the connections between research and post-war political and economic development, which also explain university growth.
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Maksum, Ali, and Try Sjahputra. "The Indonesia-Australia partnership to counter radicalism and terrorism in Indonesia." UNISCI Journal 20, no. 58 (January 15, 2022): 57–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31439/unisci-133.
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Indonesia and Australia have always been helpful partners since Indonesian Independence in 1945. However, the relationship was worsened after Bali Bombings in 2002 and 2005 as well as Australian embassy bombing in 2004 that killed many Australians. Thus, using Australian perspective, this article attempts to examine the response of Australian government in dealing with terrorism problems in Indonesia as well as the feedback from Indonesia. The research reveals that given the fact that Australia has many interests in Indonesia added with the geographical proximity, it is naturally urged to resolve the terrorism issues in Indonesia. The study found out that Australia proposed some programs to Indonesia due to its domestic interest and international factors. At the same time, Indonesia was also the main beneficiary of Australian counter terrorism policy.
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Constantine, Stephen. "The British government, child welfare, and child migration to Australia after 1945." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 30, no. 1 (January 2002): 99–132. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086530208583135.
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Williams, Paul D. "How Did They Do It? Explaining Queensland Labor's Second Electoral Hegemony." Queensland Review 18, no. 2 (2011): 112–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/qr.18.2.112.
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Australia's entrenched liberal democratic traditions of a free media, fair and frequent elections and robust public debate might encourage outside observers to assume Australia is subject to frequent changes in government. The reality is very different: Australian politics have instead been ‘largely unchanged’ since the beginning of our bipolar party system in 1910 (Aitkin 1977, p. 1), with Australians re-electing incumbents on numerous occasions for decades on end. The obvious federal example is the 23-year dominance of the Liberal-Country Party Coalition, first elected in 1949 and re-endorsed at the following eight House of Representatives elections. Even more protracted electoral hegemonies have been found at state level, including Labor's control of Tasmania (1934–82, except for 1969–72) and New South Wales (1941–65), and the Liberals' hold on Victoria (1952–82) and South Australia (1938–65, most unusually under one Premier, Thomas Playford). It is therefore not a question of whether parties can enjoy excessively long hegemonies in Australia; it is instead one of how they achieve it.
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Akers, H. F., M. A. Foley, P. J. Ford, and L. P. Ryan. "Sugar in Mid-twentieth-century Australia: A Bittersweet Tale of Behaviour, Economics, Politics and Dental Health." Historical Records of Australian Science 26, no. 1 (2015): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/hr15001.
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History is replete with debates between health professionals with concerns about practices and products and others who either challenge scientific evidence or believe that the greatest public good is achieved through maintenance of the status quo. This paper provides a 1950s socio-scientific perspective on a recurring problem for health professionals. It analyses dentists' promotion of oral health by discouraging sugar consumption and the sugar industry's defence of its staple product. Despite scientific evidence in support of its case, the dental profession lacked influence with government and large sections of the Australian community. The division of powers within the Australian Constitution, together with the cause, nature and ubiquity of caries and Australians' tolerance of the disease, were relevant to the outcome. In contrast, the sugar industry was a powerful force. Sugar was a pillar of the Australian and Queensland economies. The industry contributed to the history of Queensland and to Queenslanders' collective psyche, and enjoyed access to centralized authority in decision-making. The timing of the debate was also relevant. Under Prime Minister Robert Menzies, the Australian Government was more concerned with promoting industry and initiative than oral health. This was a one-sided contest. Patterns of food consumption evolve from interactions between availability, culture and choice. Food and associated etiquettes provide far more than health, nutrients and enjoyment. They contribute to economic and social development, national and regional identity and the incidence of disease. The growing, milling and processing of sugarcane and the incorporation of sugar into the Australian diet is a case study that illuminates the interface between health professionals, corporations, society and the state. Today, for a variety of reasons, health professionals recommend limits for daily intake of sugar. Calls for dietary reform are not new and invariably arouse opposition. The issue came to the fore between 1945 and 1960, when dentists contended that the consumption of sugar either caused or contributed to a major health problem, namely dental caries (tooth decay). Representatives of the sugar industry defended their staple product against these claims, which emerged at a critical time for the industry. With hindsight, these exchanges can be seen as a precursor to more diverse and recurring debates relating to contemporary health campaigns. This paper documents and analyses the contemporaneous scientific and socio-political backgrounds underpinning these engagements
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ANDREWS, JOSEPHINE T., and ROBERT W. JACKMAN. "If Winning Isn't Everything, Why Do They Keep Score? Consequences of Electoral Performance for Party Leaders." British Journal of Political Science 38, no. 4 (July 14, 2008): 657–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000712340800032x.
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The premise that parties are fundamentally motivated by office-seeking is common, but surprisingly little attention has been paid to its empirical validity. We approach this issue by analysing how parties respond to their electoral performance. Casting party leaders as the embodiment of their parties, we then examine the degree to which the length of time party leaders retain their position hinges on their party's electoral success, defined with reference both to the party's share of legislative seats and to its presence or absence in government. Our analyses centre on six parliamentary democracies in which the government is always formed by one of the two major parties either alone or in coalition with a minor party (Australia, Britain, Canada, Germany, Ireland and New Zealand) in the years from 1945 through 2000. Results indicate that party leaders' risk of removal hinges substantially on their party's seat share and/or their party's presence in government. More specifically, we find that as the seat share of both major and minor parties increases, the chance that the party leader will be removed decreases. Likewise, if a major party loses its role in government, the chance that the party leader will be removed increases dramatically. Although presence in government has no significant impact on the tenure in office of party leaders of minor parties, the magnitude of the effect is indistinguishable from that for major parties. Beyond providing strong evidence that parties are at their core motivated by electoral performance, we also estimate the magnitude of the electoral imperative, at least as it pertains to party leaders.
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Rosidi, Rosidi, and Irwan Setiadi. "Peranan Anggota DPRD Provinsi DKI Jakarta Komisi E Dalam Menyerap Aspirasi Masyarakat Di Bidang Pendidikan." Jurnal Wahana Bina Pemerintahan 4, no. 2 (November 20, 2017): 198–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.55745/jwbp.v4i2.83.
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This research was conducted to analyze and describe the role of the members of the Regional Representative Council (DPRD) of the DKI Jakarta Province E Commission 2014-2019 in absorbing the aspirations of the community in the field of education. The research method uses qualitative methods with a descriptive approach.
Based on the results of the study that the role of the DKI Jakarta Provincial Parliament Member Commission E in absorbing community aspirations in the education sector still has to be optimized with efforts to intensify programs / activities carried out to the community intensively, so that the public can know the policies produced, and establish an information center and community service so that it can help facilitate the public in expressing their aspirations. School enrollment rates in Jakarta must be increased, the dropout rate at the Jakarta high school level is quite high. This large gap between regions indicates that there is still a need for encouragement for certain regions to be able to catch up with other regions. Because of the importance of the role of the DKI Jakarta Regional Representative Council (DPRD), especially Commission E in the field of community welfare, it is expected to be able to automate the use of IT technology in community management and services concerning community aspirations.
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B. Dokumen
Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia 1945 Amandemen ke 4 tentang Hak dan Kewajiban Negara, Pasal 31 ayat (4)Undang-Undang Nomor 20 tahun 2003 pasal 1 Tentang Sistem Pendidikan Nasional, Pasal 49 ayat (1)Undang-Undang Nomor 32 Tahun 2004 tentang Pemerintah Daerah, Pasal 46.Undang-Undang Nomor 20 tahun 2003 pasal 1 Tentang Sistem Pendidikan Nasioal, Pasal 49.Undang-Undang Nomor 32 Tahun 2004 tentang Pemerintah Daerah, Pasal 46.Undang-Undang Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 tentang MPR, Pasal 3 ayat (1)Undang-Undang Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 tentang Presiden Republik Indonesia memegang kekuasaan Pemerintahan menurut Undang-undang Dasar, Pasal 4 ayat (1)Undang-Undang Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 tentang Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat memegang kekuasaan membentuk undang-undang, Pasal 20 ayat (1)Undang-Undang Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 tetang Kekuasaan kehakiman, Pasal 24 ayat (2).Undang-Undang Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 tentang pengelolaan dan tanggung-jawab tentang keuangan negara, Pasal 23 E ayat (1).Undang-Undang Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 tentang Otonomi Daerah, Pasal 18 ayat (1).Undang-Undang Nomor 17 Tahun 2014 tentang MPR, DPR, DPD, dan DPRD, Bab V DPRD Provinsi, dan pasal 217.Undang-Undang Nomor 23 Tahun 2014 tentang Pemerintah Daerah dan Tata Tertib DPRDPeraturan Pemerintah Nomor 25 Tahun 2004 tentang Pedoman Penyusunan Tata Tertib DPRD, Pasal 43.Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor : 013/PUU-VI/2008, Perihal Pengujian UU No 15 Tahun 2008.Peraturan DPRD Provinsi DKI Jakarta No. 1 Tahun 2014 tentang Tata Tertib Anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah.BPS Prov DKI Jakarta, Statistik Kesejahteraan Jakarta,2016.
C. Internethttp://jakarta.bps.go.id/backend/pdf_publikasi/Jakarta-Dalam-Angka-2016.pdf
http://dprd-dkijakartaprov.go.id/
http://peraturan.go.id/pp/nomor-25-tahun-2004 11e44c4edccf11e0b846313231373132.html
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Gartshore, Heather. "Called to Serve, Shunned as Citizens: How the Australian Women’s Land Army Was Recruited and Abandoned by the Labor Government." Labour History: Volume 117, Issue 1 117, no. 1 (November 1, 2019): 135–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jlh.2019.21.
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The establishment and contribution of the Australian Women’s Land Army (AWLA) during World War II was welcomed by farmers. At that time prime ministers and premiers, along with a range of politicians, labelled their work as a vital war service, applauding their efforts as enabling Australia’s victory. However, in 1945, and following the war, key political leaders turned their back on this appreciation, denying the AWLA access to post-war benefits and services. This paper documents the reasons for the work of the AWLA from 1942 to 1945 and traces how the Labor Government in 1945 dismissed their contribution. It argues that to a large extent, this responsibility for denying the women the recognition and benefits that had been promised was a betrayal of the women they had called in to service.
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Bell, Alan W. "Animal science Down Under: a history of research, development and extension in support of Australia’s livestock industries." Animal Production Science 60, no. 2 (2020): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/an19161.
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This account of the development and achievements of the animal sciences in Australia is prefaced by a brief history of the livestock industries from 1788 to the present. During the 19th century, progress in industry development was due more to the experience and ingenuity of producers than to the application of scientific principles; the end of the century also saw the establishment of departments of agriculture and agricultural colleges in all Australian colonies (later states). Between the two world wars, the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research was established, including well supported Divisions of Animal Nutrition and Animal Health, and there was significant growth in research and extension capability in the state departments. However, the research capacity of the recently established university Faculties of Agriculture and Veterinary Science was limited by lack of funding and opportunity to offer postgraduate research training. The three decades after 1945 were marked by strong political support for agricultural research, development and extension, visionary scientific leadership, and major growth in research institutions and achievements, partly driven by increased university funding and enrolment of postgraduate students. State-supported extension services for livestock producers peaked during the 1970s. The final decades of the 20th century featured uncertain commodity markets and changing public attitudes to livestock production. There were also important Federal Government initiatives to stabilise industry and government funding of agricultural research, development and extension via the Research and Development Corporations, and to promote efficient use of these resources through creation of the Cooperative Research Centres program. These initiatives led to some outstanding research outcomes for most of the livestock sectors, which continued during the early decades of the 21st century, including the advent of genomic selection for genetic improvement of production and health traits, and greatly increased attention to public interest issues, particularly animal welfare and environmental protection. The new century has also seen development and application of the ‘One Health’ concept to protect livestock, humans and the environment from exotic infectious diseases, and an accelerating trend towards privatisation of extension services. Finally, industry challenges and opportunities are briefly discussed, emphasising those amenable to research, development and extension solutions.
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Watts, Rob. "Family allowances in Canada and Australia 1940–1945: A comparative critical case study." Journal of Social Policy 16, no. 1 (January 1987): 19–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279400015713.
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ABSTRACTWhilst quantitive and ‘positivist’ modes of comparative social policy can reveal significant structural factors involved in the making of welfare states, they too often ignore the role of human agency, intention and political processes. A critical-historical comparative case study of the introduction of ‘child endowment’ and of ‘family allowances’ respectively in Australia (1941) and in Canada (1944) reminds us of the interplay between structural constraints and human agency in the history of welfare states. Detailed analysis suggests that institutionalised arrangements in Australia after 1905 to resolve capital-labour conflict via arbitral and wage fixation mechanisms put the question of the adequacy of wages in meeting family needs and with it proposals for child endowment onto the public agenda as early as 1920. In Canada the absence of such mechanisms, and alternative welfare arrangements to deal with family welfare, combined to keep such proposals off the public agenda. After 1939 the development of ‘war economies’ in Australia and Canada created common contradictions for governments, trying to maintain both industrial peace and anti-inflation policies, which the introduction of family allowances in both countries were attempts to resolve. Consideration is also given to a range of political problems and contexts in both countries which this particular policy measure attempted to deal with.
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Paul, Kathleen. "“British Subjects” and “British Stock”: Labour's Postwar Imperialism." Journal of British Studies 34, no. 2 (April 1995): 233–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386075.
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If Conservative Party leader Winston Churchill fought World War II determined not to be the prime minister who lost the Empire, Clement Attlee, Ernest Bevin, and Herbert Morrison, who as Labour members of the Coalition government served with him, were equally determined to hold on to Empire once peace was won. The Empire/Commonwealth offered both political and economic benefits to Labour. Politically, the Commonwealth provided substance for Britain's pretensions to a world power role equal in stature to the new superpowers of the United States and the Soviet Union. For this claim to be effective, however, the Commonwealth needed to be demographically strong and firmly united under British leadership. Economically, imperial preferences and the sterling area offered a financial buffer against Britain's true plight of accumulated wartime debts and major infrastructural damage and neglect. Receiving over 40 percent of British exports and providing substantial, and in the case of Australia and New Zealand, dollar-free imports of meat, wheat, timber, and dairy produce, the Commonwealth seemed a logical body on which the United Kingdom could draw for financial support. In short, postwar policy makers believed preservation of the Empire/Commonwealth to be a necessary first step in domestic and foreign reconstruction.Yet in 1945, a variety of circumstances combined to make the task of imperial preservation one of reconstitution rather than simple maintenance. First, it seemed that, just at the moment when Britain needed them most, some of the strongest and oldest members of the Commonwealth appeared to be moving away.
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Hollander, Robyn. "‘Every man's right’: Queensland Labor and Home Ownership 1915–1957." Queensland Review 2, no. 2 (September 1995): 56–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s132181660000088x.
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In 1990, the Queensland Government launched its now discredited Home Ownership Made Easy scheme. HOME provided financial assistance to ‘moderate’ income earners by offering fixed interest, low start loans, and was accompanied by HOME Shared and HOME Buy which targeted public housing tenants. While HOME differed from past programs in its detail, it can be seen as the most recent attempt by a State Labor Government to extend owner occupation in Queensland. Between 1915 and 1957, the Queensland Labor Party actively sought to promote home ownership through a range of programs including the Workers' Dwellings and Workers' Homes schemes. These programs were a reflection of a fundamental belief in home ownership as ‘every man's right’ and as an ‘essential’ element of the ‘Australian way of life’. Thus, Queensland Labor displayed none of the ambivalence which characterised Labor Party attitudes to home ownership elsewhere in Australia. Williams contends that the Australian Labor Party was trapped between its commitment to assisting the poor, its reluctance to play the role of landlord, and its support for home ownership. The Queensland Party experienced no such ideological quandary. While other Labor Governments tended to accept an obligation to provide public rental accommodation for those unable to buy homes of their own, Queensland Labor continued to display a distaste for ‘public landlordism’.
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Healy, Sianan. "Race, citizenship and national identity in The School Paper, 1946-1968." History of Education Review 44, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/her-01-2015-0003.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore representations of Aboriginal people, in particular children, in the Victorian government’s school reader The School Paper, from the end of the Second World War until its publication ceased in 1968. The author interrogates these representations within the framework of pedagogies of citizenship training and the development of national identity, to reveal the role Aboriginal people and their culture were accorded within the “imagined community” of Australian nationhood and its heritage and history. Design/methodology/approach – The paper draws on the rich material available in the Victorian Department of Education’s school reader, The School Paper, from 1946 to 1968 (when the publication ceased), and on the Department’s annual reports. These are read within the context of scholarship on race, education and citizenship formation in the post-war years. Findings – State government policies of assimilation following the Second World War tied in with pedagogies and curricula regarding citizenship and belonging, which became a key focus of education departments following the Second World War. The informal pedagogies of The School Paper’s representations of Aboriginal children and their families, the author argues, excluded Aboriginal communities from understandings of Australian nationhood, and from conceptions of the ideal Australian citizen-in-formation. Instead, representations of Aboriginal people relegated them to the outdoors in ways that racialised Australian spaces: Aboriginal cultures are portrayed as historical yet timeless, linked with the natural/native rather than civic/political environment. Originality/value – This paper builds on scholarship on the relationship between education, reading pedagogies and citizenship formation in Australia in the post-war years to develop our knowledge of how conceptions of the ideal Australian citizen of the future – that is, Australian students – were inherently racialised. It makes a new contribution to scholarship on the assimilation project in Australia, through revealing the relationship between government policies towards Aboriginal people and the racial and cultural qualities being taught in Australian schools.
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Benvenuti, Andrea, and David Martin Jones. "Myth and Misrepresentation in Australian Foreign Policy: Menzies and Engagement with Asia." Journal of Cold War Studies 13, no. 4 (October 2011): 57–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00168.
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The prevailing orthodoxy in the academic literature devoted to the history of Australia's post-1945 international relations posits that a mixture of suspicion and condescension permeated the attitude of the governments headed by Robert Menzies (1949–1966) toward the Asia-Pacific region. Menzies's regional policies, according to this view, not only prevented Australia from engaging meaningfully with its Asian neighbors but also ended up antagonizing them. This article rejects the conventional view and instead shows that the prevailing left-Labor assessments of Menzies's regional policy are fundamentally marred by an anachronistic disregard of the diplomatic dynamics, political challenges, and economic realities of Cold War Asia.
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Byerlee, Derek. "The Super State: The Political Economy of Phosphate Fertilizer Use in South Australia, 1880–1940." Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 62, no. 1 (April 30, 2021): 99–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2021-0005.
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Abstract From 1882 to 1910 superphosphate was almost universally adopted by wheat farmers in South Australia. A supply chain perspective is used to link the mining of phosphate rock in distant Pacific islands to the final application of superphosphate in the fields of Australian wheat farmers. Farmers and private manufacturers led the adoption stage in the context of a liberal market regime and the role of the state at this stage was limited although strategic. After 1920, the role of the state in the industry sharply increased in all phases of the industry. A political economy perspective is used to analyse state-ownership of raw material supplies and protectionist policies to manufacturers that resulted in high prices in Australia by 1930. Numerous government reviews pitted the interests of farmers and manufacturers leading to a complex system of tariffs and subsidies in efforts to serve all interests. Overall, the adoption of superphosphate was a critical factor in developing productive and sustainable farming systems in Australia, although at the expense of Pacific Islanders who prior to WWII received token benefits and were ultimately left with a highly degraded landscape.
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Deery, P. "Scientific Freedom and Post-War Politics: Australia, 1945-1955." Historical Records of Australian Science 13, no. 1 (2000): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/hr0001310001.
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Sheridan, Tom. "Shoring up the System: The ALP and Arbitration in the 1940s." Journal of Industrial Relations 31, no. 1 (March 1989): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218568903100101.
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The years immediately after the Second World War witnessed over-full employment in the Australian economy. The workforce, backed by public opinion, sought to reap gains in employment conditions after years of restraint. High on the unions' official agenda was reform of the federal arbitration system, which dominated the wage-fixing process. In 1947 the ALP government amended the Conciliation and Arbitration Act. Although endowed with unprecedented constitutional and political authority, the Chifley government failed to meet the main expectations of its union constituents. The system remained centralized and dominated by a small bench of judges. Chifley's appointments to the bench failed to depart from the conservative norm. The Labor government's overwhelming motivation was to hold down wage costs and cushion the economy from the shock of industrial labour's newfound bargaining power.
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Shackleton, Michael. "The new Europe: politics, government and economy since 1945." International Affairs 69, no. 4 (October 1993): 788. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620657.
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Syahrin, M. Alvi, and Brianta Petra Ginting. "LEGAL INTERPRETATION OF DIRECTORATE GENERAL OF IMMIGRATION DECREE NUMBER IMI-0352.GR.02.07 OF 2016 CONCERNING THE HANDLING OF ILLEGAL IMMIGRANTS THAT SELF DECLARED AS AN ASYLUM SEEKERS OR REFUGEES IN IMMIGRATIVE SELECTIVE POLICY: HIERARCHY THEORY OF LEGAL." Jurnal Ilmiah Kajian Keimigrasian 2, no. 1 (April 26, 2019): 109–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.52617/jikk.v2i1.47.
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Displacement is a form of population movement that has different characteristics than other forms of population movement. The movement of population, both in the national territory and those that have crossed national borders, is an event that has long existed in human history and is increasingly happening now. The increasing number of asylum seekers and refugees to the territory of Indonesia, has caused social disturbances, political security, and even order in the community. The number of their arrival is not proportional to the completion rate or placement to the recipient country (Australia). To deal with the problem of asylum seekers and refugees entering and residing in the territory of Indonesia, the government issued a Director General of Immigration Decree Number: IMI-0352.GR.02.07 of 2016 concerning the Handling of Illegal Immigrants who Self Declare as Asylum Seekers and Refugees. This regulation not only affirms Indonesia's position in favor of refugee humanitarian policies, but also makes it incompatible with the legal principles of establishing legislation. The formulation of the problem examined in this paper is how the legal position of Director General of Immigration Decree in the immigration selective policy with a hierarchical theory approach to legal norms. The research method used is normative legal research that is qualitative in nature with mixed logic (deductive and inductive). From the results of the study can be known several legal facts as follows. The legal status of Director General of Immigration Decree Number: IMI-0352.GR.02.07 in 2016 creates disharmony in the legal order (immigration) in Indonesia. Article 7 of Law Number 12 of 2011 has established a sequence of laws and regulations which form the basis for the implementation of all legal regulations in Indonesia. The provisions of this article are in line with the Hierarchical Theory of Legal Norms (Hans Kelsen) which explains that lower norms, valid, sourced and based on higher norms. However, this theory is not negated in the formation of these regulations, where in the body the norms conflict with each other with higher legal norms above. The existence of this regulation has created norm conflicts that lead to the absence of legal certainty. As for the higher regulations that contradict these regulations are as follows: The 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, Law Number 6 of 2011 concerning Immigration, Government Regulation Number 31 of 2013 concerning Regulations for Implementing Law Number 6 of 2011 concerning Immigration, and Regulation of the Minister of Law and Human Rights Number M.HH-11.OT.01.01 of 2009 concerning Organization and Work Procedures of Immigration Detention Houses. Conflicting legal norms include: Definition of Detention Center, Determinant Definition, Refugee Handling, UNHCR and IOM Authority in Refugee Handling, Discovery, Collection, Immigration Oversight, Funding, and Sanctions.
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Johnson, Helen. "The politics of sex: prostitution and pornography in australia since 1945." Women's Writing 5, no. 2 (July 1, 1998): 265–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09699080300200369.
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Scrine, Clair. "The politics of sex: prostitution and pornography in australia since 1945." Women's History Review 8, no. 3 (September 1, 1999): 549–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612029900200425.
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VAN DER ENG, PIERRE. "Turning Adversity into Opportunity: Philips in Australia, 1945-1980." Enterprise & Society 19, no. 1 (September 5, 2017): 179–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eso.2017.12.
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Philips Australia, the Australian subsidiary of Dutch MNE Philips Electronics, experienced difficulties during 1942–1943, when it came close to being nationalized as enemy property. In response, the company set out to improve its reputation in the local radio parts and electronics industry and in Australian markets. Its strategy of embedding itself in Australian society served the purpose of improving company performance and influencing the government policies that guided the rapid development of Australia’s postwar electronics industry. With this strategy, Philips Australia minimized the risks and maximized the commercial opportunities it faced. The firm localized senior management, maximized local procurement and local manufacturing, took a leading role in industry associations, engaged politically influential board members, and used marketing tools to build a strong brand and a positive public profile in Australia. However, the company became aware of the limitations of this strategy in 1973, when a new Labor government reduced trade protection. Increasing competition from Japanese electronics firms forced Philips Australia to restructure and downsize its production operations. Despite increasing reliance on imports from the parent company’s regional supply centers and efforts to specialize production on high-value added products, the firm saw its profitability and market share in Australia decrease.
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Whitehead, Kay, and Bernard Hyams. "Colonial Rural Teachers: Isolation, Mobility and Government Policies in South Australia 1875‐1915." Journal of Educational Administration and History 23, no. 2 (July 1991): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0022062910230201.
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Jackson, Judge Hal. "Policy and Politics: Two recent examples in Western Australia." Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 29, no. 1 (March 1996): 58–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000486589602900105.
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In a state known for consistently high incarceration rates, especially of Aboriginal people, the Labor governments of the 1980s created two criminologically based research or advisory bodies. The paper looks at the background and history of each — the State Government Advisory Committee on Young Offenders and the Crime Research Centre (and the lessons learned therefrom in light of policy making decisions, both by the Labor Government which created them and its successor, the Liberal Government of Richard Court). The first was composed largely of high ranking judicial, police and bureaucratic members, high profile community members and skilled research staff. Its fate was sealed by its insistence on independence. The second is university-based with a statistical and research focus. Independently funded, it survives but what effect has it had? The author was at one time a member of the Committee and a member of the Advisory Board of the Centre.
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Strange, Carolyn. "Ambivalent Abolitionism in the 1920s: New South Wales, Australia." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 11, no. 3 (September 1, 2022): 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.2474.
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In the former penal colony of New South Wales (NSW), a Labor government attempted what its counterpart in Queensland had achieved in 1922: the abolition of the death penalty. Although NSW’s unelected Legislative Council scuttled Labor’s 1925 bill, the party’s prevarication over capital punishment and the government’s poor management of the campaign thwarted abolition for a further three decades. However, NSW’s failure must be analysed in light of ambivalent abolitionism that prevailed in Britain and the US in the postwar decade. In this wider context, Queensland, rather than NSW, was the abolitionist outlier.
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Bean, Clive. "Party Politics, Political Leaders and Trust in Government in Australia." Political Science 53, no. 1 (June 2001): 17–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231870105300102.
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Abrillioga, Abrillioga, Aldian Nugraha, Azzam H. F, and Himy Oktafiansyah. "Strategic Issues of the Position of the President 3 Period In the Perspective of State Constitutional Law in the Restriction of Power." Jurnal Sosial Sains 2, no. 6 (June 15, 2022): 648–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.36418/sosains.v2i6.402.
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The subject of extending the presidential term to three terms is one that all of us are concerned about. In this example, in the contestation of the dynamics of government and politics in Indonesia, the discourse of the desire to change the 1945 Constitution aims to homogenize the discourse views of the interests of power, making this an intriguing subject to research. As a concept of preventing the authoritarian pendulum in a country, it is required to limit the power held by a head of state and head of government, particularly the president. The term of office for presidential candidates in Indonesia is controlled by the country's presidential system of government. Like the current dynamics in the Indonesian government, that dilemmas and conflicts of interest stemming from pragmatic reasons for legal politics in Indonesia appear to want to smoothen the constitution, namely Article 7 of the 1945 Constitution, which has limitedly affirmed the limits of positions held by a president, namely two terms. by using the provisions of the original intense article 37 of the 1945 Constitution to delegate to three terms. In essence, the presidential term restriction is intended to prevent abuse of power.
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Roces, Mina. "Kinship Politics in Post-War Philippines: The Lopez Family, 1945–1989." Modern Asian Studies 34, no. 1 (January 2000): 181–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00003668.
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On being awarded the Legion of Honor by President Corazon Aquino, Joaquin ‘Chino.’ Roces, publisher of The Manila Times, pleaded with the president:Please allow me to remind you, first. That our people brought a new government to power because our people felt an urgent need for change. That change was nothing more and nothing less than that of moving quickly into a new moral order. The people believed, and many of them still do, that when we said we would be the exact opposite of Marcos, we would be just that. Because of that promise which the people believed, our triumph over Marcos was anchored on a principle of morality . . . . To our people, I dare propose that new moral order is best appreciated in terms of our response to graft and corruption in public service. We cannot afford a government of thieves unless we can tolerate a nation of highwaymen.
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Yuniyanto, Tri, Dadan Adi Kurniawan, and Sutiyah. "REVOLUTION POLITICAL CHANGES IN YOGYAKARTA 1945-1951." International Journal of Education and Social Science Research 05, no. 06 (2022): 80–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.37500/ijessr.2022.5607.
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Indonesian independence has caused change basically in political order and governance, also in Yogyakarta. This study aimed to Understand the concept of power changes in Yogyakarta from feudalism to democracy in local government. This study used the historical method, collecting data through a review of relevant archives, documents and previous research as well as related book references; analyzing to find the authenticity and credibility of sources; carry out interpretations with a political and sociological approach, to find historical, and produce a historiography of fundamental changes in politics and government in Yogyakarta. The results showed that there was a fundamental changed in the government structure. Yogyakarta, in time of the Duch colonial governance was a self-governing state or swapraja, Sultan as King. People’s involvement in determining policy of the government is realized through representative system. That is KNID (National Committee of Yogyakarta and DPRD (Regional Representative Council), and then holding General Election for selecting members of DPRD 1951, that is first general election in Indonesia. Transition from feudalism to democracy, caused Yogyakarta as special Regions, Sultan as governor.
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Stokes, Raymond G. "The Oil Industry in Nazi Germany, 1936–1945." Business History Review 59, no. 2 (1985): 254–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3114932.
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The oil industry in Nazi Germany provides an excellent focus for studying the interplay between economics, politics, and government policy in the Third Reich. In this article, Mr. Stokes brings to this subject a comparative approach, making comparisons both within the oil industry and with the industry's major industrial counterparts. He concludes that a variety of factors—including the degree of shared interest between individual firms and the government, the size and concentration of a firm's production facilities, and the political position of key firm personnel—explain the success as well as the eventual collapse of a given industrial sector.
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Kornéli, Beáta. "Nagy Britannia és Ausztrália közös atomprogramja 1945-1960." Belvedere Meridionale 31, no. 2 (2019): 153–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/belv.2019.2.9.
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Australia was determined to obtain a nuclear weapon after the Second World War. The most obvious solution seemed to collaborate with Britain doing nuclear research in the so-called “joint project”. The British defence planners had been aware of the fact that Great Britain would not survive a forthcoming nuclear attack at the dawn of the cold war and thus, they were in need of their own nuclear weapon. When the MacMahon Act came into force the Government of United States of America rejected the British to continue the joint research in the Manhattan Project and they wanted to retain their sole atom monopoly. They provided the British neither with raw material nor with nuclear technology, furthermore, they were not allowed to participate in the test blasts. Hence, the role of Australia was revalued by the British Government. Several productive intitiatives such as the establishment of the Australian National University, launching the Snowy Mountains project, deployment of the Royal Australian Air Force in Southeast Asia coincided with the joint project. The culmination of the Australian–British cooperation was the atomic blast in 1952 and the decision of the British to contribute to the construction of an Australian nuclear reactor. Nevertheless, the nuclear achievements of the Soviet Union put an end to the so far successful joint project.
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Jupp, James. "From ‘White Australia’ to ‘Part of Asia’: Recent Shifts in Australian Immigration Policy towards the Region." International Migration Review 29, no. 1 (March 1995): 207–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839502900109.
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This article examines the impact on Australia of population movements in the Asia-Pacific region since 1945, with special reference to the period since 1975 that marked the termination of the restrictive ‘White Australia Policy.’ That policy, which had its origins in racist theories popular at the end of the nineteenth century, isolated Australia from its immediate region and kept it tied to its European and, more specifically, British origins. The impact of population, trade and capital movements in the region has been such as to make Australia ‘part of Asia.’ Nevertheless, public opinion has yet to accept these changes fully, especially when they involve changing the ethnic character of the resident population. It is concluded that the generation which has grown up since 1945 and which is now starting to dominate politics and intellectual life will find it easier to reorient Australia than did the previous generation, despite continuing ambivalence in public attitudes. The presence in Australia of large numbers of permanent residents and citizens of Asian origin is a necessary factor in expediting change.
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Kyle, Keith. "The politics of continuity: British foreign policy and the Labour Government, 1945–46." International Affairs 70, no. 3 (July 1994): 561–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623762.
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Cline, Catherine Ann, and John Saville. "The Politics of Continuity: British Foreign Policy and the Labour Government, 1945-46." American Historical Review 100, no. 4 (October 1995): 1255. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168253.
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Hyman, Richard, and John Saville. "The Politics of Continuity: British Foreign Policy and the Labour Government: 1945-46." Labour / Le Travail 34 (1994): 351. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143884.
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Gooch, John. "The Politics of Strategy: Great Britain, Australia and the War against Japan, 1939-1945." War in History 10, no. 4 (October 2003): 424–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/0968344503wh284oa.
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Strøm, Kaare, and Jørn Y. Leipart. "Policy, Institutions, and Coalition Avoidance: Norwegian Governments, 1945–1990." American Political Science Review 87, no. 4 (December 1993): 870–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2938820.
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Norwegian party politics is characterized by coalition avoidance that defies conventional coalition theory. This failure of coalescence can be caused either by policy pursuit (preference-induced) or by institutional constraint (structure-induced). We test the explanatory power of policy-based and institutional explanations, relying on content analysis of authoritative party and government documents for our policy measures. The results show that the left–right policy dimension has powerfully constrained Norwegian interparty bargaining and that policy-based coalition theory can account for many apparent anomalies in Norwegian coalition politics. A permissive institutional environment has also fostered coalition avoidance. Although core-based coalition theory can thus be successfully adapted to the Norwegian case, it rests on a number of critical assumptions that limit its general applicability.
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Malagodi, Mara, Luke McDonagh, and Thomas Poole. "New Dominion constitutionalism at the twilight of the British Empire: An introduction." International Journal of Constitutional Law 17, no. 4 (October 2019): 1166–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icon/moz082.
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Abstract This introduction to the symposium on New Dominion constitutionalism sketches the legal configuration of New Dominion status and the intellectual context from which it emerged. Dominionhood originally represented a halfway house between colonial dependence and postcolonial independence, as developed in Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa. By contrast, New Dominion constitutionalism refers to the transitional constitutional form developed after World War I in Ireland (1922–1937)—the “Bridge Dominion”—and the post-World War II “New” Dominions of India (1947–1950), Pakistan (1947–1956), and Ceylon (later Sri Lanka, 1948–1972). New Dominion constitutionalism represents the first model designed to manage political transitions on a global scale. Both transitional and transnational, New Dominion constitutions served as a provisional frame of government and the juridical basis for the independent constitution. Although the notion of Dominion fell into disuse, it reemerged as the concept of Commonwealth Realm through which the majority of the remaining British colonies in Asia, Africa, and the Caribbean acquired independence.
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Kitsak, Volodymyr. "The Politics of Great Britain Concerning the Establishment of the Eastern Frontier of Poland in 1944-1945." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 44 (December 15, 2021): 105–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.44.105-115.
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The policy of the government of Great Britain concerning the establishment of the eastern frontier of Poland during the final period of World War II has been investigated in an article. The policy priorities of Great Britain concerning the regulation of postwar political status of Poland have been determined. It has been researched that British politics were giving a try to restore diplomatic relations between the exile government of Poland and the government of the USSR that had been cut in April 1943 by Soviets. Unsuccessful attempts of W. Churchill to compel the USSR return the legal government of Poland into the arias that were occupied by the Soviet army are analyzed. After the pro-Soviet Lublin government proclamation British politics negotiated about a coalition cabinet forming. It has been proved that by the end of the World War II the major priority of Great Britain was to restore the prewar government in Poland and to avoid its transformation into the Soviet satellite like Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. It has been established that British politics exchanged the problem of the eastern boundary with the following deportations of population on the return of Polish cabinet from London. Lviv and Vilnius had to belong to Soviets. Churchill considered that the mass migration of Ukrainians and Poles was inevitable and could help to avoid conflicts in future. Western Ukraine and Western Belarus loss was indemnified to Poland with territories on its western frontier and in Prussia. Negotiations of British cabinet with exile Polish government have been analyzed. Churchill and Iden gave a try to force the Prime minister of Poland Mykolaychyk to proclaim renunciation from the established eastern boundary of Poland. During those years Great Britain did not achive the aim. The government of the USSR and Stalin did not keep an agreement made on Tehran and Yalta conferences and in personal correspondence.
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YUAN, Jingdong. "Australia–China Relations at 50." East Asian Policy 14, no. 02 (April 2022): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000149.
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Australia–China relations are at a turning point 50 years after diplomatic recognition. While the past five decades have witnessed extensive growth in economic exchanges, in recent years, bilateral ties have experienced serious deterioration. Australia’s alliance with the United States, domestic politics—in particular the two major parties’ approaches to foreign policy—and economic interdependence are important variables in Canberra’s approach to China. There will be no exception for the incoming Australian Labor Party government to deal with these.
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Hall, Richard. "The Politics of Industrial Relations in Australia in 2007." Journal of Industrial Relations 50, no. 3 (June 2008): 371–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185608089994.
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Industrial Relations proved to be one of the dominant issues in the 2007 federal election campaign with the Government at first defending, and then moderating, their Work Choices legislation. The Labor Opposition benefited greatly from the successful Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) campaign against Work Choices and established a significant electoral advantage on the issue. Labor introduced its own IR policy alternative under the banner `Forward with Fairness' and then spent a good deal of 2007 trying to sell its policy to business. The final policy adopted by Labor, and set to become law over the next few years, represents something of a calculated political compromise. When the detail of the policy is considered the influence of the Work Choices laws is still very much apparent.
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Haveri,, Arto, Henna Paananen, and Jenni Airaksinen. "Narratives on Complexity: Interpretations on Local Government Leadership Change." Administrative Culture 19, no. 1 (October 29, 2018): 37–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.32994/ac.v19i1.207.
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This article, based on narratives of experienced (born between 1945 and 1950) municipal chief executive officers, investigates changes that challenge leadership inlocal government. Four factors emerge: the dissolution of municipal boundaries; cooled relations between the State and municipalities; municipal inhabitants’ changing role from participatory residents to exacting customers; and fragmentation oflocal politics. These four changes reveal the diversity of local leaders’ everyday environment, illustrating and exploring how day-to-day management takes place in the intersection of more and more complex governance relations.
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Cortada, James W. "When Knowledge Transfer Goes Global: How People and Organizations Learned About Information Technology, 1945–1970." Enterprise & Society 15, no. 1 (March 2014): 68–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/es/kht095.
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This article argues that an information ecosystem emerged rapidly after World War II that made possible the movement of knowledge about computing and its uses around the world. Participants included engineers, scientists, government officials, business management, and users of the technology. Vendors, government agencies, the military, and professors participated regardless of such barriers as languages, cold war politics, or varying levels of national economic levels of prosperity.
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Imaniyati, Neni Sri, Efik Yusdiansyah, Muhardi Muhardi, Husni Syam, Mohammad Tahir Cheumar, and Panji Adam. "The Political Direction of Indonesian Economic Law as the Conception of Welfare State in the 1945 Constitution." International Journal of Criminology and Sociology 10 (August 23, 2021): 1310–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.6000/1929-4409.2021.10.151.
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Political law, political economy and political economy law are three concepts that arise from a deep understanding of the 1945 Constitution as statutory norms. A series that tries to align the interests and desires of the 1945 Constitution with the interests of the state and the people's wishes, which often have different views and practices between the two. This article aims to analyze the direction of Indonesian economic law politics policy in the Welfare State conception based on the 1945 Constitution. The method used is a normative juridical approach with descriptive-analytical techniques using qualitative juridical data analysis methods. This article concludes that the direction of Indonesian economic policy shows some adoption of neoliberalism values that have become references in the formulation of monetary policy in Indonesia. As a government law politics, the direction of economic policy must be oriented towards the institutionalization of the status of the Indonesian nation to advance the general welfare. And the "vehicle" for institutionalizing this staatsidee, as formulated in Article 33 of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, is the concept of a welfare state.
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Sondrol, Paul C. "The Emerging New Politics of Liberalizing Paraguay: Sustained Civil-Military Control without Democracy." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 34, no. 2 (1992): 127–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166031.
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The Process of the transition from authoritarianism to more representative forms of government has become a major subject of the scholarship on Latin American politics today (O'Donnell, et al, 1986; Malloy and Seligson, 1987; Stepan, 1989; Diamond et al, 1988-1990; Lowenthal, 1991). Given this interest, as expressed by the growing literature in this area, little attention has been paid to the transition process now going on in Paraguay, which is now emerging from one of Latin America's most long-standing authoritarian regimes.A number of studies testify to the authoritarian nature of Paraguay's government and society. Johnson indicates that Paraguay ranked either 18th or 19th—out of 20 Latin American nations ... in 9 successive surveys of democratic development, carried out at 5-year intervals from 1945 to 1985 (Jonnson> 1988). A longitudinal study of press freedom found that Paraguay was invariably placed in the category of “poor,” or even “none,” between 1945-1975 (Hill and Hurley, 1980). When Palmer applied his 5 indicators of authoritarianism (nonelective rule, coups, primacy of the military, military rule, executive predominance) to the countries of Latin America, Paraguay consistently ranked first in its degree of authoritarianism (Palmer, 1977).
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Fisher, Daniel T. "An Urban Frontier: Respatializing Government in Remote Northern Australia." Cultural Anthropology 30, no. 1 (February 9, 2015): 139–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.14506/ca30.1.08.
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This essay draws on ethnographic research with Aboriginal Australians living in the parks and bush spaces of a Northern Australian city to analyze some new governmental measures by which remoteness comes to irrupt within urban space and to adhere to particular categories of people who live in and move through this space. To address this question in contemporary Northern Australia is also to address the changing character of the Australian government of Aboriginal people as it moves away from issues of redress and justice toward a state of emergency ostensibly built on settler Australian compassion and humanitarian concern. It also means engaging with the mediatization of politics and its relation to the broader, discursive shaping of such spatial categories as remote and urban. I suggest that remoteness forms part of the armory of recent political efforts to reshape Aboriginal policy in Northern Australia. These efforts leverage remoteness to diagnose the ills of contemporary Aboriginal society, while producing remoteness itself as a constitutive feature of urban space.
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Hearn, June M. "Book Reviews : Australia in Accord: Politics and Industrial Relations Under the Hawke Government." Journal of Industrial Relations 31, no. 2 (June 1989): 265–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218568903100208.
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Smith, Harold L. "The politics of Conservative reform: the equal pay for equal work issue, 1945–1955." Historical Journal 35, no. 2 (June 1992): 401–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00025863.
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AbstractAlthough Conservative M.P.s were instrumental in defeating equal pay proposals in parliament in 1936 and 1944, it was a Conservative government which in 1954 decided to proceed with equal pay for female civil servants. Previous explanations for this reversal of traditional Conservative policy have focused on the need to increase the supply of female applicants for civil service positions, and the equal pay campaigns by white–collar unions and by the feminist Equal Pay Campaign Committee. Drawing upon previously unused sources, including P.R.O.files, this article offers a more overtly political explanation.Within four weeks after the Labour party announced in January 1954 that it would ‘immediately’ implement equal pay when the next Labour government was formed, R. A. Butler, the chancellor of the exchequer, informed his treasury advisers that he wished to proceed with equal pay. With a general election looming in the near future, and believing themselves engaged in a close race with the Labour party, the cabinet reluctantly endorsed reform, fearing that a failure to act might tip sufficient female voters toward Labour to determine the outcome of a close election.