Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Australia Politics and government 1945-'
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1
Scalmer, Sean. "The career of class : intellectuals and the labour movement in Australia 1942-56." Phd thesis, Department of Government, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8922.
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Hayman, Christopher Charles Douglas School of Politics & International Relations UNSW. "The balance of power in Second World War Australia :the deliberative role of Coles and Wilson in the House of Representatives from 1940." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Politics and International Relations, 2005. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/22446.
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The problem being investigated is the historical situation relating to two independent MPs holding the balance of power in the Australian House of Representatives in 1940 and 1941. The two MPs, Arthur Coles and Alex Wilson, supported the conservative Menzies and Fadden governments before shifting their support (on October 3 1941) to the Labor Party led by Curtin. The procedure followed is the examination, in the form of a historical narrative, of primary evidence in private papers (such as Coles???s), analysis of Hansard (CPD), local and metropolitan newspapers. Also examined are references to the two independents in secondary literature. The key focus of interest will be the idea that chance or serendipity played a major role in achieving all the key outcomes which many Australians (and historians like Hasluck) often otherwise depict as the triumph of good sense within a supposedly non-problematic twoparty political system which self-selected the best possible leadership during time of war. Coles took over the seat of a popular Cabinet minister who had died in an air disaster. Coles???s and Wilson???s holding the balance of power was another extreme aberration, as no House of Representatives from 1906 to 1940, and none since, has not had either of the two party blocs (Labor and anti-Labor) without a majority. Hasluck, the most influential historian of Australian politics during the 1939-1945 war, viewed the fact of Coles???s and Wilson???s serendipity as evidence, in itself, of their wider historical, ideological and political irrelevance. The general results obtained by pursuing a critical historical narrative approach is that a strong counter-argument has been developed that suggests that Hasluck (and wider historical memory) has insufficiently valued as historical factors Coles???s and Wilson???s ideological aims. Coles was a representative of business progressivism and Wilson of agrarian socialism. The major conclusion reached is that Coles???s and Wilson???s wider aims led them to adopt the tactic of timing their shift to Labor so as to maximize their ideological influence on the Labor administration that would result whenever they decided to exercise their entirely serendipitously attained balance of power.
3
Ferranti, Richard de. "Evatt and the Manus Negotiations." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112094.
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Most histories of Australian-American relations in
the period immediately after the war mention, at least in
passing, the curious phenomenon of Australia at tempting to
bargain with the United States over the US’ rights to use a
base which the Americans themselves had built on Australian
mandated territory in the process of beating back the
Japanese from Australian shores. Manus Island, previously shrouded in obscruity, became the focus of an extended debate both in parliament and in the press over the state of Australia's relations with the USA and whether or not Dr. Evatt's 'wheeling and dealing' on the matter had contributed to a perceived deterioration in the Australian-US relationship, considered to have been so close during the war.
4
Baird, Julia Woodlands. "Housewife superstars : female politicians and the Australian print media, 1970-1990." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/18048.
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This thesis focuses on the relationship between female politicians and the press in Australia - how they were interviewed and reported on, and how their public image was shaped, between 1970 and 1990. Making use of frame analysis, it examines the way the media framed women elected to parliament, and reveals a pattern of coverage which consistently portrayed women as outsiders in a male political realm. However, it also reveals that the coverage changed over time. There were four major frames through which female politicians were viewed. The ‘iron lady’ frame involved a search for Australia’s first woman Prime Minister, and compared femininity to the exercise of power or authority. The ‘housewife’ frame focused on women politician’s domestic responsibilities, and sprang from an anxiety about the impact of women’s participation in the public sphere on the private sphere. The ‘body’ frame drew attention to women’s weight, appearance and sex lives, often to either explain or query their political success. Finally, the ‘feminist’ frame centered on questions which asked women MPs to define themselves as feminists, and sought their opinions only on narrowly defined women’s issues. Frames were determined by the hook, the headline, and the choice of photograph as well as the narrative of newspaper articles, and repetition of descriptive words. Each frame evolved over time, and each has been shaped by female politician’s criticisms of their treatment at the hands of the press. This thesis shows the previously unexamined relationship between female politicians and the Australian print media is not static or unilateral, but symbiotic, dialogic and constantly changing. As a forum for a broader societal debate about the role of women, the major metropolitan newspapers sustained and shaped, but also undermined a separate spheres ideology. The print media was not monolithic, and competing viewpoints were aired in editorials, articles, comment and opinion pieces. Female journalists in particular played a critical role in introducing and sustaining a debate about a gender bias in political reporting, in the press. I argue analyses must incorporate the agency of women politicians in order to understand the complexities of the women’s responses and resistance to their portrayal as ‘housewife superstars’ in the press, as well as the possibilities for change.
5
Winton, Brett Andrew. "Secession in Bougainville and the Australian government response." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1993. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/26637.
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Bougainville is part of the North Solomons Province of Papua New Guinea and is located nearly 1,000 kilometres from Port Moresby (refer to maps on pages 3 and 4). In November 1988, a dispute at the Panguna copper mine on the island between landowner s and the owners of the mine, Bougainville Copper Limited (BCL), erupted into violence. The subsequent formation of the Bougainville Revolutionary Army and demands for secession led to the most serious political and economic problems facing Papua New Guinea (PNG) since independence was granted in 1975.
In the four years since the initial trouble began, more than 1,500 people have been killed - in military conflict on the islands of Bougainville and Buka, and the mine, which until 1989 provided employment for 3,500 people, has closed.1 A blockade of Bougainville by Guinea Defence Force (PNGDF) resulted in shortages of food, fuel and the Papua New medical supplies to the island, the latter resulting in the deaths of 3,000 innocent civilians.2 Terence Wesley-Sm ith of the University of Hawaii writes, " Except for the independence struggle in Irian Jaya, no other conflict in the Pacific Islands region has produced this level of human suffering since World War 11.3 The Namaliu Government and the country's image abroad were weakened by allegations of human rights abuses and indiscipline amongst the security forces. The role of the Australian Government, largely through its training of military personnel and the supply of military hardware to the PNGDF, has also been placed under scrutiny by a Commonwealth parliamentary committee and human rights activists.
The dispute has had a significant impact on the economy of the mainland. Closure of the mine resulted in the loss of approximately 40 per cent of export earnings for the country and 17 per cent of the Government's budget revenue. The blockade of Bougainville led to the loss of export earnings from cocoa (45 per cent of PNG's total cocoa production), copra (the province was the second highest producers of copra) and timber. The loss of national income from the mine and other cash crops forced the Government to announce in January 1990 a 10 per cent devaluation of the kina, cuts in government recurrent spending and a firmer line on wage increases.
6
Chartprasert, Kiattikhun. "Australia and the Kampuchean problem : Thai perspectives." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112144.
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Throughout recorded history, Indochina has experienced conflict, turbulence and violence. One of the first recorded conflicts was in the first century A. D. when the Hung Sisters led a revolt in Northern Vietnam against Chinese domination. Ever since, relations with China have included long periods of peace and stability broken by conflict, invasion and resistance. But it was not until the United States directly participated in Vietnamese affairs following the French withdrawal after the battle of Dien Bien Phu and the Geneva Settlement of 1954 that the region has been the scene of "superpower rivalry". The wars which have engulfed the Indochina states over the past 30 years have brought untold human suffering and misery. When hostilities finally ceased as a result of the communist victories in Indochina in mid 1970s, the world looked forward hopefully to a long period of peace in which the well-being of the people of the region could be advanced and assured. Unfortunately, conflicts and instability have broken out anew.
7
Fischer, Nick 1972. "The savage within : anti-communism, anti-democracy and authoritarianism in the United States and Australia, 1917-1935." Monash University, School of Historical Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9124.
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Dann, Christine R. "From earth's last islands: The global origins of Green politics." Lincoln University, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10182/1905.
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Since World War Two the world has undergone a profound economic and political transformation, from an international economy and internationalist politics to a global economy and globalist politics. The Bretton Woods international financial institutions have 'structurally adjusted' Third World countries, and similar structural reforms have occurred in First World countries. The environmental consequences of globalising economic activity have been severe and also global; the social consequences of the structural reform process are equally severe. National sovereignty has been radically compromised by globalisation, and previous nationally-based initiatives to manage the activities of capital in order to mitigate its negative impacts on society and the environment, such as social democrat/labour politics, have ceded their authority to globalism. Green parties have arisen to contest the negative environmental and social consequences of the global expansion of capital, and are replacing socialist parties as a global antisystemic political force. Green politics had its origins in the world-wide 'new politics' of the New Left and the new social movements of the 1960s, and the world's first two Green parties were formed in Australia and New Zealand in 1972. A general history of the global forces which gave rise to Green politics, and a specific history of the first two Green parties, demonstrate the interplay of global and local political forces and themes, and provide an opportunity to redefine the core elements of Green politics.
9
Carey, Patrick Bernard 1946. "Administrative jurisdiction and coordination : the case of the Australian Department of Urban and Regional Development 1972-5." Phd thesis, Department of Government and Public Administration, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/4128.
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Orchard, Lionel. "Whitlam and the cities : urban and regional policy and social democratic reform." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1987. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pho641.pdf.
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Cockett, Richard Bernard. "The government, the press and politics in Britain 1937-1945." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.363469.
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Terrill, Gregston Charles. "Secrecy and openness, publicity and propaganda : the politics of Australian federal government communication." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1996.
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Laing, Kate. "‘A KIND OF LOVE’: Supergirls, Scapegoats and Sexual Liberation The response to Junie Morosi, Jim Cairns, and the scandal that rocked the Australian Government, 1975." Thesis, Department of History, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/7758.
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The ‘Morosi affair’ captured the fascination of the public in 1975 during the turbulent political atmosphere of the Whitlam government. The Treasurer of the government, Dr Jim Cairns, hired the beautiful and controversial Junie Morosi to work in his office, causing an unprecedented media scandal. This thesis will use the scandal to look at the wider societal anxieties and cultural assumptions of the time, and analyze the responses from three different perspectives: the media, Morosi and Cairns themselves, and the Australian Labor Party (ALP).
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Stanton, Richard. "Saga city : patterns of influence in politics, public relations and journalism : professional communicators in a regional city." Monash University, School of Political and Social Inquiry, 2003. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/6601.
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Cornell, Stephen. "Processes of Native Nationhood: The Indigenous Politics of Self-Government." UNIV WESTERN ONTARIO, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/621710.
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Over the last three decades, Indigenous peoples in the CANZUS countries (Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and the United States) have been reclaiming self-government as an Indigenous right and practice. In the process, they have been asserting various forms of Indigenous nationhood. This article argues that this development involves a common set of activities on the part of Indigenous peoples: (1) identifying as a nation or a people (determining who the appropriate collective "self " is in self-determination and self-government); (2) organizing as a political body (not just as a corporate holder of assets); and (3) acting on behalf of Indigenous goals (asserting and exercising practical decision-making power and responsibility, even in cases where central governments deny recognition). The article compares these activities in the four countries and argues that, while contexts and circumstances differ, the Indigenous politics of self-government show striking commonalities across the four. Among those commonalities: it is a positional as opposed to a distributional politics; while not ignoring individual welfare, it measures success in terms of collective power; and it focuses less on what central governments are willing to do in the way of recognition and rights than on what Indigenous nations or communities can do for themselves.
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Costello, Mayet Anne. "Australia says no? : policy, politics and the Australian government's approachs to male violence against women during the Howard years (1996-2007)." Phd thesis, Faculty of Education and Social Work, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8942.
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Anderson, Stephen Frederick. "Establishing US Military Government: Law and Order in Southern Bavaria 1945." PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4689.
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In May 1945, United States Military Government (MG) detachments arrived in assigned areas of Bavaria to launch the occupation. By the summer of 1945, the US occupiers became the ironical combination of stern victor and watchful master. Absolute control gave way to the "direction" of German authority. For this process to succeed, MG officials had to establish a stable, clearly defined and fundamentally strict environment in which German officials would begin to exercise token control. The early occupation was a highly unstable stage of chaos, fear and confusing objectives. MG detachments and the reconstituted German authorities performed complex tasks with many opportunities for failure. In this environment, a crucial MG obligation was to help secure law and order for the defeated and dependent German populace whose previously existing authorities had been removed. Germans themselves remained largely peaceful, yet unforeseen actors such as liberated "Displaced Persons" rose to menace law and order. The threat of criminal disorder and widespread black market activity posed great risks in the early occupation. This thesis demonstrates how US MG established its own authority in the Munich area in 1945, and how that authority was applied and challenged in the realm of criminal law and order. This study explores themes not much researched. Thorough description of local police reestablishment or characteristic crime issues hardly exists. There is no substantial local examination of the relationship between such issues and the early establishment of MG authority. Local MG records housed in the Bayertsches Hauptstaatsarchiv (Bavarian Main State Archives) provide most of the primacy sources. This study also relies heavily on German-language secondary sources.
18
Ngo, Tak-Wing. "The East Asian anomaly revisited : the politics of laissez-faire in Hong Kong 1945-1985." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.362714.
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Bagshaw, Geoffrey. "Analysis of local government in a multi-clan community." Thesis, The University of Adelaide, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/273051.
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Motadel, David. "Germany's policy towards Islam, 1941-1945." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609302.
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Paberzyte, Ieva. "Current issues in Lithuanian archaeology : Soviet past and post-Soviet present." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=101890.
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This paper is a case study of Soviet political influences on Lithuanian archaeology. The work explores the application of central political rules of the Soviet Union to Lithuanian archaeology and analyses the consequences of these applications in the Post-Soviet period. The result of the study reveals that under Soviet policy, Lithuanian archaeologists developed a highly descriptive tradition. In Post-Soviet Lithuania, archaeologists continue to practice the descriptive tradition and rarely engage in theoretical debates. The work suggests possible explanations and solutions to the current problems in Lithuanian archaeology.
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Dockerill, R. P. "Local government reform, urban expansion and identity : Nottingham and Derby, 1945-1968." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/28203.
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This study examines changes in the governance of Nottingham and Derby in the period 1945-1968 from a local and national perspective. In so doing it foreshadows the changes wrought by the Local Government Act 1972, which usually receives greater academic attention. Post-war, local authorities became the nation’s principal landlords, while utilities, such as electricity and gas, were nationalised. In fulfilling their new responsibilities, urban authorities were forced to build estates on the periphery of, or outside, their boundaries. The relocation of residents resulted in an exportation of urban identity and greater urban-ness, but was not accompanied by a corresponding redrawing of administrative boundaries. Nevertheless, when urban authorities sought boundary extensions they were fiercely contested by county authorities, local associations, and residents’ groups. Such associations and groups claimed to possess characteristics distinct from the authorities that wished to incorporate them. There was also a fear that democratic accountability would be lost in the creation of larger units of governance. The local feelings aroused by boundary extension proposals demonstrate that local government is more than merely an agent of central government. It is a living organism: changes to it affect not only services, but also the identity of that place. The expansion proposals of the county boroughs of Nottingham and Derby differed markedly. Uniquely amongst county boroughs nationwide, Nottingham sought no expansion under the review initiated by the Local Government Act 1958. The thesis assesses the political motivations behind this and the wider reactions to reconfiguration proposals for both county boroughs. The role of conurbations is considered in terms of local governance, including the extent to which Nottingham and Derby could be classified as one. The thesis concludes that the maintenance of existing party political strengths outweighed local sentiment, and that only those proposals for reform which benefited the former were enacted.
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Castleman, Beverley Dawn, and mikewood@deakin edu au. "Changes in the Australian Commonwealth departmental machinery of government: 1928-1982." Deakin University, 1992. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20050815.095625.
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The Commonwealth departmental machinery of government is changed by using Orders in Council to create, abolish or change the name of departments. Since 1906 governments have utilised a particular form of Order in Council, the Administrative Arrangements Order (AAO), as the means to reallocate functions between departments for administration. After 1928 successive governments from Scullin to Fraser gradually streamlined and increasingly used the formal processes for the executive to change departmental arrangements and the practical role of Parliament, in the process of change, virtually disappeared.
From 1929 to 1982, 105 separate departments were brought into being, as new departments or through merger, and 91 were abolished, following the merger of their functions in one way or another with other departments. These figures exclude 6 situations where the change was simply that of name alone. Several hundred less substantial transfers of responsibilities were also made between departments.
This dissertation describes, documents and analyses all these changes. The above changes can be distilled down to 79 events termed primary decisions. Measures of the magnitude of change arising from the decisions are developed with 157.25 units of change identified as occurring during the period, most being in the Whitlam and Fraser periods.
The reasons for the changes were assessed and classified as occurring for reasons of policy, administrative logic or cabinet comfort. 47.2% of the units of change were attributed to policy, 34.9% to administrative logic, 17% to cabinet comfort. Further conclusions are drawn from more detailed analysis of the change and the reasons for the changes.
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Edmundson, Anna Margaret. "For science, salvage & state - official collecting in colonial New Guinea." Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/155795.
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The Papuan Official Collection is a unique colonial collection assembled between 1907 and 1938 by government officers of the Australian administration of the Territory of Papua. It represents the first instance in the world where a colonial government made ethnographic collecting a requisite duty of its field officers. This unusual turn of events came at the insistence of Papua's first and longest serving Lieutenant-Governor, J.H.P. Murray, who administered the colony for over three decades. The story of how Murray came to establish an official government collection, and its subsequent formation, interpretation, and display over several decades, provides a case study par excellence for examining the complex relationship between colonialism, collecting and anthropology, which emerged over the course of the twentieth century. This study explores the genesis and history of the Papuan Official Collection, and situates it within the wider rubric of Australian colonialism. It establishes Murray as one of the earliest colonial governors in the world to implement, and publically advocate for, anthropology as a tool for colonial administration. It charts the rise of colonial discourses that linked loss of culture to physical demise in Pacific populations, and documents its influence on Australian colonial policy. Its findings suggest that the protection, preservation and management of Indigenous cultural heritage should not be considered a sideline of Australian colonial policy in Papua, but rather one of its most defining features. Over the course of its lifespan the Papuan Official Collection has been displayed in four different museums providing an opportunity to examine how a fixed body of objects (the collection) moved across time and space, to be re-interpreted into different conceptual frameworks: as curios and antiquities; ethnographic artefacts; scientific specimens; artworks; and, finally, as historic objects. My institutional history of the POC cautions against the assumption that colonial collections were always used as uncontested propaganda, which metropolitan museums were content to display on behalf of the imperial mission. While the Murray administration in Papua was able to provide goods and information to the various museums which housed the Collection, each institution had its own competing agendas and the relationship was not always a smooth one.
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Love, Gary John. "Conservatives, national politics, and the challenge to democracy in Britain, 1931-37." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608983.
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Collins, Lisette Bernadette. "Confronting the Inconvenient Truth: The Politics and Policies of Australian Climate Change Adaptation Planning." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/15553.
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Climate change adaptation policy development has been taking place for almost a decade, but thorough analysis of adaptation policy across Australia is yet to be achieved. This thesis explains variation in the identification of vulnerability in Australian climate change adaptation plans (CCAPs). It asks: how can we explain the variation in the prioritisation of socio-political concerns in CCAPs developed by local governments across Australia? The research shows that a general indistinct remit within local government contributes to a variety of problem definitions regarding climate change across councils that result in variation in identification and prioritisation of socio-political concerns. The thesis also engages with the question of ‘adaptation as transformation’ and concludes that transformation has not yet occurred in the Australian adaptation context. This thesis lays out the findings of a personally collated database of 97 climate change adaptation plans (CCAPs) from across Australia. CCAPs are categorised as either biophysical impacts-based or socio-political inclusive. Surveys and interviews were conducted to examine this variation, with specific attention paid to the inclusion of vulnerable groups and mental health in adaptation planning. Variation in the inclusion of and approaches to education and community consultation (key determinants of adaptive capacity) was also examined. The research is located at the intersection of the vulnerability literature, public policy, and the politics of climate change adaptation planning. As well as categorising Australian CCAPs as ‘transitional’ rather than ‘transformational’ adaptation, the research contributes a new theory – ‘the politicisation of vulnerability’ to the vulnerability literature, provides a new Australia-wide case study for the public policy literature, and offers a unique database of Australian local government CCAPs.
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Vickery, Edward Louis. "Telling Australia's story to the world : the Department of Information 1939-1950 /." View thesis entry in Australian Digital Theses Program, 2003. http://thesis.anu.edu.au/public/adt-ANU20040721.123626/index.html.
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Hart, John Frederic Vincent. "The political and legal uses of reference cases by the Mackenzie King government, 1935-1940." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/30645.
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This thesis provides an examination of both the political and legal uses of reference cases to the Supreme Court of Canada by the Mackenzie King government. Attention is devoted to the five-year-period, 1935-1940, in which the King administration submitted several politically motivated references to the Supreme Court. This political use of reference
cases to the Supreme Court began immediately after the Liberals returned to power in October 1935 when the government submitted the Bennett government's New Deal legislation
for judicial scrutiny. Within the five-year-period the government forwarded two other references to the Supreme Court, again where highly controversial legislation was involved: the Alberta Social Credit statutes passed in 1937 and the private member's bill sponsored by CH. Cahan in 1939 to abolish overseas appeals to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, then the final court of appeal for Canada.
The underlying premise of this thesis is that in each of the above instances the King government found it politically expedient to involve the Supreme Court in issues where questions of law were clearly subordinate to the political concerns of the federal government. Furthermore, in each instance, avenues of action, other than a reference case to the Supreme Court, were available to the federal government but were rejected by cabinet. Only in one instance, when Quebec's controversial 1937 Padlock Act was under close scrutiny, did the federal government avoid submitting a patently political issue to the Supreme Court, apprehensive of the consequences of such action. The federal government's
reluctance to forward a reference to the Supreme Court in the case of Quebec's Padlock Act thus provides a revealing contrast to both the New Deal and the situation in Alberta where reference cases were initiated almost immediately. The federal government's
marked reluctance to deal with Quebec in a comparable manner therefore merits close attention and as such is an important element of this thesis.
The background to each reference case, its political origins, the reasons for the federal
government's insistence on a reference--or in the case of Quebec, the reasons for
avoidance of a reference—are the central issues addressed in this thesis. The cases are examined
from another viewpoint as well. Once before the Court, the political issues gave way as the Court focused primarily upon the legal issues involved. The Court's decisions thereby provide another important vantage point from which to view the implications of the federal government's actions. For example, an assessment of the legal argument and judicial reasoning in the New Deal cases helps one answer these questions: First, did King's lawyers really try to win? Second, did the courts (both the Supreme Court of Canada and the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council) simply bow to King's obvious desire
that the legislation be declared ultra vires? Third, did the courts, as some have alleged,
decide that the depression was not an emergency?
Although the King government may have found it preferable for short-term considerations
to submit contentious political issues involving questions of law to the Supreme Court for its legal opinion, in the long-term it found itself dealing with unexpected complications
arising from the very decisions it sought. Even if the government successfully predicts
the legal outcome of a court case, it may find itself dealing with a political outcome it had not anticipated. Certainly if the actions of the King government are any indication in the five-year-period under discussion, this is a complication a government seldom expects, although one as I argue, that it should prepare itself for.
This thesis also demonstrates that when reference cases are employed by the federal
government, politicians, constitutional scholars, political journalists and other concerned
citizens should ask two important questions: First, is the reference being initiated to avoid or delay assuming political responsibility in a given situation? Second, are like situations
indeed receiving like treatment? As indicated throughout this thesis, such questions are of great importance. Indeed, this thesis demonstrates that in the period between 1935 and 1940 the King administration initiated not only the New Deal reference, but forwarded
C.H. Cahan's private member's bill to the courts as well, in order to avoid dealing with a controversial political issue. So, too, the period provides a telling example of an in-stance where like situations were not treated alike as the striking similarities between the situation in Alberta and Quebec indicates. Clearly, a failure to ask questions such as the ones posed above leads to the possibility that the full meaning of the reference cases themselves,
their origins and their implications, will not be realized by the interested onlooker.Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
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Kraaier, Niels. "The Politics of Government Communication: An Examination of the Work Practices of Government Communication Professionals in Queensland and the Netherlands." Thesis, Griffith University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/365377.
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The nature of government communication in a range of global settings has received growing attention from scholars around the world. However, no considered examination of the subject exists that provides either an account of the contemporary landscape regarding government communication, or an exploration of common and diverging themes on a cross-national basis. This thesis aims to fill this gap. It
elucidates the work practices of government communication professionals in Queensland and the Netherlands and considers these practices within their political contexts and national cultures: the Westminster system and a “masculine” society in Australia versus the multiparty system and a “feminine” society in the Netherlands. The study builds on the work of Dutch-American political scientist Arend Lijphart, who found that policies supported by a broad consensus are more likely to be successful
than policies imposed by a “decisive” government against the wishes of broad sections of society; as well as on research done by Dutch social psychologist Geert Hofstede, who distinguishes between so-called “masculine societies” such as Australia where “the winner takes it all” and “feminine societies” such as the Netherlands where participation is more important than winning. The degree and forms of changes surrounding the work practices of government communication professionals are to a large extent determined by the cultural and political context in which they take place and thus cannot be assumed universal.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Humanities, Languages and Social Science
Arts, Education and Law
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Brankovich, Jasmina. "Burning down the house? : feminism, politics and women's policy in Western Australia, 1972-1998." University of Western Australia. School of Humanities, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0122.
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This thesis examines the constraints and options inherent in placing feminist demands on the state, the limits of such interventions, and the subjective, intimate understandings of feminism among agents who have aimed to change the state from within. First, I describe the central element of a
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Wang, Fu-chang. "The unexpected resurgence: Ethnic assimilation and competition in Taiwan, 1945-1988." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184850.
Full textAbstract:
Taiwan recently witnessed a sudden increase of opposition political activities among the Taiwanese. Given that the social, economic, political and cultural developments Taiwan experienced during the past four decades were expected to facilitate assimilation between the Mainlanders and the Taiwanese, the Taiwanese insurgence at this time was somewhat unexpected. To account for this development, this dissertation examines: (1) the causes and pattern of ethnic assimilation between the two groups; and (2) the connection of ethnic assimilation and the recent insurgence. The central thesis of this dissertation is that development of the opposition movement after 1986 was a result of a successful ethnic mobilization among the Taiwanese who rose to request for renegotiating the ethnic distribution of political power. The ethnic mobilization was facilitated by the change in the external environment of the movement, which included: (1) the increase of regime permissiveness, (2) the emerging opportunities of political competition, and (3) the emerging regional persistence of ethnic differences. Ironically, all three elements were caused by the pattern of ethnic assimilation. The main body consists of six chapters. Chapter 1 raises the question of the unexpected resurgence among the Taiwanese and proposes a framework of ethnic mobilization to its explanation. Chapter 2 provides a historical overview of the formation of the two ethnic groups, and patterns of intergroup relation during the past four decades. Chapter 3 examines two dimensions of cultural assimilation among the Taiwanese: language shift and identification with China. Using a survey data set collected by the Global Views Monthly in 1987, chapter 3 shows that the two major elements of ethnic differences were well preserved among the less-educated Taiwanese who reside outside the northern region of Taiwan. Chapter 4 investigates the alleged ethnic discrimination in the labor market by analyzing a data set coded from the Managers of the Creditable Enterprises in the R.O.C.. A pattern of ethnic assimilation similar to chapter 3 is found. Chapter 5 examines the various forms of participation in the opposition movement to test the ethnic mobilization argument. The development of the opposition after 1986 was found to begin in more assimilated areas and rapidly spread to the less assimilated areas through the tactic of ethnic mobilization. Chapter 6 draws a brief conclusion of what has been found.
32
Lemelin, Bernard. "Les hommes politiques de l'Etat de New York et les débats d'immigration, 1945-1953 /." Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=70270.
Full textAbstract:
The New York State politicians, notably members of Congress such as Irving Ives, Herbert Lehman, Samuel Dickstein, Emanuel Celler and Jacob Javits, were very involved in the immigration debates for the period from 1945 to 1953. By their interventions, they emerged as fiery supporters of a liberalization of American immigration policy. A willingness to satisfy a multiethnic electorate largely explains their position. But these individuals, mostly defenders of President Truman's foreign policy, also believed in this cold war context that an attenuation of restrictionism in immigration would provide numerous advantages to the nation. If their attitude seems dictated by considerations that were both pragmatic and idealistic, it generated non-negligible results. Thus, the granting of a quota to India in 1946, the act on the war brides in 1945, as well as the legislation affecting the refugees in 1950, were among the measures mainly ascribable to the activities of these politicians.
33
Kim, Koo-Hyun. "Prospects of Korean Reunification: Analysis of Factors Affecting National Integration." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277979/.
Full textAbstract:
This study examined the prospects of Korean reunification. The study explores how the factors of integration affect North and South Korea after the country was divided into the two sides despite its millennium of unity. A sample of both North and South Korean newspapers covering a 47-year period of Korean reunificational efforts were analyzed as a major source of data to discover if there is any evidence of Korean national will to integrate among Koreans in the two countries. Content analysis is a major method of this research. The most obvious findings of this study are that the newspapers in North Korea did not show any significant change in their tones or attitudes throughout 47-year period studied. The North Korean regime which controls what is published in the papers is still fiercely ideological and hostile toward South Korea. The South Korean papers, on the other hand, showed marked changes in their tones and attitudes toward reunification during this period. Korean reunification remains a matter of time because the political development of South Korea, combined with remarkable economic progress, can surely heal the broken unity and national will among Koreans. The enormous financial burden to rebuild the North Korean economy which will fall upon South Koreans is a major challenge. The road to Korean reunification and the future of reunified Korea depend upon the willingness, wisdom, patience, freedom and courage of the South Koreans to assume the tremendous burden to rebuild North Korea and to strengthen diplomatic relations with the United States as well as neighboring countries to develop more positive inter-Korean relations based upon their cultural, social and economic contacts, cooperations and transactions between the two sides. If Koreans have such willingness, wisdom, patience and courage to accomplish their freedom and hope of unity, the divided Korean peninsula will be reunified and will become one nation again.
34
Risely, Melissa. "The politics of precaution : an eco-political investigation of agricultural gene technology policy in Australia, 1992-2000." Title page, contents and abstract only, 2003. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phr5953.pdf.
Full text
35
Rensted, Paul Milo. "Political reform in the Republic of China on Taiwan." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/29144.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis looks at the question of political change in Taiwan. Specifically it examines the question of whether or not political liberalization has occurred simply as a result of economic development. The thesis also evaluates the extent of the political reform that has occurred. After examining a variety of information on the economic development and social changes, as well as the political history of the island, the thesis looks at specific political reforms. The conclusion is drawn that the process of political reform in Taiwan is not a carefully pre-determined plan on the part of the political elite. Rather, political reform is the response of the ruling Kuomintang to try and perpetuate their hold on power. Reforms occur only as they serve that particular goal.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
36
Cook, Jonathan Harry. "Senator Henry M. Jackson and the Cold War, c. 1953-1983." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709377.
Full text
37
Richard, Picchi Anne-Isabelle Gijsbregtje Claire Frederieke Sophie Valérie. "Colonialism and the European movement in France and the Netherlands, 1925-1936." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609320.
Full text
38
Manning, Elizabeth Sophie Mary. "Local content and related trade policy: Australian applications /." Title page, abstract and table of contents only, 2004. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phm2832.pdf.
Full text
39
Evans, Case Rhonda Leann. "The politics and law of Anglo-American antidiscrimination regimes, 1945-1995." Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/1313.
Full text
40
Lee, David. "From fear of depression to fear of war: a reinterpretation of the political issues involved in the transition from the Chifley government to the Menzies government, 1945-1952." Phd thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112060.
Full textAbstract:
In this thesis I attempt to trace the most important differences between the Chifley and
Menzies governments Without disagreeing with the view that the two governments
agreed on many things, such as the need for a large immigration programme,
Keynesian economic ideas, and the welfare state, I argue that there was a fundamental
difference between the two governments: their attitudes and policies to the threats of
depression and war. A Labor government afraid of depression but relatively confident
that another war would not break out, gave way to a Liberal-Country party
government which feared the outbreak of war but not a depression.
The Labor government hoped to protect Australia from depression by
participating in the new economic world order being built by the United States after
the second world war. However it tried to mould the American multilateral system into
one which would guarantee full employment throughout the world. America’s idea of
free trade defeated Australia's idea of full employment in the making of the new
economic world order. But multilateralism foundered because of the dollar shortage in
the world outside the United States. The United States wanted to dismantle the sterling
area and to incorporate it immediately into the multilateral world order. However the
United Kingdom found that she could not adopt multilateralism without massive
foreign aid from the United States. Instead of embracing multilateralism, the United
Kingdom resolved to shore up the sterling area, until some means of overcoming the
dollar shortage could be found. The Australian Labor government resolved to
cooperate with the United Kingdom in consolidating the sterling area as a
discriminatory economic bloc. Chifley made a deliberate decision to stick with the
United Kingdom rather than to seek a stronger economic relationship with the United
States.
The opposition Liberal and Country parties chafed at the restrictions and rationing caused by the Labor government’s pro-sterling area economic policies. They defeated the Labor government in 1949 by campaigning against its policy on the
sterling-dollar problem, its domestic economic policy, its handling of the coal strike,
and bank nationalisation. The issue of socialism was largely rhetorical.The
fundamental difference between the two governments was not about the degree of
government ownership of industry and banking. The Menzies’ government’s major
new initiative was to make serious defence preparations against the danger of war. It
abandoned Labor's internationalist foreign policy and regional defence policy and
substituted for them a policy of making Australia a partner in the western anticommunist
alliance being formed against the Soviet Union and the emergent
communist China.
Menzies expanded defence spending along with public and private investment in
a policy of ‘national development’. This was in stark contrast to Chifley’s fiscally
cautious anti-depression economic policy. It involved running a huge import surplus at
a time when the sterling-dollar problem was still serious and when Australia was
vulnerable to an economic downturn. Fortunately for Menzies, American
rearmament, the Korean war wool boom, and a dollar loan .from the United States
temporarily solved the dollar problem for Australia and the sterling area. Menzies
succeeded in being able to have both increased defence expenditure and increased
civilian investment. Moreover the Menzies government decided that Australia could
not be developed at the rate it wanted simply with British and Australian capital. Its
policy was that Australia had to forge a new political and economic relationship with
the United States. The Liberal-Country party government hoped that this policy would
free up the economy, enable Australia to borrow from America, increase the flow of
American capital into Australia, and allow the government to abolish the controls and
restrictions associated with Labor’s policy of protecting the sterling area.
41
O'Connell, Declan. "Post-mortem rituals and party reform: Australian Labor debates, 1963-1981." Phd thesis, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/109355.
Full textAbstract:
After election defeats, parties usually engage in
post-mortem rituals. These can take a wide variety of
forms. Committees of inquiry may be established. 'Rankand-
file' members may be given opportunities to have their
say about 'what went wrong'. Parliamentary leaders may
attempt to convince voters that the party has mended its
ways. Within the party, matters of organisational
structure, programme and ideology may be debated, although
post-mortems are often effectively confined to a narrow
range of topics. Post-mortem ritual talk generally includes
reference to more effective campaigning, intra-party
democracy and 'adaptation' to 'social change'. 'Managerial'
discourses, emphasising electoral success, efficiency and
party professionalism jostle with the 'participatory'
discourses embodying activists' aspirations (emphasising the
party's mission, 'rank-and-file' rights and 'educating' the
electorate). Commentators often dismiss these rituals as
meaningless exercises, interesting only insofar as they
provide a backdrop for vealpolit-ik power plays about who is
to be 'blamed' for the defeat. However, if we analyse postmortem
rituals seriously, we have a useful vantage point for
examining what goes on within political parties. Both
'managerial' and 'participatory' forms of 'rationalistic
idealism' may be little more than camouflage for realpolitik
manoeuvre and machination. However, party reform involves
the crystallisation of new meanings as well as factional
struggles. 'Rationalistic idealism' may help new meanings to crystallise and a new self-understanding to emerge within
a party. Of course, the connections between post-mortem
rituals and party reform are contingent. Post-mortems may,
or may not, lead to party reform. They take place at a time
when party leaders have suffered a loss of confidence. The
study of post-mortem rituals allows us to examine intraparty
processes when, at least potentially, they are in a
state of flux.
By comparing different post-mortems in the same
party over time, we can also address the vexed question of
'social change' and party 'response'. The literature on
parties abounds with generalisations about the 'effects' of
'social change'. Such generalisations often rely on little
more than hunches about what goes on within parties. This
thesis explores post-mortem rituals in the Australian Labor
Party in two periods, 1963-67 and 1977-81. In each of these
periods, there were some connections between the postmortems
and attempts at party reform. Comparison of the two
cases can help us appreciate some of the complexities
involved in the relationship between changes in Australian
society and changes in the ALP. In contrast with previous
arguments about the 'middle-classing' of the ALP in a
'middle-class' society, distinctions are drawn between the
emergence of Australian Social Democracy, Mark 1 as a model
for 'new' Labor practice in the 1960s and the conflicts
between Australian Social Democracy, Mark 2 and Labor
Managerialism in 1977-81. Changes in ALP practice cannot
simply be derived from changes in Australian society. They
require analysis in their own right.
42
Hamilton, Graeme Andrew. "New politics and old party persistence : party adaptation in Australia, Britain, and the United States." Phd thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/124497.
Full textAbstract:
Over the past three decades the notion that western party-systems remain frozen
has been challenged by the apparent onset of post-industrial trends which threaten
the support base of old political parties. In particular, scholars rejecting the
freezing proposition have identified a rise in aggregate electoral volatility, a decline
in group voting loyalties and the emergence of a New Politics. This study argues
that the party systems of Australia, Britain and the United States remain
characterised by aggregate electoral stability, despite a weakening in the extent to
which electoral choice is structured by long-term political predispositions. In
addition long-term electoral stability has occurred despite considerable social and
attitudinal changes with the potential to alter significantly the underlying balance
of party support. Through the use of national election studies collected between
the mid 1960s and early 1990s in each country, it is argued that the adaptive
strategies of political parties represent an intervening variable in the extent to
which societal change is translated into electoral change. The study concludes that
the so-called dealigning trends, such as the decline of group voting loyalties and the
emergence of a New Politics, are an outcome, in part, of the strategic decisionmaking
of old party leaders seeking to preserve their party's long-term persistence.
The extent to which parties succeed or fail is not a system determined factor, but
rather an outcome of the ability of a party organisation to adapt to societal changes
which threaten its traditional support base.
43
Robinson, Marcus Laurence. "Economists and politicians : the influence of economic ideas upon labor politicians and governments, 1931-1949." Phd thesis, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/109804.
Full textAbstract:
Throughout the period 1931-1949, the Australian Labor Party tended to be
preoccupied with the role of money as a cause of, and cure for, economic
instability. The party was very much influenced by a long tradition of economic
thought which saw the business cycle as an essentially monetary phenomenon. In
part, this tradition affected the A.L.P. through the influence of 'quack' writers in
the 'monetary radical' tradition, who combined a monetary view of the business
cycle with a fear of financial manipulation and a commitment to the abolition of
interest. At least as significant as this unorthodox. influence was, however, the
impact upon Labor thinking of the monetary views of the main school of
expansionist economics of the 1920s. Labor's preoccupation with money was due
in no small measure to the way in which much of the 'mainstream' economic
debate focussed upon money in the 1920s and into the 1930s.
Labor economic thinking was not suddenly transformed as a result of a
'Keynesian revolution' following the publication of the General Theory in 1936.
The party had absorbed much of the 'Keynesian' policy message - in particular,
about the centrality of counter-cyclical public works - well before 1936.
Nevertheless, because of its long attachment to purely monetary theories of
capitalist economic instability, Labor did not readily absorb the 'Keynesian' view
of the way in which the economic mechanism operates. The party was, for
example, inclined to view public works not so much as an instrument of 'fiscal'
policy, as a conduit for monetary expansion. Even in the 1940s, the A.L.P.
remained deeply imbued with the traditional view that monetary mechanisms
played an all-important role in the economy. In government, Labor's ideological
zeal was directed towards banking reform. By contrast, Labor politicians were
not greatly interested in the issues (concerning the role of planning in normal
peacetime economic management, and the form and social content of a full
employment program) which were dividing economists and public servants at the
time.
44
Henry, Adam. "Manufacturing Australian foreign policy 1950 - 1966." Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150822.
Full textAbstract:
The transition from the liberal foreign policy approach of the Chifley Labor Government to the more strident anti-communism of the conservative Menzies Government after 1949 is a significant event in 20th Century Australian history. During the period 1950-1966 the Menzies Government faced a range of challenges such as relations with the USA, responses to the USSR and China and the question of Indonesia and decolonisation in post-war Southeast Asia. In response the Menzies Government developed new foreign policies, encouraged a particular style of diplomacy and helped to establish a new Cold War attitude towards Australian international affairs. In the 1950s, the Cold War, the United Nations (UN) and the establishment of new overseas diplomatic missions (particularly in Asia) placed growing administrative and bureaucratic demands on the machinery of Australian diplomacy. From the mid 1950s the Department of External Affairs (DEA) was restructured in order to meet such demands. This process allowed the Department to establish what were considered to be the defining characteristics and attitudes of a new professional Australian diplomacy. The selection and training of new diplomatic recruits is one such area in which this occurred. This period saw growing interest from politicians, diplomats and academics for developing new types of foreign policy analysis about communism in South East Asia, or the Cold War in general. While some networks between politics, bureaucracy and academia linked to foreign policy analysis had existed in the 1930s and 1940s, from the 1950s new and more powerful relationships were being established. Various academics, many from the Australian Institute of International Affairs (AlIA) and the Australian National University (ANU) forged close and ongoing contacts with the DEA. The relationships between small groups of key individuals and institutions ultimately wielded significant influence on issues such as the Cold War and Australian foreign policy debates. By the 1960s this small foreign policy network had built a vital relationship with the Ford Foundation of New York. This relationship certainly helped to define dominant attitudes towards Australian foreign policy debates. The ANU, AIIA, DEA and Ford Foundation network established a style of foreign policy analysis that was openly (or at least cautiously) sympathetic to the policies of Canberra and Washington often accepting the official justifications at face value.
45
Love, Peter. "Frank Anstey : a political biography." Phd thesis, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112090.
Full textAbstract:
This biography of Francis George Anstey (1865-1940) is a study of a radical in
Labor politics. Although he did not achieve fame through high office, Anstey was one of the most
prominent and influential Labor politicians of his generation. He was a flamboyant and witty orator
who could enthral and delight his audiences on an impressive range of subjects. He was a prolific
journalist and occasional editor of a labour weekly he helped establish. His stirring account of
the Russian revolution and civil war was received enthusiastically by radicals in Australia and
abroad. But his greatest influence was as a popular theorist. It was he more than anyone else who
defined and elaborated a radical political economy of finance capital which not only helped sustain
pressure for public control over the monetary system, but was at the centre of a tradition which
inspited the Chifley government s attempt to nationalise the private banks. He was a publicist, a
theorist and, on matters of loyalty to its working class origins, a conscience of the Labor party.
Anstey, however, could be a difficult colleague. He was a man of prodigious, if erratic, energy
whose extravagant moods could change quickly from elation to despondency. His gently ironic wit
could switch suddenly to savage satire and, occasionally, vitriolic abuse. He was also a man of
strong principles which often brought him into conflict with his party colleagues who were more
willing to accept the limitations which parliamentary politics imposed on the exercise of power,
and to make the necessary compromises. Anstey had no taste nor talent for that. He was impatient
for Labor to implement its policies and advance the cause of working class emancipation.
The thesis argues that the very qualities which brought him to prominence as a romantic, populist
radical were ill-suited to the steady, cautious reform which has characterised the work of the
parliamentary Labor party. It suggests that the tension between his ideas, principles and
personality, and the constraints imposed by liberal
parliamentary democracy in a capitalist economy finally condemned him to failure. It further argues
that his somewhat romantic vision of the potential for the working class to transform society, in
the end, turned his disappointment into an embittered fatalism The tragedy of Anstey's career, it
is suggested, was not just the destruction of his faith, but its apparent inevitability,
46
Holt, Stephen James. ""A veritable dynamo" : Lloyd Ross, the Australian Railways Union and left-wing politics in inter-war Australia." Phd thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/114476.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the role played by the longterm
labour activist Lloyd Ross (1901-1987) in the affairs of the
Australian labour movement from his formative years in the
opening decades of this century up until the consolidation of
the Curtin government in 1942. By this time, although having
years of service to the labour movement ahead of him, Lloyd
Ross's once close association with left-wing politics
(altogether a narrower cause) was at an end.
The eldest son of the socialist agitator Bob Ross
(1873-1931), Lloyd Ross inherited a commitment to radical
politics, militant trade unionism and working-class cultural
activities. He was eager to confront social and political
problems head on. In 1935, after having served with the
Workers' Educational Association for some ten years, he was
elected secretary of the Australian Railways Union in New
South Wales. In this capacity he soon became deeply involved
in Labor Party factionalism and Communist anti-war agitation
as well as formulating and pursuing the industrial demands of
railway workers.
Lloyd Ross enthusiastically accepted Communist Party
policy in the era of the united front against fascism (1935 onwards). He preached the gospel of internationalism.
However this alliance was sundered in 1940. Ever a 'broad
left' man, Lloyd Ross came to reject the renewed sectarian
emphasis in Communist thinking that accompanied the Russo-
German treaty of 23 August 1939. Following the rupture he
managed to stay on in the ARU but an attempt on his part to
sustain his radical position was frustrated by the exigencies
of his new factional situation. With the Communist Party now
alienated, he was obliged to strengthen his links with the
dominant moderate wing of the Australian Labor Party. By 1942
this process was fully evident.
Lloyd Ross's subsequent involvement in anti-communist
politics in the post-war era is surveyed in an epilogue. This
connection culminated during the Labor split of 1955 following
which Lloyd Ross gradually forsook factionalism, preferring to
concentrate on industrial issues.
The demise of Lloyd Ross's radicalism is related to
structural instability in the inter-war labour movement. The
most notable source of this instability is located in the
tension between political and industrial forms of radicalism
and in particular the divergence between old-style industrial
unionism and the political priorities of the Communist Party.
The inherent instability that arose with socialist trade
union ideologues juxtaposed alongside a workforce containing a strong Catholic component is also highlighted, notably in
relation to Lloyd Ross's dealings with the powerful Lang
Labor faction.
By succumbing to deradicalisation Lloyd Ross aligned
himself with the mainstream of Australian labour history, notwithstanding
the imprecations of his Communist detractors.
After 1940, having rid themselves of left-wing dominance,
the New South Wales Labor Party and the Labor Council in
Sydney together went on to attain adamantine stability with
consequent political dividends still evident
today. In this regard Lloyd Ross undoubtedly played a key
role in the ideological evolution of modern Australia.
47
Cooms, Valerie. "Free the blacks and smash the Act! : Aboriginal policy and resistance in Queensland between 1965 and 1975." Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/155752.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis focuses on both the State and Commonwealth Governments' involvement in Aboriginal affairs in Queensland from 1965 to 1975. It also examines the way in which the world anti-racism and decolonisation process was heavily influential not only upon the Australian Government's policy but also upon Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people's responses and methods of protest as well. Because Australia is a settler colony with an Aboriginal population estimated as only 1% between 1965 and 1975, this thesis observes how the United Nations remained particularly watchful over Australia. This occurred at a time when Australia was attempting to convince the international community that it was condemning racism and treating Aboriginal minority populations properly within a post-colonial climate of expectation. However, whatever label either Commonwealth or State Governments placed on newly formed Aboriginal policies, this thesis argues that they were merely more acceptable up-to-date methods of colonisation aimed predominantly at averting criticism. Given the overwhelming outcome of the 1967 referendum, the Commonwealth had to address Aboriginal affairs in Australian States, especially Queensland. Initially the Commonwealth provided much needed funding to the Queensland Government to provide health, education and housing on reserves. In the late 1960s, the Commonwealth had started to provide funding to the State Government for housing outside of reserves for Aboriginal families. By the early 1970s, the Commonwealth was funding Aboriginal community-based organisations direct (despite Queensland Government's objections), set up a national elected representative Aboriginal organisation, committed to remove discriminatory legislation from Australian statutes and introduced legislation to outlaw discrimination, attempted to address economic development and committed to the provision of Aboriginal land rights. Using mostly primary resources including speech notes, annual reports and cabinet submissions and other related papers and files from AIATSIS, National Australian and Queensland State archives, the State and Commonwealth Governments' tactics are examined. The examination of activism and resistance provides not only an overview of the workings of organisations in relation to challenging both the State and Commonwealth Governments, but more importantly, the use of the enhanced Australian public opinion together with the UN and international community as effective leverage at a time when the Australian Government was attempting to convince the world that it was committed to protecting the rights of Australia's Aboriginal peoples. The influx of vast numbers of Aboriginal people into Queensland towns and cities facilitated the politicisation of many and led to the emergence of more radical organisations like the Black Community Centre, Act Confrontation Committee, Black Panther Party, Aboriginal Legal Service and Black Community Housing Serves to name a few. Most of these organisations played a role notifying the world about the Queensland Government's tactics and embarrassed the Commonwealth. Aboriginal organisations used Australia's need to avert UN criticism as effective leverage in Queensland particularly between 1965 and 1975.
48
Popple, Jeff. "'The Bolshevik element must be stamped out' : returned soldiers and Queensland politics, 1918-1925." Master's thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/113874.
Full textAbstract:
The First World War was not a unifying experience for
Australian society. The demands and traumas produced by the
war played on and exacerbated long existing tensions and
divisions in Australian society. The descent from a facade of
near unanimity of purpose at the beginning of the war to the
open and bitter racial, religious and class confrontations at
its end is now well documented. Marilyn Lake and Raymond
Evans have provided accounts of the impact of the war upon the
homefront in Tasmania and Queensland between 1914 and 1918,
while L.L. Robson in his excellent study has charted the
decline of unity by focussing on responses to one issue,
enlistment.(2) Other historians have also provided sweeping
accounts or narrow specialist studies which chronicle the
degree of disunity and social conflict during the war
years.(3) Heated industrial disputes, falling wages and rising prices and two emotive conscription referenda all
helped to aggravate and extend the societal divisions caused
by religious suspicions, racial persecution and class conflict
over the inequality of wartime sacrifices. These divisions
were deepened by two overseas events; Britain’s brutal
suppression of the Irish Easter rebellion, and the Bolshevik
revolution in Russia. As a result of the trauma of war
Australian society in 1918 was a cauldron of turmoil into
which one more divisive ingredient was yet to be added, the
returned soldier.
49
Mosler, Sharon Ann. "Heritage politics in Adelaide during the Bannon decade." 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/57423.
Full textAbstract:
Title page, table of contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University of Adelaide Library."This thesis argues that during the decade 1983-93 South Australia’s heritage legislation was not effective in protecting Adelaide’s traditional built character. The Bannon government was committed to growth through major developments during an economic recession, and many of those developments entailed at least the partial demolition of heritage-listed buildings." --p. iv.
http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1277500
Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, 2007
50
Mosler, Sharon Ann. "Heritage politics in Adelaide during the Bannon decade." Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/57423.
Full textAbstract:
"This thesis argues that during the decade 1983-93 South Australia’s heritage legislation was not effective in protecting Adelaide’s traditional built character. The Bannon government was committed to growth through major developments during an economic recession, and many of those developments entailed at least the partial demolition of heritage-listed buildings." --p. iv.Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, 2007