Academic literature on the topic 'Australia Politics and government 1945-'
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Journal articles on the topic "Australia Politics and government 1945-"
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Tsokhas, Kosmas. "Dedominionization: the Anglo-Australian experience, 1939–1945." Historical Journal 37, no. 4 (December 1994): 861–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00015120.
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ABSTRACTThe role of decolonization in the decline of the British empire has received a great deal of attention. In comparison there has been little research or analysis of the process of dedominionization affecting Australia and the other dominions. During the Second World War economic ties were seriously weakened and there were substantial conflicts over economic policy between the British and Australian governments. Australia refused to reduce imports in order to conserve foreign exchange, thus contributing to the United Kingdom's debt burden. The Australian government insisted that the British guarantee Australia's sterling balances and refused to adopt the stringent fiscal policies requested by the Bank of England and the British treasury. Australia also took the opportunity to expand domestic manufacturing industry at the expense of British manufacturers. Economic separation and conflict were complemented by political and strategic differences. In particular, the Australian government realized that British military priorities made it impossible for the United Kingdom to defend Australia. This led the Australians towards a policy of cooperating with the British embargo on Japan, only to the extent that this would be unlikely to provoke Japanese military retaliation. In general, the Australians preferred a policy of compromise in the Far East to one of deterrence preferred by the British.
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Londey, Peter. "Australia and Peacekeeping." Journal of International Peacekeeping 18, no. 3-4 (November 26, 2014): 175–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-1804004.
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This article traces the history of Australian peacekeeping since its beginnings in September 1947. It shows that, while there have always been Australian peacekeepers in the field since 1947, the level of commitment in different periods has varied greatly. The article sets out to explain this phenomenon, chiefly in political terms. It argues that Australia’s early involvement in the invention of peacekeeping owed much to External Affairs Minister H.V. Evatt’s interest in multilateralism, but that under the subsequent conservative Menzies government a new focus on alliance politics produced mixed results in terms of peacekeeping commitments. By contrast, in the 1970s and early 1980s, for different reasons Prime Ministers Whitlam and Fraser pursued policies which raised Australia’s peacekeeping profile. After a lull in the early years of the Hawke Labor government, the arrival of internationalist Gareth Evans as Foreign Minister signalled a period of intense peacekeeping activity by Australia. For different, regionally-focused reasons, Australia was again active in peacekeeping in the late 1990s and early 2000s. In recent years, however, Australia’s heavy commitment to Middle East wars has reduced its peacekeeping contribution once again to a low level.
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Forsyth, Hannah. "Post-war political economics and the growth of Australian university research, c.1945-1965." History of Education Review 46, no. 1 (June 5, 2017): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/her-10-2015-0023.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to consider the national and international political-economic environment in which Australian university research grew. It considers the implications of the growing significance of knowledge to the government and capital, looking past institutional developments to also historicise the systems that fed and were fed by the universities. Design/methodology/approach The paper is based on the extensive archival research in the National Archives of Australia and the Australian War Memorial on the formation and funding of a wide range of research programmes in the immediate post-war period after the Second World War. These include the Australian Atomic Energy Commission, the NHMRC, the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation, the Australian Pacific Territories Research Council, the Commonwealth Office of Education, the Universities Commission and the Murray review. This research was conducted under the Margaret George Award for emerging scholars for a project entitled “Knowledge, Nation and Democracy in Post-War Australia”. Findings After the Second World War, the Australian Government invested heavily in research: funding that continued to expand in subsequent decades. In the USA, similar government expenditure affected the trajectory of capitalist democracy for the remainder of the twentieth century, leading to a “military-industrial complex”. The outcome in Australia looked quite different, though still connected to the structure and character of Australian political economics. Originality/value The discussion of the spectacular growth of universities after the Second World War ordinarily rests on the growth in enrolments. This paper draws on a very large literature review as well as primary research to offer new insights into the connections between research and post-war political and economic development, which also explain university growth.
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Maksum, Ali, and Try Sjahputra. "The Indonesia-Australia partnership to counter radicalism and terrorism in Indonesia." UNISCI Journal 20, no. 58 (January 15, 2022): 57–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31439/unisci-133.
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Indonesia and Australia have always been helpful partners since Indonesian Independence in 1945. However, the relationship was worsened after Bali Bombings in 2002 and 2005 as well as Australian embassy bombing in 2004 that killed many Australians. Thus, using Australian perspective, this article attempts to examine the response of Australian government in dealing with terrorism problems in Indonesia as well as the feedback from Indonesia. The research reveals that given the fact that Australia has many interests in Indonesia added with the geographical proximity, it is naturally urged to resolve the terrorism issues in Indonesia. The study found out that Australia proposed some programs to Indonesia due to its domestic interest and international factors. At the same time, Indonesia was also the main beneficiary of Australian counter terrorism policy.
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Constantine, Stephen. "The British government, child welfare, and child migration to Australia after 1945." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 30, no. 1 (January 2002): 99–132. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086530208583135.
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Williams, Paul D. "How Did They Do It? Explaining Queensland Labor's Second Electoral Hegemony." Queensland Review 18, no. 2 (2011): 112–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/qr.18.2.112.
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Australia's entrenched liberal democratic traditions of a free media, fair and frequent elections and robust public debate might encourage outside observers to assume Australia is subject to frequent changes in government. The reality is very different: Australian politics have instead been ‘largely unchanged’ since the beginning of our bipolar party system in 1910 (Aitkin 1977, p. 1), with Australians re-electing incumbents on numerous occasions for decades on end. The obvious federal example is the 23-year dominance of the Liberal-Country Party Coalition, first elected in 1949 and re-endorsed at the following eight House of Representatives elections. Even more protracted electoral hegemonies have been found at state level, including Labor's control of Tasmania (1934–82, except for 1969–72) and New South Wales (1941–65), and the Liberals' hold on Victoria (1952–82) and South Australia (1938–65, most unusually under one Premier, Thomas Playford). It is therefore not a question of whether parties can enjoy excessively long hegemonies in Australia; it is instead one of how they achieve it.
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Akers, H. F., M. A. Foley, P. J. Ford, and L. P. Ryan. "Sugar in Mid-twentieth-century Australia: A Bittersweet Tale of Behaviour, Economics, Politics and Dental Health." Historical Records of Australian Science 26, no. 1 (2015): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/hr15001.
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History is replete with debates between health professionals with concerns about practices and products and others who either challenge scientific evidence or believe that the greatest public good is achieved through maintenance of the status quo. This paper provides a 1950s socio-scientific perspective on a recurring problem for health professionals. It analyses dentists' promotion of oral health by discouraging sugar consumption and the sugar industry's defence of its staple product. Despite scientific evidence in support of its case, the dental profession lacked influence with government and large sections of the Australian community. The division of powers within the Australian Constitution, together with the cause, nature and ubiquity of caries and Australians' tolerance of the disease, were relevant to the outcome. In contrast, the sugar industry was a powerful force. Sugar was a pillar of the Australian and Queensland economies. The industry contributed to the history of Queensland and to Queenslanders' collective psyche, and enjoyed access to centralized authority in decision-making. The timing of the debate was also relevant. Under Prime Minister Robert Menzies, the Australian Government was more concerned with promoting industry and initiative than oral health. This was a one-sided contest. Patterns of food consumption evolve from interactions between availability, culture and choice. Food and associated etiquettes provide far more than health, nutrients and enjoyment. They contribute to economic and social development, national and regional identity and the incidence of disease. The growing, milling and processing of sugarcane and the incorporation of sugar into the Australian diet is a case study that illuminates the interface between health professionals, corporations, society and the state. Today, for a variety of reasons, health professionals recommend limits for daily intake of sugar. Calls for dietary reform are not new and invariably arouse opposition. The issue came to the fore between 1945 and 1960, when dentists contended that the consumption of sugar either caused or contributed to a major health problem, namely dental caries (tooth decay). Representatives of the sugar industry defended their staple product against these claims, which emerged at a critical time for the industry. With hindsight, these exchanges can be seen as a precursor to more diverse and recurring debates relating to contemporary health campaigns. This paper documents and analyses the contemporaneous scientific and socio-political backgrounds underpinning these engagements
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ANDREWS, JOSEPHINE T., and ROBERT W. JACKMAN. "If Winning Isn't Everything, Why Do They Keep Score? Consequences of Electoral Performance for Party Leaders." British Journal of Political Science 38, no. 4 (July 14, 2008): 657–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000712340800032x.
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The premise that parties are fundamentally motivated by office-seeking is common, but surprisingly little attention has been paid to its empirical validity. We approach this issue by analysing how parties respond to their electoral performance. Casting party leaders as the embodiment of their parties, we then examine the degree to which the length of time party leaders retain their position hinges on their party's electoral success, defined with reference both to the party's share of legislative seats and to its presence or absence in government. Our analyses centre on six parliamentary democracies in which the government is always formed by one of the two major parties either alone or in coalition with a minor party (Australia, Britain, Canada, Germany, Ireland and New Zealand) in the years from 1945 through 2000. Results indicate that party leaders' risk of removal hinges substantially on their party's seat share and/or their party's presence in government. More specifically, we find that as the seat share of both major and minor parties increases, the chance that the party leader will be removed decreases. Likewise, if a major party loses its role in government, the chance that the party leader will be removed increases dramatically. Although presence in government has no significant impact on the tenure in office of party leaders of minor parties, the magnitude of the effect is indistinguishable from that for major parties. Beyond providing strong evidence that parties are at their core motivated by electoral performance, we also estimate the magnitude of the electoral imperative, at least as it pertains to party leaders.
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Rosidi, Rosidi, and Irwan Setiadi. "Peranan Anggota DPRD Provinsi DKI Jakarta Komisi E Dalam Menyerap Aspirasi Masyarakat Di Bidang Pendidikan." Jurnal Wahana Bina Pemerintahan 4, no. 2 (November 20, 2017): 198–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.55745/jwbp.v4i2.83.
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This research was conducted to analyze and describe the role of the members of the Regional Representative Council (DPRD) of the DKI Jakarta Province E Commission 2014-2019 in absorbing the aspirations of the community in the field of education. The research method uses qualitative methods with a descriptive approach.
Based on the results of the study that the role of the DKI Jakarta Provincial Parliament Member Commission E in absorbing community aspirations in the education sector still has to be optimized with efforts to intensify programs / activities carried out to the community intensively, so that the public can know the policies produced, and establish an information center and community service so that it can help facilitate the public in expressing their aspirations. School enrollment rates in Jakarta must be increased, the dropout rate at the Jakarta high school level is quite high. This large gap between regions indicates that there is still a need for encouragement for certain regions to be able to catch up with other regions. Because of the importance of the role of the DKI Jakarta Regional Representative Council (DPRD), especially Commission E in the field of community welfare, it is expected to be able to automate the use of IT technology in community management and services concerning community aspirations.
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B. Dokumen
Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia 1945 Amandemen ke 4 tentang Hak dan Kewajiban Negara, Pasal 31 ayat (4)Undang-Undang Nomor 20 tahun 2003 pasal 1 Tentang Sistem Pendidikan Nasional, Pasal 49 ayat (1)Undang-Undang Nomor 32 Tahun 2004 tentang Pemerintah Daerah, Pasal 46.Undang-Undang Nomor 20 tahun 2003 pasal 1 Tentang Sistem Pendidikan Nasioal, Pasal 49.Undang-Undang Nomor 32 Tahun 2004 tentang Pemerintah Daerah, Pasal 46.Undang-Undang Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 tentang MPR, Pasal 3 ayat (1)Undang-Undang Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 tentang Presiden Republik Indonesia memegang kekuasaan Pemerintahan menurut Undang-undang Dasar, Pasal 4 ayat (1)Undang-Undang Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 tentang Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat memegang kekuasaan membentuk undang-undang, Pasal 20 ayat (1)Undang-Undang Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 tetang Kekuasaan kehakiman, Pasal 24 ayat (2).Undang-Undang Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 tentang pengelolaan dan tanggung-jawab tentang keuangan negara, Pasal 23 E ayat (1).Undang-Undang Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 tentang Otonomi Daerah, Pasal 18 ayat (1).Undang-Undang Nomor 17 Tahun 2014 tentang MPR, DPR, DPD, dan DPRD, Bab V DPRD Provinsi, dan pasal 217.Undang-Undang Nomor 23 Tahun 2014 tentang Pemerintah Daerah dan Tata Tertib DPRDPeraturan Pemerintah Nomor 25 Tahun 2004 tentang Pedoman Penyusunan Tata Tertib DPRD, Pasal 43.Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor : 013/PUU-VI/2008, Perihal Pengujian UU No 15 Tahun 2008.Peraturan DPRD Provinsi DKI Jakarta No. 1 Tahun 2014 tentang Tata Tertib Anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah.BPS Prov DKI Jakarta, Statistik Kesejahteraan Jakarta,2016.
C. Internethttp://jakarta.bps.go.id/backend/pdf_publikasi/Jakarta-Dalam-Angka-2016.pdf
http://dprd-dkijakartaprov.go.id/
http://peraturan.go.id/pp/nomor-25-tahun-2004 11e44c4edccf11e0b846313231373132.html
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Gartshore, Heather. "Called to Serve, Shunned as Citizens: How the Australian Women’s Land Army Was Recruited and Abandoned by the Labor Government." Labour History: Volume 117, Issue 1 117, no. 1 (November 1, 2019): 135–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jlh.2019.21.
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The establishment and contribution of the Australian Women’s Land Army (AWLA) during World War II was welcomed by farmers. At that time prime ministers and premiers, along with a range of politicians, labelled their work as a vital war service, applauding their efforts as enabling Australia’s victory. However, in 1945, and following the war, key political leaders turned their back on this appreciation, denying the AWLA access to post-war benefits and services. This paper documents the reasons for the work of the AWLA from 1942 to 1945 and traces how the Labor Government in 1945 dismissed their contribution. It argues that to a large extent, this responsibility for denying the women the recognition and benefits that had been promised was a betrayal of the women they had called in to service.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Australia Politics and government 1945-"
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Scalmer, Sean. "The career of class : intellectuals and the labour movement in Australia 1942-56." Phd thesis, Department of Government, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8922.
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Hayman, Christopher Charles Douglas School of Politics & International Relations UNSW. "The balance of power in Second World War Australia :the deliberative role of Coles and Wilson in the House of Representatives from 1940." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Politics and International Relations, 2005. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/22446.
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The problem being investigated is the historical situation relating to two independent MPs holding the balance of power in the Australian House of Representatives in 1940 and 1941. The two MPs, Arthur Coles and Alex Wilson, supported the conservative Menzies and Fadden governments before shifting their support (on October 3 1941) to the Labor Party led by Curtin. The procedure followed is the examination, in the form of a historical narrative, of primary evidence in private papers (such as Coles???s), analysis of Hansard (CPD), local and metropolitan newspapers. Also examined are references to the two independents in secondary literature. The key focus of interest will be the idea that chance or serendipity played a major role in achieving all the key outcomes which many Australians (and historians like Hasluck) often otherwise depict as the triumph of good sense within a supposedly non-problematic twoparty political system which self-selected the best possible leadership during time of war. Coles took over the seat of a popular Cabinet minister who had died in an air disaster. Coles???s and Wilson???s holding the balance of power was another extreme aberration, as no House of Representatives from 1906 to 1940, and none since, has not had either of the two party blocs (Labor and anti-Labor) without a majority. Hasluck, the most influential historian of Australian politics during the 1939-1945 war, viewed the fact of Coles???s and Wilson???s serendipity as evidence, in itself, of their wider historical, ideological and political irrelevance. The general results obtained by pursuing a critical historical narrative approach is that a strong counter-argument has been developed that suggests that Hasluck (and wider historical memory) has insufficiently valued as historical factors Coles???s and Wilson???s ideological aims. Coles was a representative of business progressivism and Wilson of agrarian socialism. The major conclusion reached is that Coles???s and Wilson???s wider aims led them to adopt the tactic of timing their shift to Labor so as to maximize their ideological influence on the Labor administration that would result whenever they decided to exercise their entirely serendipitously attained balance of power.
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Ferranti, Richard de. "Evatt and the Manus Negotiations." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112094.
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Most histories of Australian-American relations in
the period immediately after the war mention, at least in
passing, the curious phenomenon of Australia at tempting to
bargain with the United States over the US’ rights to use a
base which the Americans themselves had built on Australian
mandated territory in the process of beating back the
Japanese from Australian shores. Manus Island, previously shrouded in obscruity, became the focus of an extended debate both in parliament and in the press over the state of Australia's relations with the USA and whether or not Dr. Evatt's 'wheeling and dealing' on the matter had contributed to a perceived deterioration in the Australian-US relationship, considered to have been so close during the war.
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Baird, Julia Woodlands. "Housewife superstars : female politicians and the Australian print media, 1970-1990." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/18048.
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This thesis focuses on the relationship between female politicians and the press in Australia - how they were interviewed and reported on, and how their public image was shaped, between 1970 and 1990. Making use of frame analysis, it examines the way the media framed women elected to parliament, and reveals a pattern of coverage which consistently portrayed women as outsiders in a male political realm. However, it also reveals that the coverage changed over time. There were four major frames through which female politicians were viewed. The ‘iron lady’ frame involved a search for Australia’s first woman Prime Minister, and compared femininity to the exercise of power or authority. The ‘housewife’ frame focused on women politician’s domestic responsibilities, and sprang from an anxiety about the impact of women’s participation in the public sphere on the private sphere. The ‘body’ frame drew attention to women’s weight, appearance and sex lives, often to either explain or query their political success. Finally, the ‘feminist’ frame centered on questions which asked women MPs to define themselves as feminists, and sought their opinions only on narrowly defined women’s issues. Frames were determined by the hook, the headline, and the choice of photograph as well as the narrative of newspaper articles, and repetition of descriptive words. Each frame evolved over time, and each has been shaped by female politician’s criticisms of their treatment at the hands of the press. This thesis shows the previously unexamined relationship between female politicians and the Australian print media is not static or unilateral, but symbiotic, dialogic and constantly changing. As a forum for a broader societal debate about the role of women, the major metropolitan newspapers sustained and shaped, but also undermined a separate spheres ideology. The print media was not monolithic, and competing viewpoints were aired in editorials, articles, comment and opinion pieces. Female journalists in particular played a critical role in introducing and sustaining a debate about a gender bias in political reporting, in the press. I argue analyses must incorporate the agency of women politicians in order to understand the complexities of the women’s responses and resistance to their portrayal as ‘housewife superstars’ in the press, as well as the possibilities for change.
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Winton, Brett Andrew. "Secession in Bougainville and the Australian government response." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1993. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/26637.
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Bougainville is part of the North Solomons Province of Papua New Guinea and is located nearly 1,000 kilometres from Port Moresby (refer to maps on pages 3 and 4). In November 1988, a dispute at the Panguna copper mine on the island between landowner s and the owners of the mine, Bougainville Copper Limited (BCL), erupted into violence. The subsequent formation of the Bougainville Revolutionary Army and demands for secession led to the most serious political and economic problems facing Papua New Guinea (PNG) since independence was granted in 1975.
In the four years since the initial trouble began, more than 1,500 people have been killed - in military conflict on the islands of Bougainville and Buka, and the mine, which until 1989 provided employment for 3,500 people, has closed.1 A blockade of Bougainville by Guinea Defence Force (PNGDF) resulted in shortages of food, fuel and the Papua New medical supplies to the island, the latter resulting in the deaths of 3,000 innocent civilians.2 Terence Wesley-Sm ith of the University of Hawaii writes, " Except for the independence struggle in Irian Jaya, no other conflict in the Pacific Islands region has produced this level of human suffering since World War 11.3 The Namaliu Government and the country's image abroad were weakened by allegations of human rights abuses and indiscipline amongst the security forces. The role of the Australian Government, largely through its training of military personnel and the supply of military hardware to the PNGDF, has also been placed under scrutiny by a Commonwealth parliamentary committee and human rights activists.
The dispute has had a significant impact on the economy of the mainland. Closure of the mine resulted in the loss of approximately 40 per cent of export earnings for the country and 17 per cent of the Government's budget revenue. The blockade of Bougainville led to the loss of export earnings from cocoa (45 per cent of PNG's total cocoa production), copra (the province was the second highest producers of copra) and timber. The loss of national income from the mine and other cash crops forced the Government to announce in January 1990 a 10 per cent devaluation of the kina, cuts in government recurrent spending and a firmer line on wage increases.
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Chartprasert, Kiattikhun. "Australia and the Kampuchean problem : Thai perspectives." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112144.
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Throughout recorded history, Indochina has experienced conflict, turbulence and violence. One of the first recorded conflicts was in the first century A. D. when the Hung Sisters led a revolt in Northern Vietnam against Chinese domination. Ever since, relations with China have included long periods of peace and stability broken by conflict, invasion and resistance. But it was not until the United States directly participated in Vietnamese affairs following the French withdrawal after the battle of Dien Bien Phu and the Geneva Settlement of 1954 that the region has been the scene of "superpower rivalry". The wars which have engulfed the Indochina states over the past 30 years have brought untold human suffering and misery. When hostilities finally ceased as a result of the communist victories in Indochina in mid 1970s, the world looked forward hopefully to a long period of peace in which the well-being of the people of the region could be advanced and assured. Unfortunately, conflicts and instability have broken out anew.
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Fischer, Nick 1972. "The savage within : anti-communism, anti-democracy and authoritarianism in the United States and Australia, 1917-1935." Monash University, School of Historical Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9124.
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Dann, Christine R. "From earth's last islands: The global origins of Green politics." Lincoln University, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10182/1905.
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Since World War Two the world has undergone a profound economic and political transformation, from an international economy and internationalist politics to a global economy and globalist politics. The Bretton Woods international financial institutions have 'structurally adjusted' Third World countries, and similar structural reforms have occurred in First World countries. The environmental consequences of globalising economic activity have been severe and also global; the social consequences of the structural reform process are equally severe. National sovereignty has been radically compromised by globalisation, and previous nationally-based initiatives to manage the activities of capital in order to mitigate its negative impacts on society and the environment, such as social democrat/labour politics, have ceded their authority to globalism. Green parties have arisen to contest the negative environmental and social consequences of the global expansion of capital, and are replacing socialist parties as a global antisystemic political force. Green politics had its origins in the world-wide 'new politics' of the New Left and the new social movements of the 1960s, and the world's first two Green parties were formed in Australia and New Zealand in 1972. A general history of the global forces which gave rise to Green politics, and a specific history of the first two Green parties, demonstrate the interplay of global and local political forces and themes, and provide an opportunity to redefine the core elements of Green politics.
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Carey, Patrick Bernard 1946. "Administrative jurisdiction and coordination : the case of the Australian Department of Urban and Regional Development 1972-5." Phd thesis, Department of Government and Public Administration, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/4128.
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Orchard, Lionel. "Whitlam and the cities : urban and regional policy and social democratic reform." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1987. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pho641.pdf.
Full textBooks on the topic "Australia Politics and government 1945-"
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Lopez, Mark. The origins of multiculturalism in Australian politics, 1945-1975. Carlton South, Vic: Melbourne University Press, 2000.
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The politics of sex: Prostitution and pornography in Australia since 1945. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997.
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Poeze, Harry A. PKI SIBAR: Persekutuan aneh antara Pemerintah Belanda dan orang komunis di Australia, 1943-1945. Depok: Komunitas Bambu, 2014.
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Armed & ready: The industrial development & defence of Australia, 1900-1945. Sydney: Turton & Armstrong, 1994.
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Hughes, Colin A. A handbook of Australian government and politics, 1985-1999. Annandale, N.S.W: Federation Press, 2002.
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The Indochinese in Australia, 1975-1995: From burnt boats to barbecues. Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1996.
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L, Wheelwright E., ed. False paradise: Australian capitalism revisited, 1915-1955. Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1998.
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Loughnane, Brian. 60 years of achievement for Australia: The Liberal Party of Australia, 1944-2004. Edited by Liberal Party of Australia. Kingston, A.C.T: Liberal Party of Australia, 2006.
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Australia and the Jewish refugees, 1933-1948. Sydney, NSW: Croom Helm Australia, 1985.
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Viviani, Nancy. The Indochinese in Australia, 1975-1995: From burnt boats to barbecues. Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1996.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Australia Politics and government 1945-"
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Lynch, Gordon. "‘If We Were Untrammelled by Precedent…’: Pursuing Gradual Reform in Child Migration, 1954–1961." In UK Child Migration to Australia, 1945-1970, 243–97. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-69728-0_7.
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AbstractThis chapter examines how British child migration policy became caught up in the political sensitivities of post-war assisted migration. By 1950, officials in the Commonwealth Relations Office were becoming increasingly doubtful about the strategic and economic value of assisted migration, but also concerned about adverse political reaction in Australia to any scaling back of this work. An agreement was reached between the Commonwealth Relations and Home Office in 1954 to continue child migration on the basis of encouraging gradual reform of standards in Australia. In 1956, a UK Government Fact-Finding Mission in 1956 recommended more urgent controls over child migration, but this was rejected by an inter-departmental review in view of these wider political sensitivities. Despite introducing more limited monitoring, British policy-makers struggled to reconcile their knowledge of failings in some Australian institutions with the political challenge of trying to address these in the absence of co-operation from the Australian Government.
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Woldendorp, Jaap, Hans Keman, and Ian Budge. "Australia." In Party Government in 48 Democracies (1945–1998), 100–112. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-2547-7_4.
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Jaensch, Dean. "Responsible Cabinet Government." In The Politics of Australia, 139–67. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-15148-6_6.
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Lynch, Gordon. "‘Australia as the Coming Greatest Foster-Father of Children the World Has Ever Known’: The Post-war Resumption of Child Migration to Australia, 1945–1947." In UK Child Migration to Australia, 1945-1970, 131–89. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-69728-0_5.
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AbstractThis chapter examines the policy context and administrative systems associated with the resumption of assisted child migration from the United Kingdom to Australia in 1947. During the Second World War, the Australian Commonwealth Government came to see child migration as an increasingly important element in its wider plans for post-war population growth. Whilst initially developing a plan to receive up to 50,000 ‘war orphans’ shortly after the war in new government-run cottage homes, the Commonwealth Government subsequently abandoned this, partly for financial reasons. A more cost-effective strategy of working with voluntary societies, and their residential institutions, was adopted instead. Monitoring systems of these initial migration parties by the UK Government were weak. Whilst the Home Office began to formulate policies about appropriate standards of care for child migrants overseas, this work was hampered by tensions between the Home Office and the Commonwealth Relations Office about the extent to control over organisations in Australia was possible.
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Lynch, Gordon. "Flawed Progress: Criticisms of Residential Institutions for Child Migrants in Australia and Policy Responses, 1939–1945." In UK Child Migration to Australia, 1945-1970, 55–90. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-69728-0_3.
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AbstractThe positive view of child migration held by UK Government officials in the inter-war period was not based on any regular system of inspections of the institutions in Australia to which children were sent. During the Second World War, UK Government officials became more of reported problems at several of these institutions, relating to standards of accommodation, management, care, training and after-care. This chapter traces the growing awareness of these problems and the UK Government’s response to them. Whilst policy-makers’ positive assumptions about child migration were challenged, and specific issues and institutions were known to require significant improvement, overall confidence in the value of child migration remained. Despite evidence of organisational failings in Australia, Australian welfare professionals were trusted to address these problems, and suggestions about the need for greater control from the United Kingdom were seen as a backward-looking attempt to limit the autonomy of Britain’s Dominions.
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Lynch, Gordon. "‘A Serious Injustice to the Individual’: British Child Migration to Australia as Policy Failure." In UK Child Migration to Australia, 1945-1970, 1–22. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-69728-0_1.
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AbstractThe Introduction sets this book in the wider context of recent studies and public interest in historic child abuse. Noting other international cases of child abuse in the context of public programmes and other institutional contexts, it is argued that children’s suffering usually arose not from an absence of policy and legal protections but a failure to implement these effectively. The assisted migration of unaccompanied children from the United Kingdom to Australia is presented, particularly in the post-war period, as another such example of systemic failures to maintain known standards of child welfare. The focus of the book on policy decisions and administrative systems within the UK Government is explained and the relevance of this study to the historiography of child migration and post-war child welfare is also set out.
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Lynch, Gordon. "‘The Risk Involved is Inappreciable… and the Gain Exceptional’: Child Migration to Australia and Empire Settlement Policy, 1913–1939." In UK Child Migration to Australia, 1945-1970, 23–53. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-69728-0_2.
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AbstractThis chapter examines the development of UK child migration to Australia in the inter-war period. Following the opening of Kingsley Fairbridge’s experimental farm school for child migrants at Pinjarra in 1913, the 1920s and 1930s saw a gradual increase in the number of voluntary societies involved in this work and of residential institutions in Australia receiving child migrants. The growth of these programmes in the wider context of the UK Government’s assisted migration policies is discussed. During the 1930s, the global financial depression weakened governmental support for assisted migration, and greater caution emerged within the UK Government about the value of some planned migration schemes. Nevertheless, by 1939, child migration to Australia was seen by UK policy-makers as a small but important part of the attempt to strengthen ties with Britain’s Dominions and to make more efficient use of their collective human and material resources.
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Lynch, Gordon. "‘Avoiding Fruitless Controversy’: UK Child Migration and the Anatomy of Policy Failure." In UK Child Migration to Australia, 1945-1970, 299–317. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-69728-0_8.
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AbstractThis concluding chapter explores why it was that post-war child migration to Australia was allowed to resume and continue by the UK Government despite known failings in these schemes. It is argued that one factor was the sheer administrative complexity of a multi-agency programme operating over different national jurisdictions and large distances which made control and oversight of conditions for British child migrants harder to achieve. Despite concerns that the post-war welfare state would be a powerful, centralised mechanism, the history of these programmes demonstrates British policy-makers’ sense of the limits of their powers—limits arising from lack of resource, the perceived need to avoid unproductive conflict with powerful stakeholders, the wish to respect boundaries of departmental policy remits and assumptions about the value of following policy precedents. The chapter concludes by considering how fine-grained analyses of such policy failures can contribute to public debates about suitable redress.
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Jones, Bryan D., and Walter Williams. "The Rise and Decline of Reality-Based Policy Making in the Federal Government: 1945–2006." In The Politics of Bad Ideas, 232–60. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315662411-9.
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Ward, Damen. "Imperial Policy, Colonial Government, and Indigenous Testimony in South Australia and New Zealand in the 1840s." In Law and Politics in British Colonial Thought, 229–47. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230114388_13.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Australia Politics and government 1945-"
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Amirjani, Rahmatollah. "Labour Housing and the Normalisation of Modernity in 1970s Iran." In The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online: SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a4020p1tmw.
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In the 1970s, rapid modernisation fuelled population displacement and increased the number of workers in the large cities of Iran, in particular Tehran. In response, the Imperial Government initiated several housing programs focusing on the provision of megastructures on a large scale. Consequently, a new opposition formed among some sectors of society, regarding the dissemination of gigantic buildings in the International or Brutalist styles. Critics and clerics argued that the radical government interventions not only polarised the image of Islamic identity in cities, but also affected the behaviour of people towards, and their opinions concerning, the Islamic lifestyle. Additionally, some claimed the state aimed to normalise its project of modernity and rapid westernisation for the mid- and lower classes using housing. In this regard, this article investigates the 1970s imperial government social housing programs to verify these claims. Using an extensive literature review, documentary research, observation, and descriptive data analysis, this article argues that, despite the government politics and modernisation tendencies in the 1970s, consumerism, political competition, the state of Cold War, and the emergence of new construction techniques, all resulted in the emergence of mass-produced megastructures offering a new luxurious lifestyle to residents. While the life and hygiene of the different classes were improved, these instant products inevitably facilitated the normalisation of Western lifestyle among the mid- and low-income groups of the society. Eventually, this visible social transition was utilised by opposition leaders as another excuse to topple the Pahlavi regime under the 1979 Islamic Revolution.
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إسماعيل جمعه, كويان, and محمد إسماعيل جمعه. ""Forced displacement and its consequences Khanaqin city as a model"." In Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/36.
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"Humanity has known (forced displacement) as one of the inhuman phenomena, and international law considers it a war crime, and the forcibly displaced area is subjected to various types of psychological, physical, cultural and ethnic torture. Khanaqin has been subjected to more displacement compared to the rest of Iraq's cities, and forced displacement is a systematic practice carried out by governments or armed groups intolerant towards groups that differ from them in religion, sect, nationalism, belief, politics, or race, with the aim of evacuating lands and replacing groups other population instead. Forced displacement is either direct, i.e. forcibly removing residents from their areas of residence, or indirect, such as using means of intimidation, persecution, and sometimes murder. This phenomenon varies in the causes and motives that depend on conflicts and wars, and greed, as well as dependence on cruelty in dealing and a tendency to brutality and barbarism. With regard to forced displacement in Iraq before the year 2003 AD, it was a systematic phenomenon according to a presidential law away from punishment, and it does not constitute a crime, as evidenced by the absence of any legal text referring to it in the Iraqi Penal Code, but after the year 2003 AD, criminal judgments were issued against the perpetrators of forced displacement. For the period between 17/7/1967 to 1/5/2003 CE, displacement cases were considered a terrorist crime, and consideration of them would be the jurisdiction of the Iraqi Central Criminal Court. The deportations from the city of Khanaqin were included in the forced displacement, by forcibly transferring the civilian population from the area to which they belong and reside to a second area that differs culturally and socially from the city from which they left. Al-Anbar governorate identified a new home for the displaced residents of Khanaqin, first, and then some of the southern governorates. We find other cases of forced displacement, for example, what happened to the Faili Kurds. They were expelled by a presidential decision, and the decision stated: (They were transferred to Nakra Salman, and then they were deported to Iran). These cases of deportation or displacement have led to the emergence of psychological effects on the displaced, resulting from the feeling of persecution and cultural extermination of the traditions of these people, and the obliteration of their national identity, behavior and practices. After the year 2003 AD, the so-called office for the return of property appeared, and there was a headquarters in every governorate, Except in Diyala governorate, there were two offices, the first for the entire governorate, and the second for Khanaqin district alone, and this indicates the extent of injustice, displacement, deportation, tyranny, and extermination that this city was subjected to. The crimes of forced displacement differ from one case to another according to their causes, origins, goals and causes - as we mentioned - but there are expansive reasons, so that this reason is limited to greed, behavior, cruelty, brutality and barbarism. But if these ideas are impure and adopted by extremists, then they cause calamity, inequality and discrimination, forcing the owners of the land to leave. In modern times, the crime of forced displacement has accompanied colonial campaigns to control other countries, so that displacement has become part of the customs of war, whether in conflicts external or internal. Forced displacement has been criminalized and transformed from an acceptable means of war to a means that is legally and internationally rejected by virtue of international law in the twentieth century, especially after the emergence of the United Nations charter in 1945 AD And the two Additional Protocols attached to the Geneva Conventions of 1977 AD, as well as declarations, , conventions and international conferences that included explicit legal texts criminalizing forced displacement as a universal principle of genocide. My approach in this study is a field-analytical approach, as I present official data and documents issued by the competent authorities and higher government agencies before the year 2003 AD, and indicate the coordinates and modalities of the process of displacement and deportation, as well as an interview with the families of the displaced, taking some information and how to coexist with their new imposed situation. forcibly on them."
Reports on the topic "Australia Politics and government 1945-"
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Tyson, Paul. Australia: Pioneering the New Post-Political Normal in the Bio-Security State. Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp10en.
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This paper argues that liberal democratic politics in Australia is in a life-threatening crisis. Australia is on the verge of slipping into a techno-feudal (post-capitalist) and post-political (new Centrist) state of perpetual emergency. Citizens in Australia, be they of the Left or Right, must make an urgent attempt to wrest power from an increasingly non-political Centrism. Within this Centrism, government is deeply captured by the international corporate interests of Big Tech, Big Natural Resources, Big Media, and Big Pharma, as beholden to the economic necessities of the neoliberal world order (Big Finance). Australia now illustrates what the post-political ‘new normal’ of a high-tech enabled bio-security state actually looks like. It may even be that the liberal democratic state is now little more than a legal fiction in Australia. This did not happen over-night, but Australia has been sliding in this direction for the past three decades. The paper outlines that slide and shows how the final bump down (covid) has now positioned Australia as a world leader among post-political bio-security states.